IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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■<<  Ui   12.2 


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HiotDgraphic 
.Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WtST  MAIN  STRICT 

WIBSTH.N.Y.  I45M 

(716)  •72-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHJVI/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  da  microraproductions  historiques 


\ 


\ 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notaa/Notas  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquaa 


The  Inatituta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  ccpy  availabia  for  filming.  Fa«ifturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  uniqua, 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction,  or  which  may  aignificantly  changa 
tha  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackad  balow. 


D 


D 


n 
n 


n 


Colourad  covara/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I      I    Covara  damagad/ 


Couvartura  andommag6a 

Covara  rastorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  raataurte  at/ou  pailiculAa 


I      I    Covar  title  miaaing/ 


La  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I      I    Colourad  mapa/ 


Cartea  g^ographiquas  en  couleur 

Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black}/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


Coloured  platea  and/or  iliuatrationa/ 
Planchaa  at/ou  iliuatrationa  en  couleur 


Bound  with  other  material/ 
Relii  avec  d'autrea  documenta 

Tight  binding  may  cauae  ahadowa  or  diatortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  iiure  serrie  peut  cauaar  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
diatortion  ie  long  de  la  marge  int6riei>'e 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  ae  peut  que  certainas  pagea  blanches  ajouttea 
lora  d'une  restauration  apparaiaaent  dana  Ie  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6talt  possible,  ces  pagea  n'ont 
pas  At6  fiimdas. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppldmentaires: 


L'Institut  a  microfiimA  Ie  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'll  lul  a  At4  poaaible  de  «e  procurer.  Lea  d6tails 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  aont  paut-Atre  uniquea  du 
point  da  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  raproduite.  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dana  la  mAthode  normala  de  fllmage 
aont  indiquAs  ci-deaaoua. 


I      I   Coloured  pagei/ 


• 


D 


Pagea  de  couleur 

Pagea  damage<l/ 
Pagea  andomn'iagAaa 

Pagea  reatorad  and/or  laminated/ 
Pagea  rastaurAes  at/ou  pelliculAea 

Pagea  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pagea  ddcolorAas.  tachetAes  ou  piquAes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  dAtachAes 


Showthrough/ 
Tranaparance 


|~~|    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


QuaiitA  inAgale  de  i'impreaaion 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplAmentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obacured  by  errata 
slips,  tissuea,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
enaure  the  beat  poaaible  image/ 
Lea  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obacurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure. 
etc..  ont  6*4  filmAea  A  nouveau  de  fapon  6 
obtenir  la  r.ieilleure  image  poaaible. 


The  c< 
to  the 


The  in 
poaalb 
of  the 
filmini 


Origin 
begini 
the  lai 
aion, 
other 
firat  Pi 
aion, 
or  lllut 


The  la: 
ahall  c 
TINUE 
whichi 

IMapa, 
differs 
entirel 
beginn 
right  a 
require 
metho 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film*  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

y 

12X 


16X 


20X 


24X 


28X 


32X 


laire 
■  details 
|u«s  du 
It  modifier 
liger  uno 
a  filmaga 


Tha  copy  filmad  hara  haa  baan  raproducad  thanka 
to  tha  ganaroaity  of: 

National  Library  of  Canada 


Tha  imagaa  appearing  hara  ara  tha  baat  quality 
poaaibia  considaring  tha  condition  and  lagibility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  apacificationa. 


L'axamplaira  film*  fut  reproduit  grice  A  la 
g*nAro8it4  da: 

OibliothAque  nationala  du  Canada 


Lea  imagaa  auivantea  ont  AtA  reproduitea  avac  la 
plua  grend  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
da  la  nettetA  de  i'oxemplaire  filmA,  et  en 
conformity  avac  lea  conditiona  du  contrat  de 
filmaga. 


J/ 
luAes 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illuatrated  imprea- 
aion,  or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
firat  page  with  a  printed  or  illuatrated  imprea- 
aion,  and  ending  on  the  laat  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impreasion. 


Lea  axempleirea  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprim^  sont  filmto  en  commenpant 
par  la  premier  plat  et  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impreasion  ou  d'illustrotion,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  aalon  le  caa.  Toua  lea  autres  axempleirea 
originaux  sont  filmte  an  commandant  par  la 
pramlAre  pege  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impreasion  ou  d'iiiuatration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
ehall  contain  tha  aymbol  ^^>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  eymbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  eppliea. 


Un  dea  aymboiaa  suivants  apparattra  sur  la 
darnlAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
CBs:  le  symbole  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


lire 


Meps.  plates,  charta,  etc.,  mey  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  retioa.  Those  too  lerge  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  ere  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hend  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  aa  many  framea  aa 
required.  The  following  diegrama  illustrate  the 
method: 


Lea  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
film6a  A  das  taux  de  rMuction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grend  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  11  est  film*  A  psrtir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  geuche  h  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  baa,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nAcesseire.  Lee  diagrammes  auivants 
illustrent  le  mAthode. 


by  errata 
led  to 

ent 

me  pelure, 

apon  A 


1 

2 

3 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA 


€t 


^ngU0D  CrplorattoiijBi 

AND 

^cttlcmcntj8 

IN 

Nortb  America 
1497-1689 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL 


HISTORY  OF  AMERICA 


EDITED 


By    JUSTIN     WINSOR 

I.niHARIAN    IIF    HARVARD    UNIVERSITY 
COKRESFONUISr.   SECKETARV   MASSACIIUSRTTS    HISTORKAL  SOCIETY 


Vol.  Ill 


BOSTON  AND  NEW  YORK 
HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND   COMPANY 


Copyright,  188^ 
By  Jajies  R.  Osgood  and  Company 

Ail  rights  reserved. 


T»*  Rivertidf  Presi,  Cc.mfriJge,  Misi.,  U.  S.  A. 
Printed  by  H.  O.  Houghioo  &  Company. 


CONTENTS    AND    ILLUSTRATIONS. 


[  Tht  English  arms  oh  th*  litU  art  cofUd/rom  Iht  Mo/iHtaux  ma/,  daUd  1600.] 


CHAPTER  I. 

Pacb 

The  Voyages  of  the  Cabots.     Charles  Deane i 

Illustration  :  Sebastian  Cabot,  5. 

Autographs  :  Henry  VII..  i ;  Henry  VIII,  4;  Edward  VI.,  6j  Queen  Mary,  7. 

Critical  Essay y 

Illustrations  :  La  Cosa  map  (i5oo),{ac-sijnfle,8 ;  Ruysch's  map  (i5o8),9;  Oron- 
tius  Fine's  map  (1531),  11  j  Stobnicza'i  map  (1512),  13;  Page  of  Peter  Mar- 
tyr  in  fac-simile,  15 ;  Thome's  map  (1527),  17;  Sebastian  Cabot's  map  (1544). 
22;  Lok's  map  (1582),  40;  Hakluyt-Martyr  map  (1587),  42;  Portuguese  Por- 
tolano  (1514-1520),  56. 

CHAPTER  n. 

Hawkins  and  Drake.     Edward  E.  Hale 59 

Illustrations:  John  Hawkins,  61;  Zaltieri's  map  (1566),  67;  Furlano's  map 

(1574),  68. 

Autographs  :  John  Hawkins,  61 ;  Francis  Drake,  65. 

Critical  Essay  on  Dr.ake's  Bay 74 

Illustrations:  Modem  map  of  California  coast,  74;  Viscaino's  map  (1602), 
7S;  Dudley's  map  (1646),  76,  77;  Jefferys'  sketch-map  (1753),  77. 

Notes  on  the  Sources  of  INFOR^u^^oN.     The  Editor 78 

Illustrations:  Hondius's  map,  79;  Portus  Novx  Albionis,  80;  Molineaux's 
map  (1600),  80;  Sir  Francis  Drake,  81,  84;  Thomas  Cavendish,  83. 


-•"~r. 


Viii  CONTtNTS. 

CHAITKR    III. 

ExPLURATiuNS  TO  THE  Nokth-West.     CHarlts  C.  Smith 85 

Illus'IRATIonsi  Martin  Fruliiiihcr,  87 ;  Molineaux  glube  (1593),  90;  Molineaux 
map  (1600),  91;  Sir  Thumu  Smitli,  94;  James's  map  uf  Hudson  Hay 
(l6ji),  96. 

At'TiMiRAi'iis:  Martin  Krubislier,  87 ;  John  Davis,  89-,  George  Waymouth,  91 ; 
VVilliani  llatiin,  94. 

CRriicAL  KssAV ." 97 

II.I.USTKATIUN:  I.ulte  Fox's  map  o(  Hatfin's  Hay  (1635),  98. 

The  Zeno  Influence  on  Kari,y  Cariograi'hv  ;    Frobisher's  and  Hudson's 

VovAUE-s.     The  Editor 100 

Illustrations:  The  Zeno  map  {area  1400),  100;  map  in  Wolfe's  Linsckottn 
(1598),  101 ;  Heste's  map  (1578),  102;  Frobisher's  Strait,  103. 

CHAPTER   IV. 

Sir  Walter  Raleuh  :   Seitlements  ai'  Roan(jke  and  Voyages  to  Guiana. 

Williafn  Wirt  Henry 105 

Aui'()*:kai>iis  :  Walter  Ralegh,  105;  (^iicen  Klizabeth,  106;  Ralph  Lane,  no. 

Critical  Essay 121 

Illustrations:  White':*  map  in  Itariot  (1587),  124;  Ue  Laet's  map  (1630),  125 
Al'TodRAl'll :  Francis  liacon,  \i\. 

CHAPTER  V. 

Virginia,  i 606-1 689.     Robert  A.  Brock 127 

Illustrations:  Jamestown,  130;  George  Percy,  134;  .Seal  of  the  Virginia 
Company,  140;  Lord  Delaware,  142. 

Auror.RAPHS:  King  James,  127;  Delaware,  133;  Thomas  Gates,  133;  George 
Percy,  134;  George  Calvert,  14O;  William  Herkeley,  147. 

Critical  Essay 153 

Autocraphs:  William  Strachey,  156;  Delaware,  156;  John  Harvey,  156;  John 
West,  164. 

Notes  on  the  Maps  of  Virginia,  etc.     The  Editor 167 

Illustration  :  Smith's  map  of  Virginia  or  the  Chesapeake,  167. 

CHAFFER  VI. 

NoRUMBEGA  AND  ITS  ENGLISH  EXPLORERS.     Benjamin  F.  De  Costa  ....     169 
Illustration  :  Map  of  Ancient  Pemaquid,  177. 
AUTOGRAl'HS:  J.  Popham,  175;  Ferd.  Gorges,  175. 


CONTKNT8. 


CKfTICAL  KssAV 

IU.li»TllAlloN!ii  Modern  map  <>(  Ciant  of  Maine,  190!  Kenri  II.  map  (IS4j). 
195;  MimmI'ii  map  {iy)i),  i'J7;  Smilh'n  map  o(  New  Kngland  (ItJiO), 
198. 

EaKLIEST   KncI.ISH    rLlll-ICAIUlNS  ON  AMKRICA,  ANII  iriHKR   NoiK.s.      7'/lf  EiUlor 

iLU'tTMATIuNHS  Title  or  Kilcn's  Muiwttr,  joo;  MUnMcr'n  map  (ISJJ).  Jol, 
(1540).  301;  Title  of  Slullilcra  Nauin  (1 570),  JOJ;  CillKrt'x  map  (1576),  Jojj 
l,ln»ihoiin,  la(^\  John  IJ.  Kohl,  J09;  Unox  glolx;  (1510-151]),  i\i\  Kx- 
trait  fr.mi  Molinciux  k'"'"-"  (•59".  ^'Jl  Krankforl  glolw  (IJ15I,  3151 
Molinvaiix  map  (1(100),  3k6. 

AuTiNiRAl'lls:  lliimphrty  tlillwrt,  JOj;  Richard  llakluyt,  304 ;  Jul.  C*Mr,  305; 
Ku.  C'ecyll,  306;  John  Smith,  3ll. 


184 


'99 


CHAITKR   VII. 

The  RK.r.i(ii<)Us  Ki.f.ment  in  the  Srni.KMEvr  of  New  Engi^anu.  —  PuRrrANS 

AND  Separatists  in  Knuland.     George  E.  Ellis aiQ 


Critical  lissAV 


*44 


CHAITER   VIII. 

The  Pilgrim  Church  and  Plymouth  Coix)NV.     Franklin  B.  Dexter  .     .     .     257 

iLLt'STRAlloNS;  Site  of  Scrooby  Manor-llouHc,  3sS  ;  Map  of  Strooliy  and  Au»- 
tcrticid,  359;  Au.HtcrlicId  church,  3(io  ;  Record  uf  William  Kradford'ii  haptinm, 
260;  Kohinson's  IIouhp  in  Leydcn,  263;  I'lan  of  Ixydcn,  3(>y,  Map  of  Cape 
t'od  Harbor,  370;  Map  of  I'lymouth  IIarl)or,  373;  Historic  Swords  374; 
Governor  K«lward  Winslow,  377;  Pilgrim  relics,  379;  Governor  Josiah 
Winslow,  3S2. 

Auroc.RAi'lls:  John  Smyth,  257;  John  RobinHon,  :S9;  Robert  Hrownc,  361; 
Francis  Johnson,  2O1  ;  Si);natures  of  Mayflower  Pilgrims  (William  llrad- 
ford,  Mylcs  Standish,  William  llrcwster,  J<ihn  Alden,  John  Howland, 
Edward  Winslow,  (icor(;e  Soule,  Francis  Katon,  Isaac  Allcrton,  Samuel 
Fuller,  Peregrine  White,  Resolved  White,  John  Cooke),  26S  j  Dorothy  May, 
36S;  William  Itradford,  26K;  Thomas  Cushman,  271;  Alexander  Standiah, 
273;  James  Cole,  senior,  273;  Signers  of  the  Patent,  1631  (Hamilton,  Lenox, 
Warwick,  ShcHield,  Fcrdinando  (lorfjes),  375;  Ciovcrnors  of  Plymouth 
Colony  (William  Uraclford,  Edward  Winslow,  Thomas  Prcnce,  Thomas 
Hinckley,  Josiah  Winslow),  37b. 

Critical  Essay 983 

Ii.i.tisTRATiiiNS!  Extract  from  Hradford's  History,  289;  First  page,  Plymouth 
Records,  292. 

AuTCHiRAPll:   Nathaniel  Morton,  291. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

New  England.     Charles  Deane. 295 

Illustrations:  Dudley's  map  of  New  England  (1646),  303;  Alexander's  map 
(1624),  306;  John  Wilson,  313;  Dr.  John  Clark,  315;  John  Endicott,  317; 
Hingh.im  meeting-house,  319;  Joseph  Dudley,  320;  John  Winthrop  of  Con- 
necticut, 331  ;  John  Davenport,  333;  Map  of  Connecticut  River  (1666),  333. 


CONTENTS. 


Auro«iRAriiti  William  Klaxmn,  jii;  Samu«l  Mavfrick,  jii;  Thnmai  WaN 
ford,  JM  1  Malhew  Crailiick,  jii;  jnhn  Wilmin,  jij;  <^>u4kcr  auloKraphii, 
Jl4i  John  Knilicolt,  jy  ;  Culonul  mininlem  »(  1690  ((.'harlei  Mortnii, 
J*mt%  Allen,  Miihacl  \Vi|mlrtwiirth,  Jiithiia  MimmIv,  Samuel  Willard,  Cot- 
tun  Mather,  Ncheniiah  Waller),  jiyj  Jixcph  Dudley,  Jio;  Abraham  Shurt, 
3111  Thomas  l).iiil<>rth,  jj6i  Thuma*  Hooker,  jjo ;  John  llaynci,  jjl; 
John  Winihrop,  the  younner,  jjl ;  John  Allyn,  335;  William  l'oddini;ton, 
336;  Samuel  (iorloii,  336;  NarratcanMll  proprietor*  (Simon  tlradntrect, 
l)anicl  l>cniiion,  I'homas  Willett,  Jno.  I'aine,  Kdward  llutchiniion,  Amot 
Kichikon,  John  AlcoLke,  (ieorgc  I>eni>on,  William  lludion),  338;  Roger 
Willi.imn,  33'> 

CKmcAi,  KssAv 340 

Itlx'sTRATloNs:  Seal  o(  the  Council  (or  New  Kngland,  341;  Cotton  Mather, 
345  ;  Ship  of  the  wventeenth  century,  347  ;  Kac-nlmile  o(  a  page  of  Thomu 
I.cchford'11  /'/•iiiif  Dfii/inf,  3|;2;  James  SavaKe'n  manuscript  note  on  L'ich- 
(ord,  353;  Beginning  of  Thumaa  Shcpard't  Autobiography,  355. 

Al'lxiiKAPlls  :  Ixadcrs  in  Pequot  war  (John  Masun,  Israel  Stoughlon,  I.ion 
CJardinvr),  34H;  Jonathan  llrewster,  349;  Nathaniel  Ward,  350;  Signatures 
connected  with  the  Indian  llihie  (Robert  lloyle,  IVtcr  Kulkley,  William 
Stoughton,  JoKcph  Dudley,  Thomas  Hinckley.  John  Cottim,  John  Kliot, 
JamcH  Printer),  356;  F.<lward  Johnson,  35.S;  John  Norton,  35.SJ  Kdward 
llurrough,  ;;5i);  koU-rt  I'ike,  359;  llcMJamin  Church,  361  ;  Thomas  Church, 
361  ;  William  llulilurd,  3(0;  Walter  Ncale,  363;  Ferdinando  (iorgcs,  3641 
John  Mason,  jfij;  Roger  (iiMHie,  364;  Thomas  (lorgts,  364;  Connecticut 
secretaries  (John  Sicel,  Kdward  Hopkins,  Thomas  Welles,  John  Cullick, 
Daniel  CKirk,  John  Allyn),  374. 


BiBUOGiLVPHicAL  NuTEs  ;    Earlv  Maps  OF  New  ENGLAND.     TAi  Editor 
Illustratiunsi  Maps  of  New  England  (1C50),  3S2,  (lOtio),  3S3, 
AUTOURAPH  I  John  Carter  Ilrown,  381. 


380 


CHAITER   X. 

The  Enolish  in  New  Y<irk.     yofm  Austin  Stevens 385 

Illustrations:  Sir  Edmund  Andros,  40s;  Great  Seal  of  Andrew,  41a 

AUToc.RAnis:  Commissioners  (Richaril  Nicolls,  Sir  Rol)ert  Carr,  George  Cart- 
wright,  Samuel  Maverick),  388;  Francis  Lovelace,  395;  Thomas  Dongan, 
404;  Jacob  Leisler,  411. 

Critical  Essay 411 

Notes.     The  Editor 414 

Illustrations:  View  nf  New  York  (1673),  416;  View  of  The  Strand,  417) 
I'lan  of  New  York,  41S  ;  Stadthuys  {1679),  419. 

AuTOGRArii;  Thomas  Willett,  414. 

CHAPTER   XI. 


The  English  in  East  and  West  Jersey.  1664- 1689.    JVilHam  A.  JVhitehead  .    421 

Autographs;  King  James,  421 ;  Richard  Nicoll,  421  ;  Robert  Carr,  422;  John 
Hcrkclcy,  422;  G.  Carteret,  423;  Philip  Carteret,  424;  James  Bollen,  428; 
Edward  Byllynge,  430 ;  Gawen  Ijurie.  430;  Nicolas  Lucas,  430;  Edmond 
Warner,  430;  R.  Barclay,  436;  Earl  of  Perth,  439. 


CONTENTS. 


XI 


Critical  Essay 449 

Note.     The  EJUor 455 

iLLUvriUTioNi  Saiuon'i  map  (1656),  456. 

NOTE  ON    NEW  ALBION.      Grtgory  B.  Keen 457 

Ii.i.rsrRMioNs:  Iniignia  o(  the  Albion  knighu,  461 1  Farrer  nup  of  Virginia 
(1651),  465. 

AuTCKiRAi'ii :  Robert  Evelin,  458. 


CHAPTER  XII. 
The  Founding  of  Pf.nnsylvanu.    Frederick  D.  Stone 


469 


Illustrations:  CicurKc  Kox,  470;  William  Penn,  474;  Lctitia  Cottage,  483; 
Seal  and  Signaturci  lu  Frame  of  (iovcrnnicnl,  484  ;  Slate- roof  lloiiic,  492. 

Ai;to<-.raph!Ii  William  I'enn,  474;  Thomas  Wynne,  4i$6;  Charles  Mason,  489; 
Jeremiah  Dixon,  489;  Thomas  Lloyd,  494. 

Critical  Essay 495 

iLLisTRArroNs  :  Title  of  Some  AaouHt,  etc.,  496;  Title  of  Frame  of  GmtrnmenI, 
497;  Receipt  and  Seal  uf  Free  Society  uf  Traders,  49S;  Gabriel  Thomaii's 
map  (1(198;.  joi ;  Seal  of  Pennsylvania,  51 1;  Section  of  Holme's  map  of 
Pennsylvania,  516. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 


The  English  in  Maryland,  1632-1691.     William  T.  Brantly 517 

Illustrations:  George,  first  Lord  lialtimore,  51S;  Ilaltimore  arms,  520;  Map 
of  Maryland  (1635),  525;  Endorsement  of  Toleration  Act,  535;  Ualtimore 
coins,  543  i  Cecil,  second  Lord  lialtimore,  546. 

AUTOf.RAl'lis  :  George,  first  Lord  lialtimore,  518;  Leonard  Calvert,  524;  John 
Lcwger,  528;  Thomas  Greene,  533;  Margaret  Urent,  533 ;  William  Stone, 
534;  Josias  Fendall,  540;  Charles  Calvert,  542. 


Critical  Essay 

Au  rucRAPii :  Thomas  Yong,  558. 


553 


INDEX 


563 


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NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL 


HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


CHAPTER   I. 

THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 

BY  CHARLES   DEANE,   LL.D. 

Vkt-PretitUnt,  Mattachusetts  Histarkal  Sotitty. 


"XTTE  derive  our  rights  in  America,"  says  Edmund  Burke,  in  his 
VV  Account  of  the  European  Settlements  in  America,  "from  the  dis- 
covery of  Sebastian  Cabot,  who  first  made  the  Northern  Continent  in  1497. 
The  fact  is  sufficiently  certain  to  establish  a  right  to  our  settlements  in 
North  America."  If  this  distinguished  writer  and  statesman  had  substi- 
tuted the  name  of  John  Cabot  for  that  of  Sebastian,  he  would  have  stated 
the  truth. 

John  Cabot,  as  his  name  is  known  to  English  readers,  or  Zuan  Caboto, 
as  it  is  called  in  the  Venetian  dialect,  the  discoverer  of  North  America,  was 
born,  probably,  in  Genoa  or  its  neighborhood.  His  name  first  appears  In 
the  archives  of  Venice,  where  is  a  record,  under  the  date  of  March  28, 
1476,  of  his  naturalization  as  a  citizen  of  Venice,  after  the  usual  residence 
of  fifteen  years.  He  pursued  successfully  the  study  of  cosmography  and 
the  practice  of  navigation,  and  at  one  time  visited  Ara- 
bia, where,  at  Mecca,  he  saw  the  caravans  which  came 
thither,  and  was  tol  J  that  the  spices  they  brought  were 
received  from  other  hands,  and  that  they  came  orig- 
inally from  the  remotest  countries  of  the  east.  Accept- 
ing the  new  views  as  to  "  the  roundness  of  the  earth,"  as 
Columbus  had  done,  he  was  quite  disposed  to  put  them 
to  a  practical  test.  With  his  wife,  who  was  a  Venetian 
woman,  and  his  three  sons,  he  removed  to  England,  and 
took  up  his  residence  at  the  maritime  city  of  Bristol. 
The  time  at  which  this  removal  took  place  is  uncertain. 
In  the  year  1495  he  laid  his  proposals  before  the  king,  Henry  VII.,  who  on 
the  5th  of  March,  1495  5,  granted  to  him  and  his  three  sons,  their  heirs  and 

VOL.   III.  —  I. 


SIGN   MANUAL  OF 
HENRY    VII. 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Ill 


assigns,  a  patent  for  the  discovery  of  unknown  lands  in  the  eastern,  western, 
or  northern  seas,  with  the  right  to  occupy  such  territories,  and  to  have  ex- 
clusive commerce  with  them,  paying  to  the  King  one  fifth  part  of  all  the 
profits,  and  to  return  to  the  port  of  Bristol.  The  enterprise  was  to  be  "  at 
their  own  proper  cost  and  charge."  la  the  early  part  of  May  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  1497,  Cabot  set  sail  from  Bristol  with  one  small  vessel  and  eighteen 
persons,  principally  of  Bristol,  accompanied,  perhaps,  by  his  son  Sebastian ; 
and,  after  sailing  seven  hundred  leagues,  discovered  land  on  the  24th  of 
June,  which  he  supposed  was  "  in  the  territory  of  tli  Grand  Cham."  The 
legend,  "  prima  tierra  vista,"  was  inscribed  on  a  map  attributed  to  Sebastian 
Crbot,  composed  at  a  later  period,  at  the  head  of  the  delineation  of  the 
island  of  Cape  Breton.  On  the  spot  where  he  landed  he  planted  a  large 
cross,  with  the  flags  of  England  and  of  St.  Mark,  and  took  possession 
for  the  King  of  England.  If  the  statement  be  true  that  he  coasted  three 
hundred  leagues,  he  may  have  made  a  periplus  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
returning  home  through  the  Straits  of  Belle  Isle.  On  his  return  he  saw  two 
islands  on  the  starboard,  but  for  \i  ant  of  provisions  did  not  stop  to  examine 
them.  He  saw  no  human  beings,  but  he  brought  home  certain  implements ; 
and  from  these  and  other  indications  he  believed  that  the  country  was  in- 
habited. He  returned  in  the  early  part  of  August,  having  been  absent  about 
three  months.  The  discovery  which  he  reported,  and  of  which  he  made 
and  exhibited  a  map  and  a  solid  globe,  created  a  great  sensation  in  Eng- 
land. The  King  gave  him  money,  and  also  executed  an  agreement  to  pay 
him  an  annual  pension,  charged  upon  the  revenues  of  the  port  of  Bristol. 
He  dressed  in  silk,  and  was  called,  or  called  himself,  "  the  Great  Admiral." 
Preparations  were  made  for  another  and  a  larger  expedition,  evidently  for 
the  purpose  of  colonization,  and  hopes  were  cherished  of  further  important 
discoveries;  for  Cabot  believed  that  by  starting  from  the  place  already 
found,  and  coasting  toward  the  equinoctial,  he  should  discover  the  island 
of  Cipango,  the  land  of  jewels  and  spices,  by  which  they  hoped  to  make 
in  London  a  greater  warehouse  of  spices  than  existed  in  Alexandria. 
His  companions  told  marvellous  stories  about  the  abundance  of  fish  in 
the  waters  of  that  coast,  which  might  foster  an  enterprise  that  would 
wholly  supersede  the  fisheries  of  Iceland.  On  the  3d  of  February  1497,  8 
the  King  granted  to  John  Cabot  (the  son<;  are  not  named)  a  license  to 
take  up  six  ships,  and  to  enlist  as  many  men  as  should  be  willing  to  go 
on  the  new  expedition.  He  set  sail,  says  Hakluyt,  quoting  Fabian,  in  the 
beginning  of  May,  with,  it  is  supposed,  three  hundred  men,  and  accom- 
panied by  his  son  Sebastian.  One  of  the  vessels  put  back  to  Ireland  in 
distress,  but  the  others  continued  on  their  voyage.  This  is  the  last  we  hear 
of  John  Cabot.  His  maps  are  lost.  It  is  believed  that  Juan  de  la  Cosa, 
the  Spanish  pilot,  who  in  the  year  1500  made  a  map  of  the  Spanish  and 
English  discoveries  in  the  New  World,  made  use  of  maps  of  the  Cabots 
now  lost. 

Sebastian  Cabot,  the  second  son  of  John  Cabot,  was  born  in  Venice, 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


probably  about  the  year  1473.  He  was  early  devoted  to  the  study  of 
cosmography,  in  which  science  his  father  had  become  a  proficient,  and 
Sebastian  was  largely  imbued  with  the  same  spirit  of  enterprise;  and  on 
the  removal  of  his  father  with  his  family  to  England,  he  lived  with  them  at 
Bristol.  His  name  first  occurs  in  the  letters  patent  of  Henry  VH.,  dated 
March  5,  1495  g,  issued  to  John  Cabot  and  his  three  sons,  Lewis,  Se- 
bastian, and  Sancius,  and  to  their  heirs  and  assigns,  authorizing  them  to 
discover  unknown  lands.  There  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  he  accom- 
panied his  father  in  the  expedition,  already  mentioned,  on  which  the  first 
discovery  of  North  America  was  made ;  but  in  none  of  the  contemporary 
documents  which  have  recently  come  to  light  respecting  this  voyage  is  Se- 
bastian's name  mentioned  as  connected  with  it.  A  second  expedition,  as 
already  stated,  followed,  and  John  Cabot  is  distinctly  named  as  having  sailed 
with  it  as  its  commander ;  but  thenceforward  he  passes  out  of  sight.  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  without  doubt,  accompanied  the  expedition.  No  contemporary 
account  of  it  was  written,  or  at  least  published,  and  for  the  incidents  of  the 
voyage  we  are  mainly  indebted  to  the  reports  of  others  written  at  a  later 
period,  and  derived  originally  from  conversations  with  Sebastian  Cabot  him- 
self; in  all  of  which  the  father's  name,  except  incidentally,  as  having  taken 
Sebastian  to  England  when  he  was  very  yout;g,  is  not  mentioned.  In  these 
several  reports  but  one  voyage  i  ■  spoken  of,  and  that,  apparently,  the  voyage 
on  which  the  discovery  of  North  America  was  made ;  but  circumstances  are 
narrated  in  them  which  could  have  taken  place  only  on  the  second  or  a  later 
voyage. 

With  a  company  of  three  hundred  men,  the  little  fleet  steered  its  course 
in  the  direction  of  the  northwest  in  search  of  the  land  of  Cathay.  They 
came  to  a  coast  running  to  the  north,  which  they  followed  to  a  great  dis- 
tance, where  they  found,  in  the  month  of  July,  large  bodies  of  ice  floating 
in  the  water,  and  almost  continual  daylight.  Failing  to  find  the  passage 
sought  around  this  formidable  headland,  they  turned  their  prows  and,  as 
one  account  says,  sought  refreshment  at  Baccalaos.  Thence,  coasting 
southwards,  they  ran  down  to  about  the  latitude  of  Gibraltar,  or  36°  N., 
still  in  search  of  a  passage. to  India,  when,  their  provisions  failing,  they 
returned  to  England. 

If  the  views  expressed  by  John  Cabot,  on  his  return  from  his  first  voy- 
age, had  been  seriously  cherished,  it  seems  strange  that  this  expedition  did 
not,  at  first,  on  arriving  at  the  coast,  pursue  the  more  southerly  direction, 
where  he  was  confident  lay  the  land  of  jewels  and  spices. 

They  landed  in  several  places,  saw  the  natives  dressed  in  skins  of  beasts, 
and  making  use  of  copper.  They  found  the  fish  in  such  great  abundance 
that  the  progress  of  the  ships  was  sometimes  impeded.  The  bears,  which 
were  in  great  plenty,  caught  the  fish  for  food,  —  plunging  into  the  water, 
fastening  their  claws  into  them,  and  dragging  them  to  the  shore.  The 
expedition  was  expected  back  by  September,  but  it  had  not  returned  by 
the  last  of  October. 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


iK'' 


AUTOGRAPH    OK    HKNRV    VIII. 


There  is  some  evidence  that  Sebastian  Cabot,  at  a  later  period,  sailed 
on  a  voyage  of  discovery  from  England  in  company  with  Sir  Thomas 
Pert,  or  Spcrt,  but  which,  on  account  of  the  cowardice  of  his  com- 
panion, "  took  none  effect."  Hut  the  enterprise  is  involved  in  doubt  and 
obscurity. 

In    1 5 12,  after  the  death  of  Henry  VII.,  and  when   Henry  VIII.  had 

been  three  years  on  the  throne,  Sebastian 
,\-ibot   entered   into   the    service    of  Fer- 

linand,  King  of  Spain,  arriving  at  Seville 
September  of  that  year,  where  he  took 

up  his  residence ;  and  on  the  20th  of 
October  was  appointed  "  Capitan  de  Mar,"  with  an  annual  salary  of  fifty 
thousand  maravedis.'  Preparations  for  a  voyage  of  discovery  were  now 
made,  and  Cabot  was  to  depart  in  March,  1516,  but  the  death  of  Fer- 
dinand prevented  his  sailing.  On  the  5th  of  February,  15 18,  he  was 
named,  by  Charles  V.,  "  Piloto  Mayor  y  ExAminador  de  Pilotos,"  as  suc- 
cessor of  Juan  dc  Solis,  who  was  killed  at  La  Plata  in  15 16.  This  office 
ga\  him  an  additional  salary  of  fifty  thousand  maravcdis;  and  it  was 
soon  afterwards  decreed  that  no  pilots  should  leave  Spain  for  the  Indies 
without  being  examined  and  approved  by  him.  In  1524  he  attended, 
not  as  a  member  but  as  an  expert,  the  celebrated  junta  at  Badajoz, 
which  met  to  decide  the  important  question  of  the  longitude  of  the 
Moluccas,  —  whether  they  were  on  the  Spanish  or  the  Portuguese  side  of 
the  line  of  demarcation  which  followed,  by  papal  consent  in  1494,  a 
meridian  of  longitude,  making  a  fixed  division  of  the  globe,  so  far  as 
yet  undefined,  between  Spain  and  Portugal.  On  the  second  day  of  the 
session,  April  15,  he  and  two  others  delivered  an  opinion  on  the  questions 
involved. 

In  the  following  year  an  expedition  to  the  Moluccas  was  projected,  and 
under  an  agreement  with  the  Emperor,  executed  at  Madrid  on  the  4th  of 
March,  Sebastian  Cabot  was  appointed  its  commander  with  the  title  of 
Captain-General.  The  sailing  of  the  expedition  was  delayed  by  the  in- 
trigues of  the  Portuguese.  In  the  mean  time  his  wife,  Catalina  Medrano, 
who  is  again  mentioned  with  her  children  a  few  years  later,  received  by  a 
royal  order  fifty  thousand  maravedis  as  a  gratificacion.  On  April  3,  1526, 
the  armada  sailed  from  St.  Lucar  for  the  Spice  Islands,  intending  to  pass 
through  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  It  was  delayed  from  point  to  point,  and 
did  not  arrive  on  the  coast  until  the  following  year,  when  Cabot  entered  the 
La  Plata  River.  A  feeling  of  disloyalty  to  their  commander,  the  seeds  ot 
which  had  been  sown  from  the  beginning,  broke  out  in  open  mutiny.  He 
had,  moreover,  lost  one  of  his  vessels  off  the  coast  of  Brazil.  He  therefore 
determined  to  proceed  no  farther  at  present,  to  send  to  the  Emperor  a 
report  of  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  explore  the  La 

'  An  error  in  Kden's  tr.inslation  of  a  passage  in  Peter  Martyr,  written  in  1 51 5,  makes  him  a 
member  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS.  5 

Plata  River,  which  had  been  penetrated  by  Dc  Solis  in  15 15.  He  remained 
in  that  country  for  several  years,  and  returned  in  July  or  August,  1530. 
The  details  of  this  expedition  arc  described  in  another  volume  of  this  work 
and  by  another  hand. 


SEBASTIAN  CABOT.* 


'  [This  cut  follows  a  photograph  taken  from 
the  Chapman  copy  of  the  original.  The  original 
was  engraved  when  owned  by  Charles  J.  Harford, 
Esq.,  for  Seyer's  Memoirs  of  Bristol,  1S24,  vol.  ii. 


p.  20S,  and  a  photo-reduction  of  that  engraving  a|> 
pears  in  Nicholl's  Life  of  Schastinn  Cabot.  ( )ther 
engravings  have  appeared  in  Sparks's  Amer. 
Bw£.,  vol.  ix.  etc.     See  Critical  Essay.  —  Ed.J 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


;i 


Ih 


As  might  have  been  expected,  this  enterprise  was  regarded  at  home  as  a 
failure,  and  Cabot  had  made  many  enemies  in  the  exercise  of  his  legitimate 
authority  in  quelling  the  mutinies  which  had  from  time  to  time  broken  out 
among  his  men.  Complaints  were  made  against  him  on  his  return.  Sev- 
eral families  of  those  of  his  companions  who  were  killed  in  the  expedition 
brought  suits  against  him,  and  he  was  ai  rested  and  imprisoned,  but  was 
liberated  on  bail.  Public  charges  for  misconduct  in  the  affairs  of  La  Plata 
were  preferred  against  him ;  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  by  an  order  dated 
from  Medina  del  Campo,  Feb.  i,  1532,  condemned  him  to  a  banishment  of 
two  years  to  Oran,  in  Africa.  I  have  seen  no  evidence  to  show  that  this 
sentence  was  carried  into  execution.  Cabot,  who  on  his  return  laid  before 
the  Emperor  Charles  V.  his  final  report  on  the  expedition,  appears  to  have 
fully  justified  himself  in  that  monarch's  esteem;  for  he  soon  resumed 
his  duties  as  Pilot  Major,  an  office  which  he  retained  till  his  final  return 
to  England. 

Cabot  made  maps  and  globes  during  his  residence  in  Spain;  and 
a  large  mappe  monde  bear'ng  date  1544,  engraved  on  copper,  and  attrib- 
uted to  him,  was  found  in  Germany  in  1843,  and  is  now  deposited  in 
the  National  Library  in  Paris.  This  map  has  been  the  subject  of  much 
discussion.  While  ia  the  employ  of  the  Emperor,  Cabot  offered  his 
services  to  his  native  country,  Venice,  but  was  unable  to  carry  his  pur- 
pose into  effect.  He  was  at  last  desirous  of  returning  to  England,  and 
the  Privy  Council,  on  Oct.  9,  1 547,  issued  a  warrant  for  his  transportation 
from  Spain  "  to  serve  and  inhabit  in  England."  He 
came  over  to  England  in  that  or  the  following  year, 
and  on  Jan.  6,  1548/9,  the  King  granted  him  a  pen- 
sion of  i,i66  13s.  4d.,  to  date  from  St.  Michael's 
AUTOGRAPH  OF  EDWARD  Day  preceding  (September  29),  "in  consideration  of 

VI.  OF  ENGLAND.  ^j^^  ^^^^  ^^^  acceptable  service  done  and  to  be 
done!'  by  him.  In  1550  the  Emperor,  through  his  ambassador  in  Eng- 
land, demanded  his  leturn  to  Spain,  saying  that  Cabot  was  his  Pilot 
Major  under  large  pay,  and  was  much  needed  by  him,  —  that  "he  could 
not  stand  the  king  in  any  great  stead,  seeing  he  had  but  small  practice 
in  those  seas ;  "  but  Cabot  declined  to  return.  In  that  same  year,  June  4, 
the  King  renewed  to  him  the  patent  of  1495  6,  and  in  March,  155 1,  gave 
him  £,2QO  as  a  special  reward. 

The  discovery  of  a  passage  to  China  by  the  northwest  having  been 
deemed  impracticable,  a  company  of  merchants  was  formed  in  1553  to 
prosecute  a  route  by  the  northeast,  and  Cabot  was  made  its  governor.  He 
drew  up  the  instructions  for  its  management,  and  the  expedition  under  Will- 
oughby  was  sent  out,  the  results  of  which  are  well  known.  China  was  not 
t  cached,  but  a  trade  with  Muscovy  was  opened  through  Archangel.  After 
the  accession  of  Mary  to  the  Crown  of  England,  the  Emperor  made  another 
unsuccessful  demand  for  Cabot's  return  to  Spain.  On  Feb.  6,  15556,  what 
is  known  as  the  Muscovy  Company  was  chartered,  and  Cabot  became  its 


\.\ 


~— lJ.i»w^-iaj'  ^ 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CADOTS.  7 

governor.  Among  the  last  notices  preserved  of  this  venerable  man  is 
an  account,  by  a  quaint  old  chronicler,  of  his  presence  at  Gravcsend, 
April  27,  1556,  on  board  the  pinnace,  the  "  Serchthrift,"  then  destined  for  a 
voyage  of  discovery  to  the  northeast.  It  is  related  that  after  Sebastian 
Cabot,  "and  divers  gentlemen  and  gentlewomen"  had  "  viewed  our  pinnace, 
and  tasted  of  such  cheer  as  we  could  make  them  aboard,  they  went  (mi  shore, 
giving  to  our  mariners  right  liberal  rewards;  and  the  good  old  Gentleman, 
Master  Cabota,  gave  to  the  poor  most  liberal  alms,  wishing  them  to  pray  for 
the  good  fortune  and  prosperous  success  of  the  '  Serchthrift,'  our  pinnace. 
And  then  at  the  sign  of  the  '  Christopher,'  he  and  his  friends  banqueted, 
and  made  mc  and  them  that  were  in  the  company  great  cheer ;  and  for  \crj' 
joy  that  he  had  to  see  the  towardness  of  our  intended  discovery  he  entered 
into  the  dance  himself,  amongst  the  rest  of  the  young  and  lusty  companj-,  — 
which  being  ended,  he  and  his  friends  departed  most  gently  commending  us 
to  the  governance  of  Almighty  God." 

Cabot's  pension,  granted  by  the  late  King,  was  renewed  to  him  by 
Queen  Mary  Nov.  27,  1555  ;  but  on  May  27,  1557,  he  resigned  it,  and  two 
days  later  a  new  grant  was  issued  to  him  and  William  Worthington,  jointly, 
of  the  same  amount,  by  which  he  was  de-    jk/y^  lO 

prived  of  one  half  his  pa)-.  This  is  the  jfLA^yt  T^C  (ItAM^nC 
last   official    notice    of  Sebastian    Cabot.  i-  • 

He  probably  died    soon    afterwards,  and  autogr.aph  of  queen  marv. 

in  London.  Richard  Eden,  the  translator  and  compiler,  attended  him  in 
his  last  moments,  and  "  beckons  us,  with  something  of  awe,  to  see  him 
die."  He  gives  a  touching  account  of  the  feeble  and  broken  utterances 
of  the  dying  man.  Though  no  monument  or  gravestone  marks  his  place 
of  burial,  which  is  unknown,  his  portrait  is  preserved,  as  shown  on  a 
preceding  page. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES    OF    INFORMATION. 


UNLIKE  the  enterprises  of  Columbus,  Vespucius.  and  many  other  navigators  who 
wrote  accounts  of  their  voyages  and  discoveries  at  the  time  of  their  occurrence, 
which  by  the  aid  of  the  press  were  published  to  the  world,  the  exploits  o\  the  Cabots 
were  unchronicled.  Although  the  fact  of  their  voyages  had  been  reported  by  jealous 
and  watchful  liegers  at  the  English  Court  to  the  principal  cabinets  of  the  Continent,  and 
the  map  of  their  discoveries  had  been  made  known,  and  this  had  had  its  influence  in  lead- 
ing other  expeditions  to  the  northern  shores  of  North  America,  the  historical  literature 
relating  to  the  discovery  of  America,  as  preserved  in  print,  is.  for  nearly  twenty  years  after 
the  events  took  place,  silent  as  to  the  enterprises  and  even  the  names  of  the  Cabots. 
Scarcely  anything  has  come  down  to  us  directly  from  these  navigators  themselves,  and 
for  what  we  know  we  have  hitherto  been  chiefly  indebted  to  the  uncertain  reports,  in 
foreign  languages,  of  conversations  originally  held  with  Sebastian  Cabot  many  years 
afterwards,  and  sometimes  related  at  second  and  third  hand.     Even  the  year  in  which 


8 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


the  voyage  of  discovery  was  made  was  usually  wrongly  s  ated,  when  stated  at  all,  and 
for  more  than  two  hundred  years  succeeding  these  oven'j  there  was  no  mention  made 
of  more  tiian  one  voyage.* 


ir 


ri 


;ii 


'  It  will  In  uiulerstood  that  we  now  regard 
it  a.H  satisf;ic!()rlly  scitlcd  that  the  voyage  of  ilis- 
covfry  look  place  in  1497,  followed  hy  a  second 
voya,'^:  in  i^yS. 

I  nave  spoken  of  the  inap  of  the  discoveries 
of  the  (..'allots  being  made  known  to  rival  courts. 
In  a  letter  dated  Dec.  iS,  1497,  written  from 
London  by  the  Abbe  Kaimondo,  envoy  of  the 
Duke  of  Milan  to  the  Court  of  I Icnry  VI i.,  re- 
cently brought  to  light,  and  printed  on  |>agc  54, 
the  writer,  speaking  of  the  return  of  John  Cabot 
from  his  voyage  of  discovery,  says  :  "  This  Mas- 
ter John  has  the  <lescrip;ion  of  the  world  in  a 
chart,  and  also  .,>  a  solid  globe,  which  he  has 
made,  and  he  shows  where  he  had  landed."  Don 
I'edro  de  .\yala,  the  .Spanish  Minister,  also 
wrius  to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  July  25,  1498,  after  the  second  expedi- 
tion h.id  sailed:  "I  have  seen  the  map  which 
the  discoverer  has  made." 

In  the  yea.-  1500,  the  Spanish  navigator,  Juan 
de  la  ('osa,  who  had  accompanied  Columbus  on 
his  second  voyage  to  the  West  in  the  years  149J- 
96,  compiled  a  map  of  the  worUl  on  which  he 
delineated  all  he  knew  of  the  .Spanish  and  Portu- 
guese discoveries  in  the  New  World.  He  also 
depicted,  undoubtedly  from  Fnglish  sources,  the 
northern  portion  of  the  east  coaMt  of  the  conti- 
nent, as  is  shown  by  a  broad  legend  or  inscrip- 
tion running  along  the  coast :  "  Mar  descubicrta 
por  Ingleses."  There  w.-is  t  o  placed  at  the 
eastern  cape  of  the  coast :  "  vJav  i  de  Yngla- 
terra."  It  is  the  earliest  map  knowu  on  which 
the  western  discoveries  are  depicted.  A  few 
copies  of  the  nap  are  supposed  to  have  been 
made  soon  after  its  compilation,  or;  of  which 
hung  up  in  the  office  of  the  Spanish  Minister  of 
Marine.  The  map  afterwards  frdl  into  neglect 
and  was  forgotten.  In  the  year  1833  it  was 
found  and  identitied  by  Humboldt,  in  the  library 
of  his  friend  the  Karon  Walckenaer,  in  Paris. 
[It  is  on  ox-hide,  measuring  five  feet  nine  inches 
bv  three  feet  two  inches,  draw.,  in  colors,  and 
was  afterwards  bought  in  1S53  for  4,020  francs 
(see  Walckenaer  Caliilogiw,  no.  2,904)  by  the 
Queen  of  Spain,  and  is  now  in  the  Royal  Li- 
brary at  Madrid.  See  Humboldt's  appendi.x  to 
Ghillany's  GtSi/iic/iie dis Str/a/irfrs  Ritter  Martin 
Rehaint,  and  the  appendix  to  Kunstmann's  Ent- 
Jiikii'if;  Amcrikas ;  also  Kohl's  Disanvrv  of 
Mtiiiic;  151,  179.  This  Cosa  map  is  given  in 
part  full-size  and  in  part  half-size,  in  Humboldt's 
Extinun  Critique,  vol.  v.,  1839,  but  not  accu- 
rately; and  .igain  in  connection  with  Humboldt's 
essay  in  Ghillany's  Bt'haim,  Niirnberg,  1853. 
This  essay  w.is  also  issued  at  Amsterdam  in  the 
Seeskabinet,  with  the  fac-simile  of  the  map.     The 


only  full-size  fac-simile  in  colors  Is  ir.  three 
sheets  iti  Jomartl's  Monumentt  de  la  Gioi^iifhit, 
pi.  16;  and  there  are  reductions  of  the  American 
portion  in  Stevens's  /////.  anJ  Gax.  .Voles,  1S69, 
pi.  I  (following  Jomard's  delineation);  in  De  la 
Sagra's  Ciiha  ;  In  Lelewel's  G/iX-  «'"  .Ui'veii  A^e, 
1852,  no.  41.  A  biographical  study  oljiian  Je  la 
Ci'sii,  by  Knriquc  de  lA-guina,  was  published  at 
Madrid  in  1877.  Cosa  dietl  while  accompanying 
Ojedo  in  Deccmlier,  1 509.  Peter  Martyr,  in  ;  514, 
gave  him  a  high  rank  as  a  cartographer.  The 
Atne.ican  (Asian)  part  of  his  map  is  given  in 
phototype  herewith,  reduced  from  Jomard's  fac- 
simile. —  'Cl>.| 

Somr  have  supposed  that  Cosa  drew  his 
whole  eastern  coast  of  North  .\merica  m  a  sepa- 
rate and  independent  continent,  entirely  distinct 
from  Asia,  on  the  authority  of  the  maps  of  the 
Cabots  on  which  their  discoveries  were  delinea- 
ted. Of  course,  in  t!...  absence  of  the  maps  or 
globes  of  the  Cabots,  it  is  impossible  for  us  to 
tell  precisely  what  was  delineated  upon  them,  or 
how  nmch  of  Cosa's  coast-line  was  copied  from 
them ;  but  from  whatever  source  this  line  was 
drawn,  it  must  be  evident  that  it  was  supposed 
by  Cosa  to  be  the  eastern  coast  of  Asia.  Cosa, 
so  far  as  is  observed  from  the  f.ic-simile  of  his 
map,  —  which  is  a  map  of  the  world,  —  drew  no 
eait  coast  of  Asia  at  all,  unless  this  be  it.  (See 
.Stevens's  .VntiS  is  above,  pp.  14,  17,  Cf.  Kohl, 
pp.  145,  152,  153.) 

I  have  already  said  that  the  discovetie'i  ot 
the  Knglish  on  Cosa's  map  were  noted  on  the 
northern  portion  of  the  east  coast  of  the  conti- 
nent, and  if  confined,  as  they  apjicar  to  be,  to 
that  region,  we  have  no  right  to  assert  that  the 
retraining  portion  of  the  east  coast-line  was 
supplied  from  the  Caljots,  but  rather  that  it  was 
taken  from  well-known  c.vi:>ting  representations 
of  the  east  coast  of  .Xsia.  The  map  and  globe 
of  the  Cabots,  already  referred  to,  had  laid 
down  upon  them  the  results  of  their  experience 
on  their  firs!  voyage,  the  voyage  of  discovery,  in 
1497.  Of  the  results  of  the  voyage  of  1498,  with 
which  Selxistian  Cabot  is  now  more  particularly 
associated,  we  know  but  little.  .-Vccounts  narra- 
ted by  others,  but  originally  proceeding  many 
years  after  the  event  from  Sebastian  Cabot  him- 
self, of  a  voyage  to  the  new-found  lands,  have 
been  supposed  by  modern  writers  to  refer  more 
particularly  to  this  voy.ige;  and  these  accounts, 
as  we  shall  see  further  on,  speak  of  a  run  down 
the  coast  to  a  considerable  extent.  That  the 
Cabots,  or  Sebastian  Cabot,  should  have  pre- 
pared maps  of  the  second  voyage  at  the  time  of 
its  occurrence,  as  well  as  of  the  voyage  of  dis- 
covery,   is  in   every  respect  probable.     But  all 


II 


ICA. 

ited  at  all,  and 
'  mention  made 


ilors  is  in  three 
lie  III  Oiof^af-hie, 
of  the  American 
'jtog.  Xotes,  1S69, 
cation);  in  I)e  la 
I'.  Ju  .\tcytii  Ai^(, 
ucly  oijuaii  Je  la 
ivas  published  at 
le  accompanying 
r  Martyr,  in  "514, 
rtographer.  The 
map  is  given  in 
>m  Jomard's  fac- 

Cosa  drew  iiis 
nerica  as  a  sepa- 

cntirely  distinct 
the  maps  of  the 
es  were  dclinea- 

of  the  maps  or 
lossible  for  us  to 
d  upon  them,  or 
was  copied  from 
ce  this  line  was 
it  was  supposed 
of  Asia.  Cosa, 
fac-simile  of  his 
orld,  —  drew  no 
this  be  it.  (.See 
i,  I7i  Ci.  Kohl, 

:  discoveiie'.  of 
re  noted  on  the 
1st  of  the  conti- 
ip|)car  to  be,  to 
'  assert  that  the 

coast-line  was 
ther  that  it  was 
representations 
map  and  globe 
d  to,   had   laid 
heir  experience 
of  discovery,  in 
;e  of  149S,  with 
are  particularly 
Vccounts  narra- 
jcceding   many 
ian  Cabot  hini- 
\A  lands,   have 
;  to  refer  more 
hese  accounts, 
of  a  run  down 
mt.    That  the 
uld  have  pre- 

at  the  time  of 
voyage  of  dis- 
able.    But  all 


I  i 


ml 


La  Cosa 


"t^t: 


•xt 


Map.     15CXD. 


I<' 


7 


kt, 


Dii 


ii 


If 


.11 

ml 


PI 


I 


.■!i 


A  > 


KUVSCH'S    MAP,    150S. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


I  now  ask  the  reader  to  follow  me  down  through  the  sixteenth  century,  if  no  further, 
and  examine  what  notices  of  the  Cabots  and  their  voyages  we  can  find  in  the  historical 
literature  of  this  period ;  and  then  to  examine  what  has  recently  come  to  light. 


rfi't 


f!i 


hnkd 


'm 
^ 


^ 


:\ 


\. 


:^ 


^n-^^ 

^** 


these  early  maps  are  lost.     Perhaps  they  are  yet 
slumbering  in  some  dusty  archive. 

[The  Editor  cannot  derive  from  the  reasons 
expressed  by  Stevens  {//I'st.  and  Geog.  jVotes,  p. 
15)  that  the  coast  where  the  legend  is  put,  repre- 
sents the  north  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Law- 
rence ;  for  it  is  not  easy  to  account  for  the 
absence  of  the  characteristics  of  a  gulf,  if  "  mar," 
unaccompanied  by  "  oceanus,"  signifies,  as  Ste- 
vens holds,  an  enclosed  sea;  and  if  so,  why  is 
the  genuine  gulf  between  Cuba  and  the  Asian 
coast  called  "  mar  oceanus  "  ?  —  Ed.] 

Cosa's  map  not  having  been  engraved,  or  to  any 
extent  copied,  exercised  but  little  influence  on  the 
cartography  of  the  period,  and  although  the  in- 
formation relating  to  the  English  discoveries 
depicted  upon  it  could  have  come  from  no  other 
source  than  the  Cabots  themselves,  their  names 
were  not  inscribed  upon  the  map;  neither  was 
the  legend  already  quoted  copied  upor  any  one 
of  the  maps,  relating  to  the  new-found  lands, 
which  soon  followed.  The  enterprising  Corte- 
reals,  who  are  supposed  to  have  seen  Cabot's  or 
Cosa's  map,  soon  spread  their  sails  for  the  West, 
and  the  maps  of  their  discoveries,  in  the  regions 
visited  by  them,  contained  a  record  of  their  own 
name,  or  inscriptions  which  have  perpetuated 
the  memory  of  their  exploits.  (See  vol.  iv.  of 
the  present  work.)  Not  so  with  the  Cabots 
unless  we  should  adopt  the  improbable  state- 
ment of  Peter  Martyr,  in  1513,  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  gave  the  name  Baccalaos  to  those 
lands  because  of  the  multitude  of  big  fishes 
which  he  saw  there,  and  to  which  the  natives 
gave  that  name.  This  subject  is  considered  in 
a  later  note. 

Another  important  map  will  be  briefly  re- 
ferred to  here,  as  it  may  pos.sibly  have  some 
connection  with  the  Cabots,  —  that  of  John 
Ruysch,  published  in  the  Ptolemy  of  1508,  at 
Home.  It  is  the  first  engraved  map  with  the 
discoveries  of  the  New  World  delineated  u])on  it. 
[There  are  accounts  of  this  map  (which  measures 
twenty-one  and  a  quarter  by  sixteen  inches)  in 
Harrisse's  Bibliotheca  Americuiia  Vetustisshnu, 
p.  108;  in  the  Cataiogue  of  the  John  Cnrh-r-Broivn 
Library,  i.  p.  39;  in  Henry  Stevens's  Bibtiotheca 
Geographica,  No.  3058 ;  aiid  reproductions  are 
given  in  Humboldt's  Examen  Critique,  v.,  in  his 
essay  on  the  earliest  maps  appended  to  Ghilla- 
ny's  Martin  Behaim  ;  in  Stevens's  Historical  and 
Geographical  Notes,  pi.  2  (cf.  Historical  Maga- 
zine, August,  1869,  p.  107);  in  Santarem's  Atlas 
composi  de  mappemondes  deptiis  le  rfi  jusijn^  an 
xvii<=  siicles ;  in  Leiewel's  Afoyen  Age ;  in  Judge 
Daly's  Early  History  of  Cartography,  p.  32  (much 
reduced)  ;  and  a  section  is  given  in  Kohl's  Dis- 
VOL.    III.  —  2, 


cavery  of  Maine,  p.  156.  A  copy  of  the  original 
is  in  the  Sumner  Collection  in  Harvard  College 
Library,  and  has  been  used  for  the  fac-simile 
herewith  given.  —  Ed.]  A  northeastern  coast 
similar  to  that  on  the  Cosa  map  is  drawn,  but 
there  is  no  record  on  it  that  the  English  had 
visited  it,  and  "Cabo  de  Portogesi"  takes  the 
place  of  "  Cavo  de  Vnglaterra,"  on  the  point  of 
what  is  now  called  Cape  Race.  Concerning 
John  Ruysch,  the  maker  of  the  map,  who  was 
a  German  geographer,  Kunstmann  (Die  Ent- 
deckuftg  Amerikas,  p.  137)  says  that  he  accom- 
panied some  exploring  expeditions  undertaken 
from  England  to  the  north.  Marcus  Beneven- 
tanus,  an  Italian  monk,  who  edited  this  edition  of 
Ptolemy,  and  included  in  it  "  A  new  Description 
of  the  World,  and  the  new  Navigation  of  the 
Ocean  from  Lisbon  to  India,"  says :  "  But  John 
Ruysch  of  Germany,  in  my  judgment  a  most 
exact  geographer,  and  a  most  painstaking  one  in 
delineating  the  globe,  to  whose  aid  in  this  little 
work  1  am  indebted,  has  told  me  that  he  sailed 
from  the  South  of  England,  and  penetrated  as 
far  as  the  fifty-third  degree  of  north  latitude, 
and  on  that  parallel  he  sailed  west  toward  the 
shores  of  the  East,  bearing  a  little  northward 
(per  angltim  noctis),  and  observed  many  islands, 
the  description  of  which  I  have  given  below." 
Mr.  Henry  Stevens,  from  whom  I  have  taken 
this  extract,  thinks  that  Ruysch  may  have  sailed 
with  the  Cabots  to  the  new-found  islands.  We 
know  that  among  the  crew  one  was  a  Burgun- 
dian  and  one  a  Genoese.  Beneventanus  professed 
to  know  of  the  discoveries  of  the  English  as 
well  as  of  those  of  the  Spaniards  and  Portu- 
guese :  "  Columbi  et  Lusitanorum  atque  Britan- 
norum  quos  Anglos  nunc  dicimus."  (Stevens's 
Hist,  and  Geog.  Motes,  p.  32 ;  Biddle,  p.  179.) 

In  his  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  p.  179,  Mr. 
Biddle  calls  attention  to  a  remarkable  in.scrip- 
tion  on  this  map,  placed  far  at  the  north,  some 
twenty  degrees  above  "  I.  Baccalauras,"  namely, 
"  Hie  compassus  navium  non  tenet  nee  naves 
quse  ferrum  tenent  revertere  valent"  ("Here 
the  ship's  compass  loses  its  jiroperty,  and  no 
vessel  with  iron  on  board  is  able  to  get  awav  "). 
Mr.  Biddle  cites  this  inscription  as  showing  the 
terror  which  this  phenomenon  of  the  variation 
of  the  magnetic  needle,  particularly  noticed  by 
Cabot,  had  excited.  (See  Humboldt's  Examen 
Crit.  iii.  31,  et  seq.;  Chytroens,  Variorum  in 
Europa  Itiiterum  Delieicr,  published  at  Ilerborn, 
in  Nassau,  i  ,  pp.  791,  792.)  Columbus  had 
noticed  the  declination  of  the  magnetic  needle 
in  his  first  voyage. 

All  these  places  in  the  new-found  lands,  — 
Terre  Neuvc,  Baccalaos,  Labrador,  etc.,  —  named 


lO 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


!ij 


,r>t 


ill 


'HI 

i 


■'  1 

'  1 

f 

.1  1 

;  t 

John  Cabot  had  died  when  his  son  Sebastian  in  1512,  three  years  after  the  death  of 
Henry  VII.,  left  England  and  entered  into  the  service  of  the  King  of  Spain,  who  gave 
him  the  title  of  Captain,  and  a  liberal  allowance,  directing  that  he  should  reside  at 
Seville  to  await  orders.  He  there  became  an  intimate  friend  of  the  famous  Peter  Martyr, 
the  author  of  the  Decades  of  the  New  World,  or  De  Orbe  Novo,  and  a  volume  of  letters 
entitled  Opus  Epistolariim,  etc.,  a  writer  too  well  known  to  need  further  introduction  here. 
Through  Martyr,  for  the  first  time,  there  was  printed  in  15 16  an  account  of  the  voyage  of 
the  Cabots.     He  published  in  that  year  at  Alcala  (Complutum),  in  Spain,  the  first  three 


by  European  visitors  to  these  shores,  were  sup- 
posed to  be  sections  and  projections  of  the  Old 
World,  and  to  belong  to  the  map  of  Asia ;  and 
this  continued  to  be  the  opinion  of  navigators  and 
cartographers,  advancing  and  receding  in  their 
views,  for  a  number  of  years  afterward. 

[Johannes  Myritius  in  his  Opusailiim  Geogra- 
fhkiim,  published  at  Ingoldstadt  in  1590,  is  ac- 
counted one  of  the  last  to  hold  to  this  view. 
Carter-Brmvn  Catalogue,  i.  314.  After  the  dis- 
covery by  Balboa  in  1513  of  the  South  Sea,  the 
new  cartographical  knowledge  took  two  —  in  the 
main  —  distinct  phases,  both  of  which  recog- 
nized South  America  as  an  independent  conti- 
nental region,  sometimes  joined  and  sometimes 
disjoined  from  the  northern  continent;  while  in 
one,  North  America  remained  a  prolongation  of 
Asia,  as  in  the  map  of  Orontius  Finaeus,  and  in 
the  other  it  presented  a  barrier  to  western  mail- 
ing except  by  a  northern  circuit.  An  oceanic 
passage,  which  seemed  to  make  an  island  of 
Baccalaos,  or  the  Cabot  region,  nearly  in  its 
right  latitude  and  longitude,  laid  New  England, 
and  much  more,  beneath  the  sea.  The  earliest 
specimen  of  this  notion  we  find  in  the  Polish 
Ptolemy  of  1512,  in  what  is  known  as  the  Stolv 
nicza  map,  one  of  the  evidences  that  on  the 
Continent  the  belief  did  not  prevail  that  the 
Cabots  had  coursed  south  along  a  continental 
shore.  It  was  a  year  before  Balboa  discovered 
the  Pacific  that  this  map  was  published  at  Cra- 
cow ;  and  we  are  forced  to  believe  that  divination, 
or  more  credible  report,  had  told  John  de  Stob- 
nicza  what  was  beyond  the  land  which  the  Span- 
iards were  searching.  The  map  is  striking,  and, 
singular  to  say,  it  has  not  been  long  known. 
The  only  copy  known  of  the  little  book  of  less 
than  fifty  leaves,  which  contains  it,  was  printed 
at  Cracow  without  date  as  Introductio  in  Ptholo- 
mci  Cosmographiam,  and  is  in  the  Imperial  Li- 
brary at  Vienna ;  and  though  there  are  other 
copies  known  with  dates  (151 2),  they  all  lack 
the  maps,  there  being  two  sheets,  one  of  tlie  OKI 
AVorld,  the  other  of  the  New,  including  in  this 
latter  designation  the  e.astern  shore  of  Asia, 
which  is  omitted  in  the  fac-simile  given  herewith, 
A  full-size  fac-simile  of  the  New  World  was 
made  by  MuUer  of  Amsterdam  (five  copies  only 
at  twenty-five  florins),  .ind  one  is  also  given  in 
the  Carhr-Btinmi  Catalogue,  i.  53.  We  note 
but  a  very  few  other  copies,  all  however,  except 


one,  without  the  map.  One  is  in  the  great 
library  at  Mimich.  A  second  (forty-three  loaves 
and  dated  1512)  was  sold  by  Otto  Harrassowitz, 
a  dealer  of  Leipsic,  in  1873,  to  MuUer  of  Am- 
sterdam (we  suppose  it  to  be  the  copy  described 
in  the  latter's  Books  on  America,  iii.  163,  which 
was  sold  for  240  florins),  from  whom  it  passed 
into  the  Carter-Brown  Library  in  Providence. 
Harrisse,  Bib.  Amer.  Vet.,  no.  69,  says  there  are 
two  copies  at  Vienna,  one  in  the  Imperial  Li- 
brary (which  h.is  the  map,  a  wood-cut),  and  the 
other  in  the  City  Library,  both  without  date. 
One  or  both  of  these  copies  are  said  to  have 
forty-two  leaves,  —  Kunstmann,  Die  Entdeckung 
Amerikas,  p.  130.  A  fifth  was  advertised  in 
1S76  by  Harrassowitz,  Cata/of;ue  no.  29,  as  con- 
taining forty-six  leaves,  dated  1512,  but  without 
the  map,  .and  priced  at  500  marks.  In  the  same 
dealer's  Catalogue  no.  61,  book-number  56,  a 
copy  of  forty-six  leaves  is  dated  1 51 1,  and  priced 
400  marks,  which  is  perhaps  the  same  copy 
with  a  corrected  description.  See  also  Panzer, 
Annales  Typographid,  vi  454.  From  this  it 
would  appear,  as  from  slight  changes  said  to 
be  in  the  text,  that  there  were  three  separate 
issues  and  perhaps  editions  about  1511-12.  Mr. 
Henry  C.  Murphy's  copy  of  1513  Las  no  map. 
A  second  edition  was  printed  in  Cracow  in  1519, 
but  without  the  map,  —  Carter-Brown  Catalogue, 
no.  60 ;  Harrisse,  Bib.  Amer.  Vet.  no.  95.  The 
Finxus  map,  above  referred  to,  was  a  heart- 
shaped  ]>rojection  of  the  earth,  which  appeared 
in  Grynjeus's  iVovus  Oriis,  in  the  edition  of 
Paris,  1532.  A  fac-simile  of  it  has  been  pub- 
lished by  Muller,  of  Amsterdam,  and  in  Stevens's 
Notes,  pi.  4.  America  occupies  the  extreme  edge 
of  the  plate,  and  ig  greatly  distorted  by  the 
method  of  jirojecting.  Mr.  Brevoort  reduced 
the  lines  to  Mercator's  projection  for  Stevens's 
Historical  and  Geographical  Notes,  1S69,  pi.  3; 
and  a  fac-simile  of  this  reduction,  which  shows 
also  the  true  Asian  coast-line  in  its  right  longi- 
tude, and  curiously  resembling  the  American 
(Asian)  co.ist  of  the  map,  is  given  herewith.  See 
also  Stevens's  Bihliotheca  Geographica,  p.  124; 
Cartcr-Bro7vn  Catalogue,  i.  104;  Harrisse,  Biblio- 
grap/iia  Americana  vet.  pp.  294,  297.  There  are 
copies  of  the  map  also  found  in  the  1540  editions 
of  Pomponius  Mela,  and  in  the  Geotrrafia  of  La- 
frerl  and  others,  published  at  Rome,  1534-72.— 
Ed.] 


ll 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


II 


is  in  the  great 
:orty-three  leaves 
tto  Harrassowitz, 
0  Muller  of  Am- 
e  copy  described 
a,  iii.  163,  wliich 

whom  it  passed 
r  in  Providence. 
9,  says  there  are 
the  Imperial  Li- 
)od-cut),  and  the 
th  without  date, 
are  said  to  have 

Die  Entdeckung 
as   advertised  in 


o 


o 


5 

w 
S 

o 

u 
o 

D 

Q 
u 


b 
O 

W 

ca 
O 

>j 
o 

E 

<r> 


O 

o 

O 


(It 


i 


12 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AiMERICA. 


t) 

I 


\^' 


if 


of  his  Decades,  addressed  to  Pope  Leo  X.,  the  second  and  third  of  which  Decades  had 
been  written  in  1514  and  1515.'  In  the  sixth  chapter  of  the  third  Decade  —of  which 
we  give  later  a  page  in  slightly  reduced  fac-simile  —  is  the  following  :  — 

"  These  northern  shores  have  been  searched  by  one  Sebastian  Cabot,  a  Venetian  born,  whom, 
being  but  in  manner  an  infant,  his  parents  carried  with  them  into  England,  having  occasion  to 
resort  thither  for  trade  of  merchandise,  as  is  the  manner  of  the  Venetians  to  leave  no  part  of  the 
world  unsearched  to  obtain  riches.  He  therefore  furnished  two  ships  in  England  at  his  own 
charges,  and  first  with  three  hundred  men  directed  his  course  so  far  towards  the  North  Pole  that 
even  in  the  month  of  July  he  found  monstrous  heaps  of  ice  swimming  on  the  sea,  and  in  manni.r 
continual  daylight ;  yet  sax  he  the  land  in  that  tract  free  from  ice,  which  had  been  molten.  Where, 
fore  h"  was  enforced  to  turn  his  sails  and  follow  the  west;  so  coasting  still  by  the  shore  that  he 
was  thereby  brought  so  far  into  the  south,  by  reason  of  the  land  bending  so  much  southwards  that 
it  was  there  almost  equal  in  latitude  with  the  sea  Freiiim  Ilercuteum.  He  sailed  so  far  towards  the 
west  that  he  h.nd  the  island  of  Cuba  on  his  left  hand  in  manner  in  the  same  degree  of  longitude. 
As  he  travelled  by  the  coasts  of  this  great  land  (which  he  named  Baccalaos)  he  saith  that  he  found 
the  like  course  of  the  waters  toward  the  great  west,  but  the  same  to  run  more  softly  and  gently 
than  the  swift  waters  which  the  Spaniards  found  in  their  navigation  southward.  .  .  .  Sebastian 
Cabot  himself  named  these  lands  Baccal.ios,  because  that  in  the  seas  thereabout  he  found  so  great 
multitudes  of  certain  big  fishes  much  like  unto  tunnies   (which  the  inhabitants   call   baccallaos)'' 


1  The  first  Decade,  which  was  begun  in  1493, 
and  completed  in  1510,  was  printed  at  Seville  in 
1511. 

-  Bacciilaos  is  an  old  ante-columbian  name 
for  odfish,  in  extensive  use  in  the  South  of 
Europe.  Humboldt  says  (Ghillany,  p.  4),  "  Stock- 
fischland,  von  Bacallao,  dem  Spanischen  Namen 
des  stockfischcs."  Mr.  Brevoort  says  it  is  the 
Iberian  !iame  for  codfish  ;  see  his  Ferrazano  the 
Navigator,  pp.  61,  137,  where  the  etymology  of 
the  word  is  given.  The  name  is  found  on  many 
of  the  early  charts.  On  that  of  Reynel,  the  Portu- 
guese pilot,  assigned  by  geographers  to  the  year 
1504  or  1505,  it  appears  on  the  east  coast  as 
"  V  dos  Bocalhas"  (Island  of  Codfish).  On  the 
chart  of  Ruysch,  1 508,  it  is  seen  as  applied  to  a 
small  island,  or  cape,  as  "  j.  Baccalaurus."  On 
another  Portuguese  map  published  by  Kunst- 
mann,  assigned  to  the  year  1514,  or  a  little  later, 
the  iiamc  "  Bacalnaos  "  is  applied  to  Newfound- 
land and  Labrador,  including  also  Nova  Scotia. 
After  various  fortunes  the  name  became  subject 
to  the  limitations  which  oveitook  "  Norumbega," 
and  has  settled  down  on  a  small  island  on  the 
east  coast  of  Newfoundland.  There  appears  to 
be  no  evidence,  except  Martyr's  statement,  that 
Cabot  gave  the  name  to  the  region  he  discovered  ; 
and  it  may  well  be  asked  on  what  book  or  map 
he  had  caused  it  to  be  inscribed  ?  There  is  no 
such  nrme  on  Cosa's  map,  the  only  early  record 
of  the  Cabots'  discoveries  in  the  New  World. 
The  name  was  probably  ajiplicd  by  the  Portu- 
guese. Dr.  John  G.  Kohl,  the  distinguished 
geographer,  says  that  the  Portuguese  originated 
the  name  of  Tierra  de  Bacalhas  ("  the  stockfish 
country ")  and  gave  currency  to  it,  though  the 
word,  like  the  cod-fishery  itself,  appears  to  be 
of  Germanic  origin.  Sec  his  learned  note  in 
^uU  in  Doc.  Htst.  0/ Maine,  i.  188,  189,  and  com- 


pare Parkman's  Pioneers  0/ France,  pp.  170,  I71. 
Parkman  says:  "If,  in  the  original  Basque, 
baccalaos  is  the  word  for  codfish,  and  if  Cabot 
found  it  in  use  among  the  inhabitants  of  New- 
foundland, it  is  hard  to  escape  the  conclusion 
that  Basques  had  been  there  before  him."  The 
affirmative  of  this  proposition  —  that  the  Cabots 
liad  been  preceded  by  the  fishermen  —  has  been 
held  by  a  few  writers,  but  it  is  generally  be- 
lieved that  the  evidence  for  it  is  insufficient. 
Dr.  Kohl  says :  "  That  the  name  should  have 
been  introduced  by  the  Cabots  is  for  many 
reasons  most  improbable ;  and  that  they  should 
have  heard  and  received  the  name  from  the  In- 
dians, is  certainly  not  true ;  though  both  these 
facts  are  asserted  by  Peter  Martyr,  De  Orbe 
N'nto,  dec.  iii.  ch.  6."  (Kohl,  pp.  1S8,  189; 
and  compare  his  statement  on  p.  481.)  Dr. 
Kohl  had  already  said  that  the  name,  with 
some  tranposition  of  the  letters,  had  long  been 
used,  before  the  discoveries  of  the  Cabots  and 
Cortereals,  in  many  Flemish  and  German  books 
and  documents.  It  should  be  added  that  the 
statement  of  Peter  Martyr,  that  the  savages  on 
the  coast  visited  by  Sebastian  Cabot  called  a 
certaiix  kind  of  fish  found  there  in  abundance 
baccai  :0S,  is  repeated  in  the  legend  on  Cabot's 
map,  published  in  1544,  as  rendered  by  Hakluyt 
in  his  folio  of  1589,  p.  511.  Indeed,  much 
in  the  general  description  of  the  coast  and  the 
inhabitants,  both  of  the  sea  and  the  land,  is 
similar  in  both  accounts,  and  indicates  one 
origin. 

[In  a  dispute  with  England  so  early  as  1672, 
the  Spaniards  claimed  a  right  to  fish  at  New- 
foundland by  reason  of  the  prior  discovery  by 
the  Biscayan  fishermen.  Papers  relating  to  the 
rupture  with  Spain,  London,  1672.  The  latest 
claim  for  the  Basques'  antedating  Cabot  in  this 


li 


&m,^r 


IS>liyiv''i 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


13 


1  Decades  had 
ide  —  of  which 


tian  born,  whom, 
niig  occasion  to 
le  no  part  of  the 
and  at  his  own 
North  Pole  that 
I,  and  in  manner 
nolten.  Where- 
,he  sliorc  that  he 
southwards  that 
5  far  towards  the 
ree  of  longitude, 
th  that  he  found 
softly  and  gently 
.  .  .  .  Sebastian 
e  found  so  great 
call   iiicaiJ/iios)'^ 

tire,  pp.  170,  171. 

ariginal    IJasque, 

>h,  and  if  Cabot 

ibitants  of  New- 

E  the  conclusion 

fore  him."    The 

-that  the  Cabots 

■men  —  has  been 

is  generally  be- 

t   is   insufficient. 

me  should   have 

ts   is    for   many 

that  they  should 

me  from  tlie  In- 

)ugh  both  these 

artyr,  D^  Orbe 

pp.    1S8,    1S9; 

p.  481.)   Dr. 

the    name,  with 

,  had  long  been 

the  Cabots  and 

German  books 

added  that  the 

the  savages  on 

Cabot  called  a 

in  abundance 

end  on  Cabot's 

red  by  Ilakluyt 

Indeed,   much 

le  coast  and  the 

id  the   land,   is 

indicates   one 

0  early  as  1O72, 
to  fish  at  New- 
or  discovery  by 
r  relating  to  tht 
72.  The  latest 
ig  Cabot  in  this 


STOISNICZA'S    M.\P,    1512,    REDUCED.^ 

that  they  sometimes  staied  his  ships.  He  also  found  the  people  of  those  regions  covered  with 
beasts'  skins,  yet  not  without  the  use  of  reason.  He  also  saith  there  is  great  plenty  of  bears  in 
those  regions  which  use  to  eat  fish ;  for  plunging  themselves  into  the  water,  where  they  perceive  a 


region  is  in  C.  I,.  Woodbury's  Relation  of  the 
Fis/ieries  to  the  Discovery  of  No/th  America,  Bos- 
ton, 1880.  — Ed] 

'  [The  legends  on  the  map  even  on  the  large 
scale    are   not   clear,  and   Brunet,  Supplement, 


p.  697,  gives  a  deceptive  account  of  them.  The 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  p.  54,  makes  them  thus : 
On  North  America,  "  Ortus  de  bona  ventura," 
and  "  Isabella."  Hispaniola  is  called  "  Spag- 
aoUa."    On  the  northern  shore  of  South  Amer- 


14 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


':t 


iln 


i'  i\i\ !    ! 


i|  i 


multitude  of  these  fishes  to  liCi  thry  fasten  their  claws  in  their  scales,  and  so  draw  them  to  land 
and  eat  them,  so  (as  he  saith)  they  are  not  noisome  to  men.  He  declafth  further,  that  in  many 
places  of  those  regions  he  saw  great  plenty  of  laton  among  the  inhabitants.  Cabot  is  my  very 
friend,  whom  I  use  familiarly,  and  delight  to  have  him  sometimes  keep  me  company  in  mine  own 
house.  For  being  called  out  of  England  by  the  commandment  of  the  Catholic  king  of  Castile,  after 
the  death  of  Henry  VH.  King  of  England,  he  is  now  present  at  Court  with  us,  looking  for  ships  to 
be  furnished  him  for  the  Indies,  to  discover  this  hid  secret  of  Nature.  I  think  that  he  will  depart 
in  March  in  the  year  next  following,  1516,  to  explore  it.  What  shall  succeed  j'our  Holiness  shall 
learn  through  me,  if  God  grant  me  life.  Some  of  the  Spaniards  deny  that  Cabot  was  the  first 
finder  of  the  land  of  Baccalaos,  and  atlirm  that  he  went  not  so  far  westward."  * 

This  account  we  may  well  suppose  to  have  come  primarily  from  Sebastian  Cabot  him- 
self, and  it  will  be  noticed  that  his  father  is  not  mentioned  as  havii.,^  accompanied  him  on 
the  voyage.  Indeed,  no  reference  is  made  to  the  father  except  under  the  general  state- 
ment that  his  parents  took  him  *o  England  while  he  was  yet  very  young,  pcne  itifans. 
No  date  is  given,  and  but  one  voyage  is  spoken  of.  It  may  be  said  that  Peter  Martyr  i.s 
not  here  writing  a  history  of  the  voyage  or  voyages  of  the  Cabots ;  that  the  account  is 
merely  brought  into  his  narrative  incidentally,  as  it  were,  to  illustrate  a  subject  upon 
which  he  was  then  writing,  —  namely,  on  a  "  search  "  into  "  the  secret  causes  of  Nature,"  or 
the  reason  "  why  the  sea  runneth  with  so  swift  course  from  the  east  into  the  west ;  "  and 
that  he  cites  the  observations  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  the  region  of  the  Baccalaos,  for  his 
immediate  purpose.  Richard  Biddle,  in  his  Life  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  pp.  81-90,  supp>oses 
the  voyage  here  described  to  be  the  second,  that  of  1498,  undertaken  after  the  death  of  the 
father,  as  the  mention  of  the  three  hundred  men  taken  out  would  imply  a  purpose  of 
colonization,  while  the  first  voyage  was  one  of  discovery  merely ;  and  thinks  that  this  view 
is  confirmed  by  a  subsequent  reference  of  Martyr  to  Cabot's  discovery  of  the  Baccalaos, 
in  Decade  seven,  chapter  two,  written  in  IJ24,  where  the  discovery  is  said  .0  have  taken 
place  "  twenty-six  years  before,"  that  is,  in  1498.^ 


ica,  "Arcay "  and  "  Caput  de  Sta  de."  On  its 
eastern  parts,  "Gorffo  Fremosa,"  "Caput  S. 
Cru'"is,"  and  "  Monte  Fregoso."  At  the  south- 
em  limit,  "  Alia  pega."  The  straight  lines  of 
the  western  coasts,  as  well  as  the  words  "  Terra 
incognita,"  are  thought  to  represent  an  uncer- 
tainty of  knowledge.  The  island  at  the  west  is 
"Zypangu  insula,"  or  Japan.  Mr.  Bartlett,  the 
editor  of  the  Carter-Browti  CiUalogiie,  is  of  the 
opinion  that  the  island  at  the  north  is  Iceland ; 
but  it  seems  more  in  accordance  with  the  prevail- 
ing notions  of  the  time  to  call  it  Baccalaos.  It  ap- 
pears in  the  same  way  on  the  Lenox  globe,  and 
in  the  circumpolar  MS.  map  of  Da  Vinci  (1513) 
in  the  Queen's  library  at  Windsor,  where  this 
island  is  marked  "  Bacalar."  The  eastern  coast 
outline  of  the  Stobnicza  map  bears  a  certain 
resemblance  to  the  Waldseemiiller  map  which 
appeared  in  the  Ptolemy  of  1313,  having  been 
however  engraved,  but  not  published,  in  1507, 
and  Stobnicza  may  have  seen  it.  If  so,  he 
might  have  intended  the  straight  western  line 
of  North  America  to  correspond  to  the  marginal 
limit  of  the  Ptolemy  map ;  but  he  got  no  war- 
rant in  the  latter  for  the  happy  conjecture  of 
the  western  coast  of  the  Southern  Continent, 
nor  could  he  find  such  anywhere  else,  so  far  as 
we  know.  The  variations  of  the  eastern  coast 
do  not  indicate  th.it  he  depended,  solely  at  le.ist, 
upon  the  Ptolemy  map,  which  carries  the  north- 


ern cut-off  of  the  northern  continent  five  de- 
grees higher.  "  Isabella  "  is  transferred  from 
Cuba  to  Florida,  and  the  northeast  coast  of 
South  America  is  very  different.  There  are  ac- 
curate f.-ic-similes  of  this  Ptolemy  map  in  Vam- 
hagen's  Premier  Voyage  de  Vespucci,  and  in  Ste- 
vens's Historical  and  Geographical  Xotes,  pi.  ii. 
See  the  chapter  on  Norumbega,  notes. — Ed.] 

1  This,  the  earliest  notice  of  Cabot  which  I 
have  seen  in  print,  and,  written  by  one  so 
distinguished  as  Peter  Martyr,  who  had  such 
rare  opportunities  for  information,  is  given 
almost  entire.  It  is  from  the  qu.-iint  English 
version  of  Richard  Eden,  made  some  three  hun- 
drtd  and  thirty  years  ago,  and  published  in  his 
Decades,  fol.  iiS,  119.  The  translation  has  been 
compared  with  the  Latin  text  of  MartjT,  in  the 
De  Orhe  Noi-o  oi  1516,  "  Tertie  dccadis  liber 
sextus,"  printed  the  year  .ifter  it  was  written, 
and  a  few  redundances  eliminated.  See  M. 
D'Avezac's  criticism  on  some  of  Eden's  English 
renderings,  in  Ranie  Critique,  v.  265. 

2  When  Mr.  Piddle  was  issuing  the  second 
London  edition  of  his  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot, 
in  1S32,  he  cancelled  one  leaf  in  the  book,  at 
pages  77,  78,  that  he  might  insert  a  notice  of  an 
early  dramatic  poem  cited  by  J.  Payne  CoUiei  in 
his  then  recently  published  History  of  English 
Dramatic  Poetry  .  .  .  and  Annals  of  the  Stage, 
London,  1831,  ii.  319-     The  play  was  entitle^ 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


'5 


LIBER    SEXTVS. 
xaumfllorttm  naturam  feoptimcallcreiaflarentrqaji  jfagtatafelequisfiiiflfe  uiAttCM 
fie  mfportatos  prxtcr  opfnioncm  conqucnintur. 

TERTIE  DECADIS  LiBER  SEXTVS. 

=ji]IC  PHILOSOPHANOVM  EST  PARVMPER  BEATISSIME 
parcr&a  cofmographiadigrediendumad  naturxarchanonim  caafas 
Occurrcre  ad  ocddcnrcmib<niar<aaclutic  montibus  toncntes  dela« 
bunturromncetinooroprxdicint.Proptcrcatrahorcgoioambiguum 
quo  aim  aqux  illxtcndantrqux  rotate  acpcrpetaotraAusborJenre  flu 
ant  ticltit  i  fiigtentes  ad  occidcntcin  I'ndc  ntinq;  rcdditurxrnccp  occidens 
proptcrca  ntngls  rcplntur:nccp  oricns  cuaciietur.Si  ad  ccntru  eas  tcndcre  dc  natura  gra 
niumdixerimus:  cctriinq;  lineamce  xqiilncftialem  uotuerimustutiptxric^aiunnqiiod 
centrum  dabiturtotrantaiutncpcapaxaquarunifqtixuecircunfcrentfarcpcrfcturmadi^ 
dalRationcm  uerinmilcni  qui  ca  litrora  pcrluftrarunt prxbentnullam  putantplnrtc^  ai  S*^?* 
ftasce  fauces  matigulofinualimagaxill/ustcllDrisquadixlmasltaliaoJhiploTnaiorc} 
abocckleotccubx  infulxrqux  rapidashasaquasobforbeant:^  indead  occidentcm  illas 
Ctnittant:quo  ndoricntem  nonrum  redeantraliidicuntad  feptentrioncm.  Volant  nons 
nulliciaurutr.  ee  finuni  ilium  magnx  tellurisctcnderet;  ad  fcptetrlooem  a  tcrgocubx  ita 
Tt  feptcntrioiiales  terraa  quas  glacialecirciifcpit  mare  rnbar^ocompieftatur:fintcp  m\h 
uerra  Uttora  illacontigaa:undc  crcdunt  eas  aquas  obfcAu  magnx  tellnrls  circumagi:  nc 
In  Aumtnibus licet confpicerc riparum gyris  fcfc obicftatibns:fedhocmfnime  quadrat 
Eodcm  nantq^  niodo:nonacri  tamen :  fed  leui  f^  ere  adoddenteaqoas  perpetuolapfu 
ioqmunt.-qui  glacialestentaruntoras:&  occidentcm  pofteafecadfant.  Scrutatus  eft  eas 
Scbadianus  quidam  cabotus  gcnere  uenetus:reda  parenribas  ia  britanlam  infutani  ten* 
dentibus:utimorijeftuenetorum:quiconimerdiaof3tcranlnioinniamfi>nthorpitc8 
craniportatus  pene infans. Duo  is  fibi  uauigia  propria  peconia  iti  britania  ipfa  inihuxit  beMit» 
&  phmo  tendcns  com  hominibus  tercentum  ad  feptentrionem  donee  ctiani  iuho  men*  orbisi 
fe  uaftas  repercrit  glaciales  moles  peiago  natantet:&  lucem  fere  perpetU3m:tcllurc  tame 
libera  gelu  liquefa Ac.  Quarc coaAus fuit uti ai;  uefa nertere  &  occidetem  fequiitetedit 
(p  tamen  ad  meridiem  littorerefeincuruanteiTtbercaieifiretl  Utitndlnisftre  grades  cq 
rit  ad  occidcntcmc^  profcftus  tanmtn  eft:  ut  cnbara  f  nfulam  a  Ixua  longitudine  graduQ 
pene  parcm  habueiit.Is  ea  littora  pKrcorrensqaxbacalUos  appellanit.'eosde  fe  reperif^ 
fe  aquarum  fed  Icnes  delaprus  ad ocddetem  ait:quos  caftellani  meridionales  fuas  regio 
nes  ad  nanigantes  in  ueuiunt.ergo  non  modo  nerlfimilius  :fed  neceflfario  concludcndn 
cft:uaftos  inter  otracp  ignotam  haftenustellurem  faccre  hyatus:quiuiam  prxbeltaquis 
ab  oriente  cadentibus  in  occidentcmrquas  art  itror  impultu  coelorom  drcuiariter  agi  ia 
gyrumcirca  terrx  gtobum:rton  autem  demogorgonc  anfaelante  uonii  abforberi^  utnd 
tiulli  fenferunt.'quod  in  Auxu&{  refluxu  fbrfan  affentlrc  darctur.Barcalld'os  cabottus  ipfe 
terras  illas  appellauit:eo  $  in  carum  pelago  tantam  reperit  m  ignorum  quorundam  piC> 
cium:tinno8emuUntium:fic«ocatorumabindigcnis:muUltudinem:ut  ctiamilli  naui  ^.^^^  . 
giainterdumdetardarentearnmregionuhominespeUibustantumcoopertosreperie  «iiao«/* 
bat:rationisbaudqna(^expertC9.Viirorumine(retegionibuscopiam  ingentem  refcrt  pci'ib'  ue 
qoi  &  ipfl  pifdbus  uefcantur.Inter denfa  nan^pifcium illonim  agmina  ittc in^'mergut  '^'"' 
vrfl:  &  flogulos  lingnll  complexosronguibus^  inter  fquaniat  immiiTis  in;tcrrani.  raptat 
&  commcduat:propterea  mininie  noxios  hominibus  vrfos  ee  ait.OrichaIcii5  ipixtitCf} 
lods  fe  uidiiTe  apod  incobs  prxdicantFamfliarem  habco  doiiil  cabotam  ipfum  &  cons>  wM^Jf'* 
ti^bernalemfntddumtuocatasnl^exbrftanafaaregenoftrocatboUcopoftenrrldnia 
iorisbritaoixreslsmctteroconcoriaUf  noftetdkexpeftat^iadiesutnauigia  fibi  pare 

PETER   MARl-YR,    I516. 


i6 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICVL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


i( 


A  map  of  the  world  was  composed  In  1529  by  Diego  Ribero,  a  verjable  cosmographer 
and  map-maker  of  Spain  in  the  early  part  of  the  nixteenth  century.  It  is  a  very  interest- 
ing map,  but  is  so  well  known  to  geographers  that  I  need  give  no  particular  description  of 
it  here.  The  northern  part  of  our  coast,  ilLlineated  upon  it,  is  supposed  to  have  been 
drawn  from  the  explorations  and  reports  of  Gomez  made  in  1525.  It  was  copied  and 
printed,  in  its  general  features  only,  in  1534,  at  Venice.  A  superior  copy  in  facsimile 
o'  ihc  original  map  was  published  by  Dr.  Kohl  in  i860,  at  Weimar,  in  his  Die  hciJen 
AUleslen  Geiieral-Kartcu  von  Amerika.^    On  this  map  an  inscription,  of  which  the  fol- 


*  1' 


\ 


% 

H 

p 

% 


A  neio  interlude  luui  a  mery  of  the  nature  of 
the  iiij  elements  Jeelaryinge  many  proper  poynis 
of  phylosophy  naturall  and  of  dyi'ers  straunge 
landys  and  of  dyrers  straunge  effects  and  ciiusis, 
etc.  L)r.  iJllxllii,  in  his  Typogr.  Ant.,  iii.  105, 
inserts  it  among  the  works  from  Rastcll's  press, 
and  in  a  manuscri])t  note  at  the  beginning  of  the 
copy  in  the  British  Museum,  it  is  said  to  have 
been  printed  by  him  in  1519.  This  copy,  the 
only  one  known,  formerly  belonged  to  Garrick. 
I  saw  it  in  London  in  1S66,  and  collated  it  with 
the  brier  extracts  in  Collier.  It  is  imperfect; 
and,  as  the  colophon  is  wanting,  the  imprint,  in- 
cluding date,  is  gone.  Different  years  have  been 
assigned  to  the  book  according  as  the  reader 
has  interpreted  the  historical  references  in  it. 
The  citations  from  the  "Interlude"  which  fol- 
low are  taken  from  the  publications  of  the 
Percy  Society,  vol.  xxii.  issued  in  1848.  Among 
the  characters  is  one  Experyens  (Experience), 
who  represents  a  practical  navigator  who  had 
been  a  great  traveller :  — 

"  RiRht  fair,  Syr,  I  have  ridden  and  gone, 
Antl  seen  straunge  thynges  many  one 
In  Affrick,  Europe,  and  Vnde  ; 
Both  est  and  west  I  have  ben  farr, 
North  also,  and  sf>cn  the  sowth  sterr 
Bolhe  by  see  and  lande. 

And,  apparently  pointing  tOAma.p,Experfe>tce 
proceeds : — 

"  There  lycth  Iselondc  where  men  do  fyshe. 
But  beyonde  that  so  colde  it  is 
Nn  man  may  there  abyde. 
This  see  is  called  the  Great  Occyan ; 
So  great  it  is  that  never  man 
Collide  tell  it  siih  the  worlde  began 
Tyll  nowe  within  this  xx.  yere, 
Westewarde  be  founde  new  landes 
That  we  never  harde  tell  of  before  this 
By  \vr>'tynge  nor  other  meanys. 
Yet  many  nowe  have  ben  there ; 
And  that  contrey  is  so  large  of  rome, 
Muche  lenger  then  all  Crestendome, 
Without  fable  or  gyle ; 
For  dyvers  maryncrs  had  it  tryed. 
And  sayled  streyght  by  the  coste  syde 
Above  V.  thousande  myle  I 
But  what  commodytes  be  wythin, 
No  man  can  tell  nor  well  imagin. 
But  yet  not  loU);  ago 
Some  men  of  this  contrey  went, 
By  the  Kynge's  noble  consent, 
It  for  to  search  to  that  entent, 
And  coude  not  be  brought  thereto ; 
But  they  that  were  they  venteni 


Have  cause  to  curse  their  raaryncrsi 

Fals  of  promys,  and  dissembleis, 

That  falsly  ihem  betrayed, 

Which  wold  take  no  paine  to  sail  £utlicr 

Than  their  own  lyst  and  pleasure : 

Wherfor  that  vyage,  and  dyven  other 

Such  kaytyfTes  have  destroyed. 

(J  what  a  thinge  had  he  than 

VTtliat  Ihey  that  be  Knglyschemen 

Myght  have  ben  furat  of  M 

That  there  shulde  have  lake  posscssytin, 

And  made  furst  buyldynge  and  habytacion, 

A  menmry  perpetual!  I 

And  also  what  an  honorable  thynge 

Bothe  to  the  realme,  ai.d  to  the  Kynge, 

To  have  h.id  his  domynyon  extendynge 

There  into  so  farr  a  grounde, 

Whiche  the  noble  Kyngc  of  late  memory. 

The  most  wyse  prynce,  the  VII.  Herry, 

Causyd  furst  for  to  be  founde,  .  .  .'* 

Percy,  in  his  essay  on  the  Origin  of  the  Eng. 
lish  Stage,  1767,  supposed  this  play  to  have  been 
written  about  the  year  1510,  from  the  follow- 
ing lines  which  he  referred  to  Columbus  :  — 

"...  Within  this  XX.  yeer 
Westewarde  be  founde  new  landes." 

Put  Columbus  is  not  named  in  the  play,  and 
the  finding  of  America  is  attributed  to  Amcricus 
Ves])ucius,  whose  earliest  alleged  voyage  was 
in  1497:  — 

"  But  this  newe  lands  founde  lately, 
Ben  callyd  -America,  bycause  only 
Americus  dyd  furst  them  fynde." 

The  date  ascribed  to  the  play  by  the  writer 
of  the  memorandum  in  it,  1 519,  would  seem  to 
be  not  far  from  the  truth.  But  the  verses  which 
speak  of  the  discovery  made  for  the  iate  king, 
Henry  VII.,  principally  interest  us  here.  They 
would  seem  to  refer  to  the  Cabots,  who  made 
the  only  authentic  Western  discovery  for  England 
in  that  reign.  The  whole  i>ocm  has  been  re- 
printed by  the  Percy  Society.  See  Winsor's 
HalliivclUana,  p.  8,  and  references  there.  Mr.  J. 
F.  Nicholls,  in  his  Life  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  Lon- 
don, lS6g,  p.  91,  prints  these  lines,  and  thinks 
"  that  the  Experyens  herein  depicted  was  none 
other  than  Sebastian  Cabot  himself." 

1  [A  sketch  of  a  portion  of  the  North  Amer- 
ican coast  is  given  in  another  chapter.  It  was 
reproduced  in  Sprengel's  translation  of  Munoz's 
Geschichte  der  neuen  IVelt,  Weimar,  1795,  and 
separately  in  his  Ueber  J.  Ribero^s  alUsU  melt- 
charte,  size  50  by  65  centimetres,  and  shows  the 
coast  from  Labrador  to  Magellan's  Straits.    Ci. 


THE   VOYAGES   OF  THE   CABOTS. 


17 


t  cosmographer 
a  very  interest- 
r  description  of 
1  to  have  been 
vas  copied  and 
>y  in  fac-simile 
his  Die  be i Jen 
which  the  fol- 


igin  of  the  Eng. 
ilay  to  have  been 
rom  the  follow- 
slumbus :  — 


in  the  play,  and 
ed  to  Americus 
;ed  voyage   was 


thorne's  map,  1527. 


VOL.   III.  —  •? 


If 

I     • 


i8 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


:  1 
1,  ^ 

j.i' 

1  i 
1  ( 

I 


1 


:i 


lowing  is  ail  English  version,  is  placed  over  the  territory  inscribed  Tierra  del  Labrador: 
"  This  country  the  Englisii  discovered,  but  there  is  nothing  useful  in  it."  See  an  abridged 
section  of  the  map  and  a  description  of  it  in  Kohl's  Doc.  Jlisl.  of  Afaine,  i.  299-307.' 

In  1530,  four  years  after  Martyr's  death,  there  w.as  published  at  Alcala  (Complutum), 
in  Spain,  liis  eight  Decades,  De  Orbc  A'ovOy  which  included  the  tliree  first  published  in 
I5if),  in  the  List  of  which,  tlie  third,  appeared  the  notice  of  Sebastian  Cabot  cited  .ibove. 
And  it  may  be  added  here  that  the  three  Decades,  including  the  De  iiiipcr  .  .  .  repcrtis  in- 
snlis,  etc.,  or  abridgment,  so  called,  of  the  fourtii  Decade,  jjrinted  at  Hasel  in  1521,  were 
reprinted  togetlier  in  that  city  in  1533.  Of  later  editions  there  will  be  occasion  to  s.iy 
something  farther  on.  Martyr's  notice  of  Cabot  was  the  earliest  e.xtant,  and  the  republi- 
cation of  these  Decades,  at  different  places,  served  to  ketp  alive  the  important  fact  of  the 
discovery  of  North  America  under  tlie  English  flag.  In  some  of  these  later  Decades, 
written  in  1524  and  1525,  references  will  be  found  to  Sebastian  Cabot  and  to  his  employ- 
ment in  Spain. 

There  was  published  in  Latin  at  Argentoratum  (Strasbourg),  in  1532,  by  James 
Ziegler,  —  a  Bavarian  theologian,  who  cultivated  mathematics  and  cosmography  with 
success,  —  a  book  relating  in  part  to  the  northern  regions.  Under  the  head  of  "  Gron- 
land  "  the  author  quotes  Peter  Martyr's  account  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  voyage  :  — 

"  Peter  Martyr  of  Angleria  writeth  in  his  Decades  of  the  .Spanish  n.ivigations,  that  Sebastian 
Cabot,"  sailing  from  England  continually  towards  the  north,  followed  that  course  so  far  that  he 
chanced  upon  great  flakes  of  ice  in  the  month  of  July ;  and  diverting  from  thence  he  followed  the 
coast  by  the  shore,  bending  toward  the  south  until  he  came  to  the  clime  of  the  island  of  Hispan- 
iola  above  Cuba,  an  Island  of  the  Cannibals.  Which  narration  h.ith  given  me  occasion  to  extend 
Gronland  beyond  the  promontory  or  cape  of  Huitsarch  to  the  continent  or  firm  land  of  Lapponia 
above  the  castle  of  Wardhus ;  which  thing  I  did  the  rather  for  that  the  reverend  Archbishop  of 
Nidrosia  constantly  affirmed  th.it  the  sea  bendeth  there  into  the  form  of  a  crooked  elbow." 

This  writer  evidently  supposed  that  Cabot  sailed  along  the  east  coast  of  Greenland,  and 
the  inference  he  drew  from  Cabot's  experience,  as  related  by  Martyr,  confirmed  his  belief 


Humboldt's  Examen  Critique,  iii.  184.  It  is  also 
given  in  Lelewel's  Atlas;  in  Murphy's  Vcrraz- 
ziiiw,  p.  129;  and  in  De  Costa's  IWrnzuna  the 
Explorer,  p.  43.  The  original  is  at  Weimar, 
with  a  replica  at  Rome. — En.) 

1  I  might  mention  here  an  interesting  map 
composed  by  the  English  merchant,  Robert 
Thome,  while  residing  in  Seville  in  Spain,  in 
1527,  and  sent,  with  a  long  discourse  on  cos- 
mography, to  Dr.  Ley,  English  ambassador  to 
Charles  V.  The  map  is  very  rude,  and  was  first 
published  with  the  discourse  by  Hakluyt  in  his 
little  quarto  in  1 5S2.  Along  the  line  of  the  coast 
of  Labrador  is  a  Latin  inscription  of  which  the 
following  is  the  English  reading :  "  This  land  was 
first  discovered  by  the  English."  Thome  was 
very  urgent  —  as  well  in  his  letter  to  Dr.  Ley  as 
in  a  letter  to  the  king,  Henry  VHL,  also  pub- 
lished by  Hakluyt  —  that  the  English  should  en- 
gage in  those  maritime  discoveries  to  the  west 
which  the  Spaniards  and  the  Portuguese  were 
monopolizing. 

•i  In  Ziegler's  original  work  he  begins  this 
sentence  thus :  "  Petrus  Martyr  mediolanensis 
in  hispanicis  n.ivigationibus  scribit,  Antonintim 
ipieiuiiim  Cahotum  solventem  a  Britannia,"  etc. 
This  clerical  or  typographical  ciror  as  to  Cabot's 


Christian  name  probably  arose  from  a  misread- 
ing of  Martvr's  language  in  Dec.  iii.  lib.  6 :  "  Scru- 
tatus  est  eas  Sehastiawis  quidam  Cahotus."  Eden 
did  not  hesitate  to  substitute  Sebastian  for  An- 
thony. As  a  mystification  concerning  the  name 
Antoninum  (or  Anthony)  Cabot,  I  will  add  that 
Mr.  Hrevoort  has  called  my  attention  to  the  fol- 
lowing entry  in  Letters  and  Papers,  Foreign  and 
Domestic,  Henry  V'lII.,  vol.  i.  ot.  I,  p.  939, 
doc.  5639,  Nov.  27,  1 514:  "  Patent  denization  to 
Anthony  Chaho,  surgeon,  native  of  Savoy,"  with 
another  entry  showing  that  in  1 51 2  an  annuity 
of  twenty  pounds  was  granted  to  him ;  and  Mr. 
Prevoort  asks  the  cpiestion  if  Anthony  could 
have  been  another  son  of  Jean  Cabot,  arriving 
in  England  later ;  and  also  whether  the  Cabots 
might  not  have  come  originally  from  Savoy.' 
[Ziegler's  title  reads :  Syria,  Palcstina,  Arabia, 
Ais^yptits,  Schondia,  I/olmia,  —  the  section  on 
Schondia,  as  he  calls  the  north,  takes  folios  85- 
108;  and  the  last  of  the  eight  maps  in  the  book 
is  of  Schondia.  See  Harrisse's  Biblio.  Amer. 
Vetus,  no.  170;  F.  Muller's  Catalos^ue,  1877, 
no.  3595.  The  Schondia  section  was  reprinted 
in  Krantzius's  Regnorum  Aquilonarium,  etc., 
Frankfort,  1583.  F.  Muller's  Catalogue,  1872, 
no.  844.  —  Ed.1 


ill ; 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CADOTS. 


»9 


that  that  country  joined  on  to  Lappona  (Lapland),  —  an  old  notion  which  lasted  down 
t(i  the  tinw  of  \Villou},'hhy,  —  niakinj;  "one  continent;"  and  so  lie  represented  it  on 
his  map  no.  8,  jniblishcd  in  his  hook.'  He  i)laccs  "Terra  Ilacallaos"  on  the  cast  coast 
of  "Gronland."  He  belicveil  tiiat  Cabot's  fallinj^  in  with  ice  proved  "  that  he  sailed  not 
by  the  main  sea,  but  in  places  near  unto  the  lane'.,  comprehending  and  embracing;  the  sea  in 
tlie  form  of  a  gulf."  I  liave  copied  this  from  Eden's  1-nglish  version  of  Ziegler  (_/h\ii(/ii, 
fill.  268),  in  the  margin  of  which  at  this  place  Eden  says,  "Cabot  told  me  that  this  ice  is 
of  fresh  water,  and  not  of  the  sea.''  '^ 

There  was  published  at  \'enice  in  1534,  in  Italian,  a  volume  in  three  parts;  the  first 
of  which  was  entitled,  Sitz/iMiin'o  </<•  /ii  i;enera/e  Itisloria  tic  rimlie  oaiihittali  cavato  da 
Ubri  scritti  dal  sij^iwr  don  I'ittm  Martyre  del  lonsij^lio  dclk  indie  delta  maesla  de  I'i/n- 
peradore,  et  da  inolte  altre  particulari  relatiotii? 

This,  as  will  be  seen,  purports  to  be  a  summary  drawn  from  Peter  Martyr  and 
other  sources,  —  "from  many  other  private  accounts."  The  basis  of  the  work  is  Martyr's 
first  three  Decades,  published  together  in  Latin  in  151?),  the  original  arrangement  of  the 
author  being  entirely  disregarded,  many  facts  omitted,  and  new  statements  introduced  for 
which  no  authority  is  given.  15y  virtu  of  the  concluding  words  of  the  quoted  title,  the 
translator  or  compiler  ajjpears  to  claim  the  privilege  of  taking  the  utmost  liberty  with  the 
text  of  Martyr.  For  the  well-known  j'assage  in  the  sixth  chapter  of  the  third  Decade, 
where  Martyr  says  that  Sebastian  Cabot  "  sed  a  parentibus  in  Uritiiniam  insulam  tenden. 
tibus,  uti  moris  est  \'enetorum  :  (|ui  commeroii  causa  terrarum  omnium  sunt  hospites  trans- 
portatus  pene  infans  "  ("  whom  being  yet  but  in  manner  an  infant,  his  parents  carried  with 
them  into  England,  having  occasion  to  resort  thither  for  trade  of  merchandise,  as  is  the 
manner  of  the  Venetians  to  leave  no  part  of  the  world  unsearched  to  obtain  riches  "),  the 
Italian  translator  has  substituted,  "Cestui  essendo  piccolo  fu  menato  da  suo  padre  in 
Inghilterra,  da  poi  la  inorte  del  quale  trouandosi  ricchissimo,  et  di  grande  aninio,  delibero 
si  come  hauea  fatto  Christoforo  Colombo  voler  anchor  lui  scoprire  qualche  nuoua  parte 
del  modo,"  etc.  ("  He  being  a  little  boy  was  taken  by  his  father  into  England,  after 
whose  death,  finding  himself  very  rich  and  of  great  ambition,  he  resolved  to  discover  some 
new  part  of  the  world  as  Columbus  had  done  "). 

M.  D'Avezac  has  given  some  facts  which  show  that  the  editor  of  this  Italian  version  of 
Peter  Martyr,  as  he  calls  this  work,  was  Ramusio,  the  celebrated  editor  of  the  iVavigationi  ct 
Viaggi*  etc.,  and  this  work  is  introduced  into  the  third  volume  of  that  publication,  twenty- 
one  years  later.  Mr.  Drevoort  has  also  called  my  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  woodcut 
of  "  Isola  Spagnuola,"  used  in  the  early  work,  was  introduced  into  the  later  one,  which  is 
confirmatory  of  the  opinion  that  Ramusio  was  at  least  the  editor  of  the  Sitmniariooi  1534-' 

Cabot  we  know  was,  during  his  residence  in  Spain,  a  correspondent  of  Ramusio,  —  at 
least,  the  latter  speaks  once  of  Cabot's  having  written  to  him,  and  we  shall  see  farther  on 
that  they  were  not  strangers  to  each  other,  —  and  it  is  possible  that  this  modification  of 
Peter  Martyr's  language  was  authorized  by  him.  It  is  here  stated,  however,  that  Cabc* 
reached  only  55°  north,  while  in  the  prefatory  Discorso  to  his  third  volume  the  editor 
says  that  Cabot  wrote  to  him  many  years  before  that  he  reached  the  latitude  of  67  degrees 
and  a  half,  and  no  explanation  is  given  as  to  whether  the  reference  is  to  the  same  voyage. 
A  fair  inference  from  the  passage  above  cited  from  the  Italian  Siiiitmario  would  be  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  planned  the  voyage  of  discovery  after  his  father's  death,  which  we  know 


1  [It  is  also  so  drawn  in  Ruscelli's  map  of 
1544.  — En.] 

2  Ziegler's  book  is  rare  and  curious ;  he 
was  a  geographer  of  great  repute.  Such  books 
often  serve  to  perpetuate  references  to  more 
important  works,  and  to  shov  the  erroneous  geo- 
graphical opinions  of  the  period.  A  second  edi- 
tion, under  a  different  title,  was  published  at  the 
same   place  in   1536.      See    Harrisse's    Biblio. 


Amer.  Vetiis,  pp.  290,  291,  350,  and  the  Carter- 
BrmoJt    Catiilogue,  pj).   106,   120,  where  will  be 
found  a  notice  of  Ziegler.   Biddle,  p.  31. 
^  Carter-Brmun  Catalogue,  p.  no. 

*  See  Annh  Veritable  de  la  A'aissance  dt 
Christophe  Colomb,  jj.  10,  n.  8. 

*  See  also  Relation!  del  S.  Pietro  Martira 
Milanese,  Delia  ease  notabili  delta  prm<incia  delf 
Egittc,  etc.,  by  Carlo  Passi,  Venetia,  1564. 


'V 


I  . 

i  I 


20 


NARKATiVE   AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AMKRICA. 


i* 


wax  not  true ;  as  it  was  equally  untrue  thai  the  death  of  his  father  made  him  very  rich, 
f<ir  the  Italian  envoy  telU  uh  tliat  John  L'alM>t  wan  |KM)r.  ln<lcL'(l,  the  whole  lanxua^e  of 
the  paHxage  relating;  tu  Sebantian  Cabot  ii  mythical  and  untruHtworthy,  whoever  may  have 
innpircd  it.' 

I  now  come  to  a  map  of  Sebastian  Calmt.  l>earinK  date  1544,  as  the  year  of  itit  compo- 
sition, a  it)|>y  of  whicl.  was  discovered  in  (iermany  in  1X43,  by  Von  Martius,  in  the  house 
of  a  Havarian  curate,  and  de|K>sited  in  the  following;  year  in  the  National  Library  in  i'arit. 
It  has  been  described  at  some  length  by  M.  D'Avczac,  in  the  Bulti-lin  de  la  SoiUU lU 
lii'oi^nipfiii',  4  scr.  xiv.  268-270,  1857.  It  is  a  large  elliptical  nmpfit  monih-,  engraved  on 
metal,  with  geographical  delineations  drawn  upon  it  down  to  the  time  it  wan  made.  I  saw 
the  map  in  I'aris  in  icSf>6.  On  its  sides  are  two  tables:  the  lirst,  on  the  left,  in:icribed 
at  the  head  "  Tal)ula  I'lim.i;  '  and  that  on  tlic  right,  "  Tal)ula  Sccunda."  On  these 
tables  are  seventeen  legends,  or  inscriptions,  in  duplicate;  *hat  is  to  say,  in  Spanish  and  in 
Latin,  the  latter  sup|M)sed  la  be  a  translation  of  the  former,  — each  Latin  legend  immedi- 
ately following  the  Spanish  original  and  bearing  the  same  number.'' 

After  the  seventeen  legends  in  Spanish  and  in  Latin,  we  lot  le  to  a  title  or  heading: 
"  I'linio  en  el  secund  libro  capitulo  Ixxix.,  escriue  "  ("  I'liny,  in  the  second  book,  ch.ipter  79, 
writes  ").  Then  follows  an  inscription  in  Spanish,  no.  18,  from  I'liny's  Xatntal  //htory, 
cap.  Ixvii.,  the  chapter  given  above  being  an  error.  Four  brief  inscriptions,  also  in  Spanish, 
numbered  19  to  22,  relating  to  the  natural  pro<l'  lions  of  islands  in  the  eastern  seas,  taken 
from  other  authors,  complete  the  list  .So  there  are  twenty-two  Spanish  inscriptions  or 
legends  on  the  map,  —  ten  on  the  first  table  and  twelve  on  the  second,  —  the  last  five  of 
which  have  no  Latin  ext'mplaires ;  and  there  are  no  Latin  inscriptions  without  the  same 
text  in  Spanish  immediately  preceding.     Nos.  19-22  ar»;  in  Latin  in  the  body  of  the  map. 

There  are  no  headings  prefixed  to  the  inscriptions,  .•.xcept  the  ist,  the  17th,  and  18th. 
The  first  inscription,  relating  to  the  tliscovery  of  the  New  World  by  Columbus,  has  this 
title,  beneath  Tabula  VrinvA, '•  i/i-/ <i/mint>i/t\"  The  17th  —  a  long  inscription  —  has  tliis 
title  :  Rctulo,  tit-l  anctor  con^u'rliis  ni^ones  de  la  ~,'aria(i\>n  (jue  haze  il  a^i^uta  del  inareat 
con  la  estrella  del  .Xorte  ("  A  discourse  of  the  autho'  of  the  map,  giving  certain  reasons  for 
the  vari.uion  of  the  magnetic  needle  in  reference  to  the  North  .Star").  It  is  also  repeated 
in  Latin  over  the  version  of  the  inscription  in  that  language.  The  title  to  the  iSth  inscrip- 
tion, if  it  may  be  called  a  title,  has  already  been  given. 

The  17th  inscription  begins  as  follows:  "Sebastian  Caboto,  capitan  y  piloto  mayor 
de  la  S.  c.  c.  m.  del  Imperador  iion  Carlos  quinto  deste  nombre,  y  Rey  nuestro  sennor 
hizo  este  figura  cxtcnda  en  piano,  anno  del  nascim"  de  nro  Salvador  lesu  Christo  de 


'  In  a  recent  Icttr  from  Mr.  J.  Carson  lire- 
voort,  the  (lislinguiihed  ))il)liographcr  and  liis- 
toricd  scholar,  of  lirooklyn,  N.  Y., — who  h-is 
kindly  communicated  for  my  use  his  ilmndant 
materials  relating  to  the  Cabots,  and  has  i.iiu 
me  under  great  obligations  for  aid  in  preparing 
this  paper,  —  he  says  he  has  been  collating  the 
first  part  of  the  Suiiimitrio  of  1534  with  tl.c 
Latin  Dccailcs  of  I'cter  .Martyr,  and  he  tincls 
them  to  differ  in  a  way  that  no  mere  transla- 
tor would  h.nve  ventured  to  effect ;  that  in  one 
instance  two  books  of  the  Decades  are  con- 
densed into  a  few  lines,  and  the  whole  worked 
over  as  an  author  only  could  do  it.  The  Ital- 
ian Summary  closes  at  the  end  of  the  ninth 
book  of  the  third  Decade.  He  thinks  that  Ra- 
musio,  with  the  edition  of  1516  before  him, 
would  not  have  omitted  the  tenth  book.  Mr. 
Brevoort  therefore  is  led  to  believe  that  Mar- 
tyr  himself    rewrote    in    1515,   in    Italian,   the 


three  Decades  (the  last  book  not  having  yet 
I)etn  written)  and  sent  the  M.S.  to  a  friend  in 
Italy,  where  it  slumbered  until  1534,  when  it 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Kamusio,  who  committed 
i:  to  the  press.  This  is  a  curious  question  in 
bibliography. 

It  should  l>e  added  here  that  the  statements  of 
Martyr  included  in  the  I^tin  Decades  of  1516 
(afterward  published  in  the  entire  work  of  1530) 
are  so  often  referred  to  by  the  author,  in  the 
course  of  his  correspondence,  that  we  are  bound 
to  accept  that  edition  as  the  genuine  work.  It 
was  published  during  his  lifetime,  and  received 
his  imprimatur. 

•  The  figures  of  men  and  animals  on  the 
map  are  colored.  I  have  recently  received  from 
my  friend  M.  Letort,  of  the  National  Library 
in  Paris,  a  more  particular  description  of  the 
legends  of  this  map  than  has  hitherto  been 
published. 


ill ; 


t-^ 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CAUOTS. 


31 


MDXI.Iin.  annoH,  lirada  por  Kradoi  de  l.itituil  y  lonjjitud  nui  mir  vicntoH  romo  carta  de 
m.iroar,  imitando  en  parte  al  I'tolomei),  y  en  parte  alos  nnxlcrnxs  di'MLohridori-H,  asi  Ivspa- 
nnlcs  como  I'ortiiniiCHi'H,  y  parte  por  su  padre,  y  |«)r  cl  dcMubicrto,  |K)r  dondc,  pfxlr-i* 
nave^ar  como  por  c.iria  do  niarcar,  tcniendo  re!»|H:cto  a  luariai,-ion  (|uc  hixtc  cl  ajjuia,"  etc, 
("  Sfhaittian  CaWot,  captain  and  pilot-major  of  hl»  natrcd  imperial  majesty,  the  cni|)eror 
Don  CarluH,  the  fifth  of  this  name,  and  the  kinK  our  lord,  made  this  figure  extended  on  a 
plane  surface.  In  the  year  of  the  birth  of  our  Saviour  jesus  Christ,  1544,  hiving  drawn  it 
l)y  »le>;rees  of  latitude  and  lonjjitude,  with  the  winds,  as  a  sailing  chart,  t'ollnwln^r  partly 
I'tolemy  and  pai'v  the  modern  discoveries,  Spanish  and  rortuj{uesc,  and  partly  the  dis- 
covery made  by  his  lather  and  himself :  by  it  you  may  sail  as  by  a  sea-chart,  having  regard 
to  the  variation  of  the  needle,"  etc.).  Then  follows  a  discussion  relating  to  the  variation  of 
the  magnetic  needle,  which  Cabot  claims  first  to  have  noticed.' 

In  the  inscription.  No.  8,  which  treats  of  Newfoundland,  it  says:  "Tlii.^  country  was 
discovered  by  John  C.diot,  a  \'enctian,  and  Sebastian  Cal)ot.  his  son.  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  .MCCCC.XCI V.  [1494]  on  tbe  24th  of  June,  in  the  morning,  which 
country  they  called  'primum  visam' ;  and  a  large  island  adjacent  to  it  they  named  the 
island  of  .St.  John,  because  they  discovered  it  on  the  same  day."  '•' 

A  fac-siniile  of  this  map  was  published  in  I'aris  by  M.  Jomard,  in  Plate  XX.  of  his 
AfoHumenls  tit  la  iit'oi;nipliie  (begun  in  1842,  and  is.sued  during  several  years  following 
down  to  1862),  but  without  the  legends  on  its  sides,  which  un(|uestional)ly  belong  to  the 
map  itself ;  for  those  which,  on  account  of  their  length,  are  not  included  within  the  interior 
of  the  niaj),  are  attached  to  't  by  proper  references.  M.  Jomard  |)r<)niised  a  separate  vol- 
ume of  "texte  explicatif,"  but  death  prevented  the  accomplishment  of  his  purpcie.* 


>  It  is  supposed  that  a  new  edition  nf  thi.s 
map  was  published  in  1  549,  the  year  after  Seb.istian 
Cabot  returned  to  Knglaml.  The  only  evidence 
of  this  is  contained  in  a  thick  duodecimo  volume 
first  |)ulilishcd  in  1594,  at  Herl)orn,  in  .Nassau, 
edited  by  Nathan  Chytra;us,  entitled  I'liriorum 
in  Etinif'a  J/imriiiH  Dctidic, — a  work  consisting 
of  monumental  and  other  inscriptions,  anti(|uc 
legends,  and  curious  bits  of  anti(|uity  in  prose 
and  verse,  picked  up  by  the  diligent  compiler  in 
almost  every  country  in  I'iurope.  lie  was  in 
England  in  15C5;  and  apparently  at  Oxford  he 
saw  a  document,  "  a  geographical  table,"  under 


*  I  copy  here  this  legend  entire,  in  the  orig- 
inal .Sp.-inish  as  on  the  Paris  map:  — 

"  No.  8.  Esia  lierr.i  fue  dt'scubierla  |xir  Iain  C'aboio 

Vcneciano,  y  Sebasli.tn  C.ilHtio  %\\  hijn,.inni)del  n.isciniiento 

lie  nuesiro  Saluudor  Itsii  I'liristo  de  M.C'l'l'C  XCI 1 1 1,  a 

ueinte  y  fiii.irtnde  jiiiiinpor  hi  inann.in.i,  .1 1,-t  iiiliI  |>u;  ii-ron 

nobre  |)rinia  tierra  uista,  y  a  una  inla  Kr,l(le  (|iii:  tsi.    par 

la  dha  tierra,  le  pusiermt  nnbre  saiit  lo.in,  pur  aiier  sido 

descubieria  el  inisnio  dia  lagcnte  dell.i  andan  iiesiidos  de- 

pielcH  de  animales,  usan  en   sus  guerran  arcoH,   y  flechan, 

lancas,  y  dard(»,  y  unax  porras  de  \\\V\  y  Ixindas.     Ka 

tierra  muy  Ateril,  ay  etiella  nuichon  nrsti-,  platicos,  ycieruns 

muy  grades  como  cauallns,  y  otras  iiiucha!i  animalcH,  y 

semeiantemele  ay    fie^cadu   intiiiito,    solhis,    Nalmoes,    Icn- 

guados,  muy  graiides  de  uara  enlargu  y  otras  mucins  diver- 

which  he  found  several  inscriptions  in  not  very     sidadej  de  pescados,  y  la  mayor  multiuid  dellos  se  di»n 

elegant    I.alin,  which    he  copied   and  printed  in      baccallao»,  y  asi  mismo  ay  in  la  dha  tierra  Ilalcone.s  prit-ios 

his  vohmie,  tilling  twentv-two  p.-lges  of  the  book,      comocueruoj  Aquillas,  Perdices,  Pardillas,  y  olr.is  mucha.? 

■I'l,       ™.„      1,    n      ■      I     .•  1  11        aues  de  diuersas  maneras " 

1  hey  arc  wholly  ni  Latm,  and  correspond  sulv 

stantially  with   the    Latin    inscriptions   on   the  In  the  Latin  inscription  we  read  that  the  di.s- 

Paris    map    described    above.      There    is    this  covcry  was  made  "  hora  5,  sub  diluculo  j  "  that  is, 

difference.     The  inscriptions  here  are  but  nine-  at  the  hour  of  five,  at  daybreak.      The  Spanish 

teen  in  number,  whereas  on  the  Paris  map  there  simpiv  says  that  the  discovery  was  made  in  the 

are   twenty-two,  five  of  them   in   .Spanish  only,  moiniiig. 

No.  xviii.,  (if   Chvtr.xus,  is  in  the  body  oidy  of  •' [We  give  reduced  a  part  of  the  North  Amcr- 

the  map,  ami  in  Spanish;  and  .\o.  xi.\.  ap|)ears  ican  coast.     Other  representations  will  be  found 

only  in  Spanish.     In  Cliytr;eus  each  inscription  in  Stevens's  I/ist.  ami  d-Of;.  A'ol.'s,  pi.  4;  Kohl's 

has   a  title  preli.xed,  wanting,  as  a   rule,  on   the  Disan^ery  of  Maiiu;  p.  358;   Jurien  de   la  Gra- 

Paris   map.     There  are  some  verbal  variaticms  viire's  I.ts  Mariiis  dii  XI''  et  dii  Xl'I'  sihle, 

in  the  te.\t,  owing  probal)ly  to  the  contingencies  Paris,  1879,  with  an  e.ssay  on  the  map,  —  papers 

ot  tran.scription  and  of  printing.     In  the  legend,  originally  printed  in  the  A'nuii-  i/es  "•/«■  MonJcs, 

No.  xvii.,  which   has   the   title,  "  Inscriptio  sev  1876;  NichoU's  Life  of  S.  Cahot,  but  inaccurate 

titulus  Auctoris,"  the  date    1549  is  inserted  as  in  the  names;  Hist.  Afai:.,  March,  l8f>8,  in  con- 

the  year  in  which  the  map  to  which  the  inscrip-  ncction  with  Mr.  Hrcvoort's  paper;   K.  Kidder's 

tions  belonged  was  composed,  instead  of  1544,  Discor.'try  of  Xortit  Amnica  hy  John  Cabot;  Bry- 

as  in  the  Paris  map.  ant  and  Gay's   United  States,   i.    193.      Also   in 


32 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I 


'il 

i    / 


i- 


•  '^  a  <-, 


AViMlU 


vmSh'  3 


I 


*<j_.«^*— ~_ 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


23 


If  this  map,  with  the  date  of  its  composition,  is  authentic,  it  is  the  first  time  the  name 
of  John  Cabot  has  been  introduced  to  our  notice  in  any  printed  document,  in  connection 
with  the  discovery  of  Nortii  America.  Here  the  name  is  brought  in  jointly  with  tliat  of 
Sel)astian  Cabot,  on  the  authority  apparently  of  Sebastian  himself.  He  is  said  to  be  the 
make,  of  the  map,  and  if  he  did  not  write  the  legends  on  its  sides  he  may  be  supposed  not 
to  have  been  ignorant  of  their  having  been  placed  there.  As  to  Legend  No.  8,  copied 
above,  who  but  Sebastian  Cabot  would  know  the  facts  embodied  in  it,  —  namely,  that  the 
discovery  was  made  by  both  the  father  and  the  son,  on  the  24th  of  June,  about  five  o'clock 
in  the  morning;  that  the  land  was  called /r/wrt  I'ista,  or  its  equivalent,  and  that  the  island 
near  by  was  called  St.  John,  as  the  discovery  was  made  on  St.  John's  Day  ?  Whether  or 
not  Sebastian  Cabot's  statement  is  to  be  implicitly  relied  on,  in  associating  his  own  name 
with  his  father's  in  the  voyage  of  discovery,  in  view  of  the  evidence  which  has  recently 
come  to  light,  the  legend  itself  must  have  proceeded  from  him.  Some  additional  informa- 
tion in  the  latter  pa."t  of  the  inscription,  relating  to  the  native  inhabitants,  and  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  country,  may  have  been  gathered  in  the  voyage  of  the  following  year. 
Sebastian  Cabot,  without  doubt,  was  in  possession  of  his  father's  maps,  on  which  would  be 
inscribed  by  John  Cabot  himself  the  day  on  which  the  discovery  was  made. 

Whatever  opinions,  therefore,  historical  scholars  may  entertain  as  to  Sebastian  Cabot's 
connection  with  this  map  in  its  present  form,  or  with  the  inscriptions  upon  it  as  a  whole, 
all  must  admit  that  the  statements  embodied  in  No.  8,  and,  it  may  be  added,  in  No.  17, 
could  have  been  communicated  by  no  one  but  Sebastian  Cabot  himself.  The  only  alterna- 
tive is  that  they  are  a  base  fabrication  by  a  stranger.  Moreover,  this  very  map  itself,  or  a 
map  with  these  legends  upon  it,  as  we  shall  see  farther  on,  was  in  the  possession  of  Richard 
Eden,  or  was  accessible  to  him  ;  and  one  of  its  long  inscriptions  was  translated  into  Eng- 
lish, and  printed  in  his  Decades,  in  1555,  as  from  "Cabot's  own  card," — and  this  at  a  time 
when  Cabot  was  living  in  London,  and  apparently  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  Eden.  Le- 
gend No.  8  contains  an  important  statement  which  is  confirmed  by  evidence  recently  come 
to  liglit,  namely,  the  fact  of  John  Cabot's  agency  in  the  discovery  of  North  America ;  and, 
although  the  name  of  the  son  is  here  associated  with  the  father,  it  is  a  positive  relief  to  find 
an  acknowledgment  from  Sebastian  himself  of  a  truth  that  was  to  receive,  before  the  close 
of  the  century,  important  support  from  the  publication  of  the  Letters  Patent  from  the 
archives  of  the  State.  And  this  should  serve  to  modify  our  estimate  of  the  authenticity  of 
reports  purporting  to  come  from  Sebastian,  in  which  the  father  is  wholly  ignored,  and  the 
son  alone  is  represented  as  the  hero.  The  long  inscription,  No.  17,  contains  an  honorable 
mention  of  his  father,  as  we  have  already  seen  ;  and  in  the  Latin  duplicate,  the  language 
in  the  passage  which  I  have  given  in  English  will  be  seen  to  be  even  more  emphatic  than 
is  expressed  in  the  Spanish  text.  Indeed,  in  several  instances  in  the  Latin,  though  gener- 
ally following  the  Spanish,  so  far  as  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  observing,  there  are 
some  statements  of  fact  not  to  be  found  in  the  Spanish.*    The  passage  already  cited  con- 


Augusto  Zeri's  Gicnmnui  c.  St'luistiano  Caholo,  Ks- 
tr.itto  dalla  Uivista  Marittima,  Marzo,  Roma, 
iSSi.  The  whole  of  the  map  is  given,  but  on  a 
much  reduced  scale,  in  Judge  Daly's  luirly  His- 
tory of  Cartography,  N.  Y.,  1879.  —  Kn.] 

'  The  following  extract  of  a  I'Uter  from  Sebas- 
tian Cabot  to  the  Kmpcror  diaries  V.,  dated 
London,  Nov.  15,  1554,  speaks  of  a  sea-chart  in- 
tended for  his  Maiesty,  and  refers  also  to  the 
subject  of  the  variation  of  the  needle,  which  inter- 
ested Cabot  in  an  especial  manner :  — 

'*  With  respect  to  hying  down  the  position  of  the  coast 
of  Gtiiriea  conformably  with  the  variation  made  by  the  nee- 
dle with  the  pulr,  if  the  King  of  Portugal  falls  Into  an  error, 
I  give  your  Majesty  a  remedy. 

"  The  same  Francisco  de  Urista,  whom  I  have  named 


before,  takes  with  him  to  show  to  your  Majesty  two  figures 
which  are:  a  mappe  monde  divided  by  the  equ,ltor,  from 
which  your  M.ajesty  can  see  the  causes  of  the  variation  of  the 
needle,  and  the  reasons  why  it  moves  at  one  time  towards 
the  north,  at  another  towards  the  south  pole;  the  second 
figure  shows  how  to  lake  the  longitude  on  whatever  parallel 
a  man  happens  to  be.  The  results  of  both  these  the  said 
F.  de  U.  will  relate  to  your  Majesty  as  I  h.avL,  here  instructed 
him  fully  .about  them,  and  .as  he  is  himself  skilled  in  the 
art  of  navigation.  In  regard  to  the  sea-chart  (?)  which  the 
said  F.  do  U.  lias,  I  have  written  to  your  M.njesty  before 
about  it,  that  it  is  of  importance  to  your  service,  and  also 
[have  written)  about  a  relation  in  my  own  handwriting  to 
Juan  Ksquefe,  your  ambassador,  to  send  it  to  your  M.ijesty. 
From  what  I  am  told,  it  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Secretary 
Kraso.  To  it  I  refer  you,  and  I  assert  that  the  chart  will 
be  of  great  service  in  reference  to  the  division  line  agreed 
upon  between  the  royal  crown  of  Spain  and  Portugal  for  the 
reasons  set  forth  in  my  relation. 


»!' 


24 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I     ,» 


if  ! 


eludes  thus  in  the  Latin :  "  And  also  from  the  experience  and  practice  of  long  sea-service 
of  the  most  excellent  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian  by  nation,  and  of  my  author  [the  map  is  here 
made  to  speak  for  itself]  Sebastian  his  son,  the  most  learned  of  all  men  in  knowledge  of 
the  stars  and  the  art  of  navigation,  who  have  discovered  a  certain  part  of  the  globe  for 
a  long  time  hidden  from  our  people."  * 

Though  we  are  not  quite  willing  to  believe  that  Sebastian  Cabot  wrote  the  eulogy  of 
himself  contained  in  this  passage,  yet  who  but  he  could  have  known  of  those  facts  concern- 
ing his  father,  who,  we  suppose,  had  been  dead  some  fifty  years  before  this  map  was 
composed .'' 

The  map  itself,  as  a  work  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  is  unsatisfactory,  and  many  of  the 
legends  on  its  sides  are  also  unworthy  of  its  alleged  author.  It  brought  forward  for 
the  first  time,  in  Legend  8,  the  year  1494  as  the  year  of  the  discovery  of  North  America, 
which  the  late  M.  D'Avezac  accepted,  but  which  I  cannot  but  think  from  undoubted 
evidence,  to  be  adduced  farther  on,  is  wrong.  The  "  terram  primum  visam  "  of  the  legend 
is  inscribed  on  the  northern  part  of  Cape  Breton,  and  there  would  seem  to  be  no  good 
reason  for  not  accepting  this  point  on  the  coast  as  Cabot's  landfall.  The  "y  de  s.  Juan," 
the  present  Prince  Edward  Island,  is  laid  down  on  the  map  ;  and  although  Dr.  Kohl  thinks 
that  the  name  was  given  by  the  French,  and  that  Cabot  may  have  taken  it,  not  from  his 
own  survey,  but  from  the  French  maps,  I  have  seen  no  evidence  of  the  application  of  the 
name  on  any  map  before  this  of  Cabot.  Cartier  gave  the  name  "Sainct  Jean"  to  a  cape 
on  the  west  coast  of  Newfoundland,  in  1534,  discovered  also  on  St.  John's  Day;  but  this 
fact  was  not  known,  in  print  at  least,  till  1556,  when  the  account  of  his  first  voyage  was 
published  in  the  third  volume  of  Ramusio. 

We  find  no  strictly  contemporaneous  reference  to  this  map,  or  evidence  that  it  exerted 
any  influence  on  opinions  respecting  the  first  two  voyages  of  the  Cabots ;  and  the  name  of 
John  Cabot  again  sinks  out  of  sight.  Dr.  Kohl  has  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  au- 
thor of  this  map  has  copied  the  coast  line  of  the  northern  shore  largely  from  Ribero. 

It  may  be  added  that  the  inscription  No.  8,  on  Cabot's  map,  has  since  its  republication 
by  Hakluyt,  with  an  English  version  by  him,  in  1589,  been  regarded  as  containing  the  most 
definite  and  satisfactory  statement  which  had  appeared  as  to  the  discovery  of  North  Amer- 
ica, the  date  as  to  the  year  having  been  subjected  to  some  interesting  criticisms,  to  b' 
referred  to  farther  on. 

In  the  year  1550  Ramusio  issued  at  Venice  the  first  volume  of  his  celebrated  collection 
of  voyages  and  travels  in  IValian,  entitled,  Delle  Navigationi  et  Viaggi,  etc.  This  con- 
tained, in  a  discourse  on  spices,  etc.,  the  well-known  report  of  a  conversation  at  the  v^'la 
of  Hieronymo  Fracastor,  at  Caphi,  near  Verona,  in  which  the  principal  speaker,  a  most 
profound  philosopher  and  mathematician,  incidentally  relates  an  interview  which  he  had, 
some  years  before,  with  Sebastian  Cabot  <it  Seville.  Ramusio,  who  was  present,  and  tells 
the  story  himself,  says  he  does  not  pretend  to  give  the  conversation  precisely  as  he  heard 
it,  for  that  would  require  a  talent  beyond  his ;  but  he  would  try  and  give  briefly  what  he 
could  recollect  of  it.  The  substance  of  Cabot's  story  as  related,  much  abridged  by  me, 
is  this  :  — 


"  I  beg  you  to  receive  my  good  will,  etc.  (Would  come 
in  person  but  am  ill,  etc.)." 

( Col.  de  Doc.  Ined.  Madrid,  1843,  iii.  512.)  An- 
dres Garcia  de  C^spedes,  in  his  Regimiento  de 
Navigation,  etc.,  i6o6,  .speaking  ot  the  longitude, 
p.  137,  probably  alludes  to  this  very  map:  "Se- 
bastian Cabott  de  nacion  Ingles,  Piloto  bien 
conocido,  in  un  Mapa  que  dio  al  Key  de  Cas- 
tilla,"  etc. 

1  Cf.  the  learned  dissertations  on  this  map, 
by  Dr.  Kohl  and  M.  D'Avezac,  in  Doc.  Hist, 
of  Maine,  i.  358-77,  506,  507 ;  and  Mr.  Major's 


review  of  the  whole  question  in  the  Archaologia, 
xliii.  17-42,  in  1870. 

[Reference  may  also  be  made  to  D'Avezac's 
paper  in  the  Bulletin  de  la  SociM  de  Ghgrafhie, 
4th  ser.,iv.  266;  Asher's  appendix  to  his  Henry 
Hudson,  p.  260 ;  and  papers  by  Mr.  Deane  himself 
in  Amrr.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  April,  1867,  Historical 
Magazine,  November,  1866,  p.  353;  and  his  note 
in  ilakluyt's  Westerne  Planting,  p.  225.  Cf.  also 
Kohl's  Descriptive  Catalopie  of  those  Maps  relat- 
ing to  America,  mentioned  in  Hakluyfs  Tfiiri 
Volume,  p.  II.  — Eu.] 


i  I) 


:a. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


25 


ig  sea-service 
e  map  is  here 
knowledge  of 
the  globe  for 

the  eulogy  of 
facts  concern- 
this  map  was 

i  many  of  flie 
t  forward  for 
orth  America, 
)m  undoubted 
'  of  the  legend 
to  be  no  good 
'y  de  s.  Juan," 
)r.  Kohl  thinks 
:,  not  from  his 
•lication  of  the 
;an  "  to  a  cape 
Day;  but  this 
rst  voyage  was 

that  it  exerted 
nd  the  name  of 
act  that  the  au- 
1  Ribero. 
ts  republication 
lining  the  most 
(f  North  Amer- 

iticisms,  to  bt, 

•atcd  collection 
tc.  This  con- 
tion  at  the  v='la 
weaker,  a  most 
which  he  had, 
esent,  and  tells 
;ly  as  he  heard 
briefly  what  he 
bridged  by  me, 


the  Archaohgia, 

le  to  D'Avezac's 
ih'  lie  Clografhie, 
dix  to  his  Henry 
.  Deane  himself 
1867,  Historical 
53 ;  and  his  note 
p.  22$.  Cf.  also 
hose  Maps  relat- 
Hakluyfs   Third 


Sebastian  Cabot's  father  took  him  from  Venice  to  London  when  he  was  very  young, 
yet  having  some  knowledge  of  the  humanities,  and  of  the  sphere.  His  father  died  at 
the  time  when  the  news  was  brought  of  the  discovery  of  Columbus,  which  caused  a 
great  talk  at  the  court  of  Henry  VII.,  and  which  created  a  great  desire  in  him  (Cabot)  to 
attempt  some  great  thing ;  and  understanding,  by  reason  of  the  sphere,  that  if  he  should 
sail  by  the  northwest  he  would  come  to  India  by  a  shorter  route,  he  caused  the  king  to  be 
informed  of  his  idea,  and  the  king  immediately  furnished  him  with  two  small  ships,  and  all 
things  necessary  for  the  voyage,  which  was  in  the  year  1496,  in  the  beginning  of  summer. 
He  therefore  began  to  sail  to  the  northwest,  expecting  to  go  to  Cathay,  and  from  thence  to 
turn  towards  India,  but  found  after  some  days,  to  his  displeasure,  that  the  land  ran  towards 
the  north.  He  still  proceeded  hoping  to  find  the  passage,  but  found  the  land  still  continent 
to  the  s6th  degree  ;  and  seeing  there  that  the  coast  turned  toward  the  east,  he,  in  despair  of 
finding  the  passage,  turned  back  and  sailed  down  the  coast  toward  the  equinoctial,  ever 
hoping  to  find  the  passage,  and  came  as  far  south  as  Florida,  when,  his  provisions  failing, 
he  returned  to  England,  where  he  found  great  tumults  among  the  people,  and  wars  in 
Scotland. 

The  volumes  of  Ramusio  became  just'y  celebrated  throughout  the  literary  centres  of 
Europe,  and  the  publication  of  the  account  of  Sebastian  Cabot's  discovery  in  the  first 
volume  attracted  the  attention  of  scholars  in  England.  It  will  be  noticed  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  here,  as  well  as  in  the  account  in  Peter  Martyr,  is  said  to  have  been  born  in  Venice, 
and  taken  to  England  while  yet  very  young;  yet  not  so  young  but  that  he  had  acquired 
some  knowledge  of  letters,  and  of  the  sphere.  He  speaks  here  of  the  death  of  his  father  as 
occurring  before  the  voyage  of  discovery  was  entered  upon,  for  which  he  had  two  small 
ships  furnished  him  by  the  king.  He  says  that  this  was  in  the  year  1496  ;  yet  he  speaks  of 
events  occurring  in  England  on  his  return,  — great  tumults  among  the  people,  and  wars  in 
Scotland,  —  which  point  to  the  year  1497.  The  latitude  he  reached  "under  our  pole"  was 
56  degrees  ;  and,  despairing  to  find  the  passage  to  India,  he  turned  back  again,  sailed  down 
the  coast,  "and  came  to  that  part  of  this  firm  land  we  now  call  Florida."  ^  Many  incidents 
here  described  could  not  have  occurred  on  the  voyage  of  discovery,  as  we  shall  see 
farther  on. 

We  do  not  know  the  precise  year  in  which  the  interview  at  Seville  between  this  learned 
man  and  Sebastian  Cabot  was  held,  but  have  given  iome  reasons  below  for  believing  that 
it  took  place  about  ten  years  before  it  was  printed  by  Ramusio.* 


'  The  geographical  designation  here  em- 
ployed has  been  thought  hy  some  to  be  very  in- 
definite, inasmuch  as  the  Spaniards,  who  discov- 
ered Florida,  subsequently  gave  that  name  to 
the  whole  country  northward  and  westward  of 
the  territory  now  bearing  that  name ;  but  it  must 
/^^  be  remembered  that  that  designation  was  not  ac- 
j!p  cepted  by  geographers  of  other  nations.  After 
the  voyages  of  Verrazano  and  Cartier  the  name 
"  La  Nouvellc  France  "  was  applied  by  French 
geographers  to  the  territory  as  far  down  as  40° 
N.,  and  the  name  was  sometimes  applied  to 
the  whole  of  North  America.  The  maps  of  the 
Italian  geographer,  Gastaldi,  who  made  maps 
for  Kamuslo's  third  volume,  and  of  Ruscelli,  his 
pupil,  confined  Florida  to  more  southern  limits; 
and  so  did  Sebastian  Cabot  himself,  if  the  map 
of  1 544  was  made  by  him.  Indeed,  in  the  con- 
versation of  these  Italian  savans  at  the  house  of 
Fr.icastor,  that  geographical  status  was  assumed ; 
that  is  to  say,  the  country  of  Cabot's  landfall, 
and  the  land  by  which  he  .sailed  north  and  south, 
was  not  understood  to  be  Florida,  for  the  statc- 
VOL.    III. — 4. 


ment  is  that  "  he  sailed  down  the  coast  by  that 
land  toward  the  equinoctial,  and  came  to  that 
part  of  this  firm  land  which  is  now  called  Flo- 
rida." Of  course  the  point  which  he  reached  is 
very  indefinite.  Peter  Martyr  had  said,  thirty- 
five  years  before,  that  Cabot  told  him  that  he 
went  south  almost  to  the  latitude  of  the  strait  of 
Gibraltar,  which  is  in  36°  N.  Nobody  knows 
whether  these  two  accounts  relate  to  the  same 
voy.ige.  That  to  which  the  conversation  refers 
is  assumed  by  the  narrator  to  be  the  voy.rgc  of  dis- 
covery. Indeed,  for  two  hundred  years  and  more 
there  w.ts  no  suspicion  that  a  voyage  by  the 
Cabots  followed  immediately  the  voyage  of  dis- 
covery ;  though  some  incidents  are  related  which 
may  have  taken  place  in  a  subsequent  voyage, 
and  others  which  never  took  place  at  all.  Mod- 
ern critics,  who  accept  the  above  story  as  to  the 
latitude  reached  at  the  south,  generally  agree  that 
it  was  only  on  the  second  voyage  that  this  was 
accomplished. 

•^  The  conversation  at  Caphi,  at  the  house  of 
Fracastor,  who  was  a  friend  of  Ramusio,  took 


26 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


:;i 


.  )l 


I  might  mention  here  another  reference  to  Cabot,  in  Ramusio's  third  volume,  1556, 
though  of  a  little  later  date.  In  a  prefatory  dedication  to  his  excellent  friend  Hieronimo 
Fracastor,*  at  whose  house  the  conversation  related  in  Ramusio's  first  volume  took  place, 
Ramusio  under  date  of  June  20,  1553,  says  that  "Sebastian  Cabot  our  countryman,  a  Ven- 
etian," wrote  to  him  many  years  ago  that  he  sailed  along  and  beyond  this  land  of  New 
France,  at  the  charges  of  Henry  VII.  King  of  England;  that  he  sailed  a  long  time  west 
and  by  north  into  the  latitude  of  67^  degrees,  and  on  the  i  ith  of  June,  finding  still  the  sea 
open,  he  expected  to  have  gone  on  to  Cathay,  and  would  have  gone,  if  the  mutiny  of  the 
shipmaster  and  mariners  had  not  hindered  him  and  made  him  return  homewards  from 
that  place.'-' 

I  have  already  briefly  referred  to  this  letter,  in  speaking  of  the  alleged  voyage  of  1516- 
17,  contended  for  by  Biddle  (pp.  117-19),  on  which  occasion  he  thinks  Cabot  entered  Hud- 
son Bay.  This  passage  in  Ramusio  is  mentioned  twenty  years  later  by  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert,  in  his  tract,  as  we  shall  see  farther  en,  principally  on  account  of  the  high  degree  of 
northern  latitude  reached,  67;-^°,  and  where  the  sea  was  found  still  open.*  As  this  is  the 
only  account  of  a  voyage  which  describes  so  high  an  elevation  reached,  and  an  imme- 
diate return  thence  by  reason  of  mutiny,  some  have  supposed  that  the  incidents  described 
must  have  occurred  on  a  third  voyage,  in  company  with  Sir  Thomas  Pert.  On  Cabot's 
map  of  1544  there  is  inscribed  a  coast  line  trending  westward,  terminating  at  the  degree  oi 
latitude  named. 

In  1552  Gomara's  Historia  General  de  las  Indias  was  published  at  Saragossa  in  Spain. 
In  cap.  xxxix.,  under  the  head  of  "  Los  Baccalaos,"  he  says  :  — 

"  Sebastian  Cabot  was  the  first  that  brought  any  knowledge  of  this  land,  for  being  in  England  in 
the  dnys  of  King  Henry  VII.  he  furnished  two  ships  at  his  own  charges,  or  (as  some  say)  at  the 
King's,  whom  he  persuaded  that  a  passage  might  be  found  to  Cathay  by  the  North  Seas.  .  .  .  He 
went  also  to  know  what  manner  of  lands  those  Indies  were  to  inhabit.     He  had  with  him  three 


t'  II 


place  a  short  time  only  before  its  publication. 
Ramusio  says,  in  his  report,  "  a  few  months  ago." 
We  do  not  know  precisely  when  he  wrote  his  re- 
port, but  there  is  a  reference  in  it  to  a  book  of 
Jacob  Tevius,  published  in  1548.  As  I  have 
said  above,  we  do  not  know  the  year  of  the  in- 
terview with  Cabot  at  Sei?ille.  The  narrator 
says  that  it  was  "  some  years  ago,"  and  I  should 
infer  that  it  was  some  years  after  Cabot's  return 
in  August,  1 530,  from  the  La  Plata  expedition,  to 
which  Cabot  in  the  interview  refers.  He  also 
mentions  th.it  he  is  growing  old,  and  retiring 
from  active  duties.  In  1 540  he  would  probably 
have  been  approaching  seventy  years  of  age,  and 
this  date  may  safely  be  assumed  as  not  far  from 
the  time  when  the  conversation  took  place.  M. 
D'Avezac,  in  Reime  Crit.,  v.  265,  gives  1 544  or 
1545  as  the  probable  date. 

To  the  publication  of  this  report  relating 
to  Caliot,  Ilakluyt,  in  1589,  prefixed  the  name 
of  Galeacius  Butrigarius,  the  Pope's  legate  in 
Spain,  as  the  distinguished  person  who  re- 
ported the  conversation  with  C.ibot ;  and  ever 
since  that  time,  dov/n  to  the  publication  of  Hid- 
dle's  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  i83r,  the 
statement  passed  without  question.  Biddle,  who 
regarded  the  matter  as  of  little  moment,  said 
there  was  no  authority  for  that  name  in  K.v 
musio,  who  says  himself  that  he  withholds  it 
from  motives  of  delicacy ;  but  Biddle  did  not  say. 


perhaps  he  did  not  observe,  that  Ilakluyt  got 
the  name  from  Eden  (Decades,/.  252,  verso),  who 
made  the  original  blunder.  Martyr,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  his  second  Decade,  written  in  1515, 
speaks  of  knowing  Butrigarius  of  Bologna,  when 
the  latter  was  of  the  Pope's  embassy  in  Spain  ; 
and  I  find  that  he  died  in  1518,  in  the  forty-third 
year  of  his  age  (see  Zedler's  Universal  Lexikon, 
V.  4,  Halle,  1733).  M.  D'Avezac  had  noted,  as 
early  as  1869,  that  Butrigarius  had  died  thirty 
years  before  the  conversation  took  place  at  the 
house  of  Fracastor,  and  also  that  the  editor  of 
Ramusio,  Tomaso  Giunti,  had  added  the  wore" 
Mantuan  to  this  anonymous  person's  name; 
and  now,  through  the  researches  instituted  hj 
Charles  BuUo  and  by  the  mediation  of  the  "Super- 
intendent of  the  archives  of  the  state  a'  Venice, 
it  is  ascertained  that  this  unkn  jwn  person 
was  Gian  Giacomo  Bardolo,  of  Mantua.  See 
Intorito  a  Gioi'anni  Caboto,  etc.,  by  Cornclio 
Desimoni,  Genova,  1881,  pp.  26,  27;  also,  in 
Aiti,  vol.  XV.,  of  the  Societ.^  ligure  di  storia 
patria. 

1  Fracastor  died  Aug.  8,  1553,  over  seventy 
years  of  age.  He  was  a  maker  of  globes.  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert  says  that  he  was  a  traveller  in  the 
northern  parts  of  America.  (Kohl,  p.  229;  Hak 
luyt,  1589,  p.  602). 

■^  Ramusio,  ii.  4;  Hakluyt,  1589,  p.  513. 

'  Hakluvt,  1589,  p.  602. 


I) 


I     \    ' 


IICA. 


THE  VOYAGES   OF   THE   CABOTS. 


27 


d  volume,  1556. 
•lend  Hieronimo 
ume  took  place, 
ntryman,  a  Ven- 
lis  land  of  New 
long  time  west 
ding  still  the  sea 
he  mutiny  of  the 
homewards  from 

voyage  of  1516- 
>ot  entered  Hud- 
r  Sir  Humphrey 
le  high  degree  of 
8  As  this  is  the 
I,  and  an  imme- 
idents  described 
ert.  On  Cabot's 
I  at  the  degree  of 

ragossa  in  Spain. 


eing  in  England  in 
s  some  say)  at  the 
)rth  Seas.  ...  He 
lad  with  him  three 

that  Hakluyt  got 

,/  252,  verso),  who 

Martyr,  in  the  be- 

e,  written  in  151 5, 

of  Bologna,  when 

nibassy  in  Spain ; 

,  in  the  forty-third 

Universal  Lcxikon, 

ezac  had  noted,  as 

is  had  died  thirty 

took  place  at  the 

that  the  editor  of 

d  added  the  won'. 

person's    name ; 

ches  instituted  h> 

ation  of  the  puper- 

he  state  a'  Venice, 

unkn  jwn    person 

of  Mantua.     See 

etc.,   by   Cornclio 

,   26,   27  ;  also,  in 

ligure   di  storia 

553,  over  seventy 

of  globes.    Hum- 

s  a  traveller  in  the 

Lohl,  p.  229;  Hak- 


hvmdred  men,  and  directed  his  course  by  the  track  of  Iceland,  upon  the  Cape  of  Ly.brador,  at  fifty- 
t'lglit  degrees  (though  he  himself  says  much  more),  affirming  that  in  the  mouth  of  July  there  was 
such  cold  and  heaps  of  ice  ih.it  he  durst  pass  no  further ;  that  the  days  were  very  long  and  in 
m.-inner  without  night,  and  the  nights  very  clear.  Certain  it  is  that  at  si.xty  degrees  the  longest 
(lay  is  of  18  hours.  l!ut  considering  the  cold  and  the  strangeness  of  the  unknown  land,  he  turned 
his  course  from  thence  to  the  west,  refreshing  themselves  .-it  Baccalaos ;  and  following  the  co.ist  of 
the  land  unto  the  38th  degree,  he  returned  to  England."  * 

Francis  Lopez  Gom.ira  was  among  the  most  distinguished  of  the  historical  writers  of 
Spain.  In  \i\%  History  of  the  Indies  his  purpose  was  to  give  a  brief  vie\v  of  the  whole 
range  of  Spanish  conquest  in  the  islands  and  on  the  American  continent,  as  far  down 
as  about  ihe  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century.  He  must  have  known  Cabot  in  Seville,  and 
might  have  informed  himself  as  to  his  early  m.-iritime  enterprises,  but  he  seems  to  have 
neglected  his  opportunity.  His  book  was  published  after  Cabot  had  returned  to  England. 
Or.  one  point  in  the  above  brief  account,  namely,  as  to  whether  the  ships  were  furnished 
at  the  charge  of  Cabot,  he  sneaks  doul  ally.  Peter  Martyr  had  said  that  Cabot  furnished 
two  ships  at  his  own  charge,  while  Ramusio,  in  the  celebrated  Discorso,  makes  Cabot  say 
that  the  king  furnished  them.  As  usual  but  one  voyage  is  spoken  of ;  and  Sebastian  Cabot 
is  the  only  commander,  and  is  called  a  Venetian.  His  statement  contains  little  new,  and 
is  principally  a  repetition  of  Peter  Martyr.  There  is  added  the  statement  that  the  expedi- 
tion, on  returning  from  the  northern  coasting,  "refreshed  at  Baccalaos."  The  degrees 
given,  as  to  the  latitude  and  longitude  reached  in  sailing  both  north  and  south,  appear  to  be 
an  inference  from  Martyr  and  Ramusio.  The  incidents  here  related  of  course  refer  to  the 
second  voyage.  Gomar.i,  in  his  history,  has  other  notices  of  Cabot  during  his  residence 
in  Spain  at  a  later  period,  in  connection  with  his  account  of  the  junta  at  Badajos,  and  the 
expedition  to  the  La  Plata. 

In  1553  Richard  Eden,  the  first  English  collector  of  voyages  and  travels,  published  in 
London  a  translation  "out  of  Latin  into  English  "  of  the  fifth  book  of  the  Universal  Cosmo^- 
raphiaoi  Sebastian  Miinster,  entitling  it  A  Treatise  of  the  Newe  India^  etc.  In  the  dedi- 
cation of  the  book  to  the  Duke  of  Northumberland,  who  had  been  Lord  High  Admiral  of 
England  under  Henry  VIII.,  Eden  says,  incidentally,  that  "King  Henry  VIII.  about  the 
same  year  of  his  reign  [».  e.  between  April  1 5 16  and  April  1517],  furnished  and  sent  forth 
certain  ships  under  the  gouvernance  of  Sebastian  Cabot  yet  living,  and  one  Sir  Thomas 
Pert,  whose  faint  heart  was  the  cause  that  the  voyage  took  none  eflfect ;  "  and  that  if 
manly  courage;  ••  had  not  at  that  time  been  wanting,  it  might  happily  have  come  to  pass  that 
that  rich  treasure  called  Perularia,  which  is  now  in  Spain  in  the  city  of  Sivil,  and  so  named 
for  that  in  it  is  kept  the  infinite  riches  brought  hither  from  the  new-fouad-land  of  Peru, 
might  long  since  have  been  in  the  Tower  of  London,  to  the  king's  great  honor  and  wealth 
of  this  his  realm." 

I  find  no  notice  taken  of  this  statement  of  Eden,  at  the  time,  and  it  is  only  when  we 
come  down  to  the  publication  of  Hakluyt's  folio,  in  1589,  that  we  see  an  attempt  made  to 
attach  some  importance  to  it.     Although  deviating  a  little  from  the  chronological  order  of 


1589.  P'  S«3- 


1  Eden's  Decades,  fol.  318,  corrected  by  the 
original.  [The  first  edition  of  Gomara  is  a 
rare  book,  and  a  copy  has  been  lately  priced  by 
Quaritch  at  ;^36.  It  proved  to  be  one  of  the  most 
popular  of  all  the  books  of  that  century  on  the 
New  World ;  and,  as  we  count,  including  varieties 
of  titles,  there  were  more  than  a  score  of  edi- 
tions in  fifty  years,  so  that  his  statements  became 
widely  known.  There  were  seven  such  issues  in 
Spanish,  either  in  Spain  or  in  Flanders,  in  two 
years,  when  the  domand  for  it  seems  to  have 
failed  in  its  original  tongue,  ?nd  was  transferred 
to  Italy,  where  at  Rome  and  Venice  there  vc-re 


six  editions  in  twenty  years  (1556  to  1576). 
Sabin  says  eighteen  in  that  interval,  but  I  fail  to 
find  them.  There  was  a  seventh  near  the  end  of 
the  century  (1599).  In  1568  or  1569  there  seem 
to  have  been  three  issues  of  the  first  French 
translation,  and  six  others  followed,  from  1577 
to  1597.  These  statements  are  based  chiefly  on 
the  lists  of  editions  given  in  Sabin,  vii.  306  (said 
to  have  been  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Brevoort) ;  in  the 
Carter-Brown  Catalogiu,  i.  169;  and  Leclerc's 
Bibliotheca  Americana,  No.  143.  —  Ed.] 

"^  [See  a  later  Editorial  note  on  "  The  earliest 
f^nglish  publications  on  America."  —  Ed.] 


28 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'     \ 


!  i    ,1 


this  narrative,  I  propose  here  to  bring  together  what  I  may  have  to  say  concerning  this 
voyage. 

Dr.  Kohl '  very  properly  says  that  this  incidental  remark  of  Eden  is  all  the  original 
evidence  we  have  on  this  so-called  expedition  of  Cabot  in  tsi6,  to  which  some  mo<lem 
writers  attach  great  importan-e,  and  by  which  great  discoveries  are  said  to  have  been 
made  under  Henry  VI II.  Haivluyt,  in  his  folio  of  1589,  p.  513,  copies  the  language  of 
Eden  cited  above,  and  .also  an  ai)str.act  from  a  spurious  Italian  version  of  Oviedo,  in  Ramu- 
sio's  collections,  in  which  that  writer  is  made  to  say  that  a  Spanish  vessel  in  the  year  1517 
fell  in  wiili  an  English  rover  at  the  islands  of  St.  Domingo  and  St.  John's  in  the  West 
Indies,  on  their  way  from  Brazil;  and  concludes  that  this  English  rover  could  be  none 
other  than  the  vessel  of  Cabot  and  I'erl.  Hut  Richard  liiddlt-,^  nearly  two  hundred  and 
fifty  years  after  Hakluyt  wrote  this  opinion,  exploded  this  theory  by  showing  that  Oviedo, 
in  his  genuine  work,  really  gave  1527  as  the  date  of  the  meeting  of  the  English  vessel,  as 
narrated.  Biddle,  however,  still  had  faith  in  Eden's  statement  that  an  expedition  sailed 
from  England  in  the  year  indicated,  commanded  by  Cabot  and  Pert,  but  held  that  it  took 
a  northwesterly  direction,  and  that  it  was  on  this  expedition  that  Cabot  entered  Hudson 
Bay,  and  readied  the  high  latitude  of  67 >^  N.  as  mentioned  by  him  in  a  letter  to  Ramu- 
sio;''  in  which  letter  Cabot  says  that  "on  the  I  ith of  June,  finding  still  the  open  sea  without 
any  manner  of  impediment,  he  thought  verily  by  that  way  to  have  passed  on  still  the  way 
to  Catliay,  which  is  in  the  east,  ...  if  the  mutiny  of  the  shipmaster  and  mariners  had  not 
hindered  him,  and  made  him  to  return  homewards  from  that  place."  Biddle  saw  a  parallel 
in  the  language  of  Eden  as  to  the  "faint  heart"  of  Pert,  and  in  that  of  Cabot  as  to  the  "  mu- 
tiny of  the  shipmaster  and  mariners  ;  "  not  forgetting  also  similar  language  in  a  letter  written 
by  Robert  Thorne  to  Doctor  Le),  in  1527.  relating  to  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  west, 
in  which  Thorne'^-  father  and  anotiier  merchant  of  Bri.stol,  Hugh  Eliot,  were  participants 
—  which  voyage,  Mr.  Biddle  says,  was  in  1517  —  that,  "  if  the  mariners  would  then  have 
been  ruled  and  followed  "'•■  pilots'  mind,  the  lands  of  the  West  Indies,  from  whence  all 
the  gold  cometh,  had  bet.,  ours."*  Mr.  Biddle  lurgets  that  in  the  letter  of  Cabot  to 
Ramusio,  cited  above,  the  writer  says  that  the  voyage  of  which  he  is  here  speaking  was 
made  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,  who  died  in  1509,  seven  or  eight  years  before  the  date 
wiiich  Biddle  assigns  to  the  alleged  Cabot  .ind  Pert  voyage. 

Dr.  Kohl,  who  has  very  learnedly  and  at  great  length  examined  the  claims  for  this 
voyage  of  1516-17,^  has  little  confidence  that  any  such  expedition  actually  sailed.  Eden 
says  the  voyage  "  took  none  effect,"  which  may  mean  that  the  expedition  never  sailed.  It 
seems  also  very  improbable  that  Cabot,  so  recently  domiciled  in  Spain,  where  he  was 
occupying  an  honorable  position,  should  leave  it  all  now  and  re-enter  the  service  of  Eng- 
land, In-  whose  Government  he  had  apparently  for  so  many  years  been  neglected.  No  Eng- 
lish or  Spanish  writer  mentions  his  leaving  Spain  at  this  time.' 


'  Doc.  Hisl.  of  Maine,  i.  206. 

-  jMcm.  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  1 10- 1 1 9. 

3  Vol.  iii.  p.  4,  1556. 

*  Divers  Voyages,  Hakluyt  Soc,  pp.  50,  51. 

'^  Doc.  Hist,  of  Maine,  i.  208-210. 

«  Mr.  Brevoort  has  submitted  some  notes  to 
my  attention,  on  this  voy.ige.  Rejecting  the 
vear  1 516-17  as  impracticable,  he  adopts  an 
earlier  date,  before  Cabot  had  left  England,  and 
finds  some  authority  for  it  in  a  book  of  George 
Beste,  London,  1578,  on  the  three  voyages  of 
Frobisher,  hereafter  to  be  mentioned.  The 
writer  there  gives  1 508  as  the  year  of  Sebastian 
Cabot's  discovery  of  North  America,  probably 
never  h.iving  heard  of  any  previous  voyages. 
Mr.  Brevoort  thinks  he  had  authority  for  a  voy- 
age of  Cabot  about  the  year  named.     Thomas 


Pert,  or  Spert,  against  whom  the  chaige  of 
"  faint  heart "  is  alleged  by  Eden,  is  mentioned 
in  vol.  i.  of  Letters  and  Papers  Foreign  and  Do- 
mestic, Henry  V'lll.,  1512,  c.  1514,  as  master  of 
the  "  Mary  Rose,"  and  of  the  "  Great  Harry."  In 
1514  he  is  pensioned,  and  in  1517  is  placed  on 
shore  duty.  There  is  no  report  of  hin  in  1516, 
but  as  he  w.is  a  veteran  in  1514  it  is  hardly 
probable  that  he  would  have  been  on  a  voyage 
of  discovery  in  1516.  He  is  usually  mentioned 
as  Thomas  Spert ;  only  once  is  he  called  Pert. 
As  evidence  th.Tt  an  expedition  left  England  on 
a  voyage  of  discovery  some  time  during  the  last 
years  of  Henry  VIL,  or  during  the  early  years 
of  his  successor,  the  Interlude  of  the  Four  Ele- 
ments, of  uncertain  date,  but  probably  written 
before  1519,  cited  above,  is  adduced  as  showing 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


39 


oncerning  this 


In  I5SS  there  appeared  in  London  the  first  collection  in  English  o{  the  "results  of 
that  spirit  of  maritime  enterprise  which  had  been  everywhere  awakened  by  the  discovery 
of  America."  The  book  was  edited  by  Richard  Eden,— just  mentioned  as  the  translator 
of  the  fifth  book  of  Munster,  in  1553.  and  consisted  of  translations  from  foreign  writers, 
principally  Latin,  Spanish,  and  Italian,  of  travels  by  sea  and  land,  largely  relating  to  discov- 
eries in  the  New  World.  The  book  was  entitled.  The  Decades  of  the  Neive  VVorlde  or  West 
India,  etc.,  inasmuch  as  one  hundred  and  sixty-six  folios  out  of  three  hundred  and  seventy- 
four,  which  the  book  contains,  consist  of  the  first  three  Decades  of  Peter  Martyr,  and  an 
tpitor.ie  of  the  fourth  Decade  first  issued  at  Uasle,  in  1 52 1.  Then  follow  abstracts  of  Oviedo, 
Gomara,  Kamusio,  Ziegler,  Pigafeta,  Munster,  Uastaldus,  Vespucius,  and  several  others. 
Some  of  the  voyages  are  original  and  were  drawn  up  by  Eden's  own  b-nd.  It  is  a  very 
desirable  book  to  possess ;  and  though  Eden  was  a  clumsy  editor,  not  .  'ways  correct  in 
his  translations,  and  did  not  always  make  it  clear  whether  he  or  his  auth. .'  wa."  speaking, 
we  are  grateful  to  him.  for  the  book.  An  enthusiastic  tribute  is  paid  to  Eden  and  his 
book  by  Richard  Biddle.^  who  sets  him  off  by  an  invidious  comparison  with  Richard  Hak- 
luyt,  whom  he  studiously  depreciates.  Eden  was  apparently  a  devoted  Catholic,  and  was 
a  spectator  of  the  public  entry  of  Philip  and  Mary  into  London  in  1554.  He  says  that  the 
splendid  pageant  as  it  passed  before  him  inspired  him  to  enter  upon  some  work  which  he 
might  in  due  season  offer  as  the  result  of  his  loyalty,  and  "  crave  for  it  the  royal  blessing."  '■* 
In  his  preface  to  the  reader  Eden  gives  a  brief  review  of  ancient  history,  and  coming  down 
to  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  the  Indies  by  Spain  he  eulogizes  the  conduct  of  that  nation 
towards  the  natives,  particularly  in  having  so  effectually  labored  for  their  conversion.  His 
language  is  one  continued  eulogy  of  the -Spaniaras.  He  urges  England  to  sub  lit  to 
King  Philip,  of  whom  he  says  :  — 

"Of  his  behavior  in  England,  his  enemies  (which  canker  virtue  never  lacked),  —  they,  I  say,  if 
any  such  yet  remain,  —  have  greatest  cause  to  report  well,  yea  so  well,  that  if  his  natural  clemency 
were  not  greater  than  was  their  unnatural  indignation,  they  know  themselves  what  might  have  fol- 
lowed. .  .  .  Being  a  lion  he  behaved  himself  as  a  lamb,  and  struck  not  his  enemy  having  the  sword 
in  his  hand.  Stoop,  England,  stoop,  and  learn  to  know  thy  lord  and  master,  as  horses  and  other 
brute  beasts  are  taught  to  do  I " 

He  earnestly  desires  to  see  the  Christian  religion  enlarged,  and  urges  his  countrymen 
to  follow  here  the  example  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  New  World.     He  says  :  — 

"  I  am  not  able,  with  tongue  or  pen,  to  express  what  I  conceive  hereof  in  my  mind,  yet  one 
thing  I  see  which  enforseth  me  to  speak,  and  lament  that  the  harvest  is  so  great  and  the  work- 
men so  few.  The  Spaniards  have  showed  a  good  example  to  all  Christian  nations  to  follow.  But 
as  God  is  great  and  wonderful  in  all  his  works,  so  beside  the  portion  of  land  pertaining  to  the  . 
Spaniards  (being  eight  times  bigger  than  Italy,  as  you  may  read  in  the  last  book  of  the  second' 
Decade),  and  beside  that  which  pertaineth  to  the  Portugals,  there  yet  remaineth  ancither  portion  of 
that  main  land  reaching  toward  the  northeast,  thought  to  be  as  large  as  the  other,  and  not  yet 
known  but  only  by  the  sea-coasts,  neither  i,...abited  by  any  Christian  men  ;  whereas,  nevertheless, 
(as  writeth  Gemma  Phrisius)  in  this  land  there  are  many  fair  and  fruitful  regions,  high  mountains, 
and  fair  rivers,  with  abundance  of  gold,  and  diverse  kinds  of  beasts.  Also  cities  and  towers  so 
well  builded,  and  people  of  such  civility,  that  this  part  of  the  world  seemeth  little  inferior  to  our 
Europe,  if  the  inhabitants  had  received  our  religion.  They  are  witty  people  and  refuse  not  barter- 
ing with  strangers.  These  regions  are  called  Terra  Florida  and  Regio  Baccalearum  or  Bacchallaos, 
of  the  which  you  may  read  somewhat  in  this  book  in  the  voyage  of  that  worthy  old  man  yet  living, 


that  the  incident  related  occurred  "not  long 
ago."  And  certain  verses  which  speak  of  the 
disobedience  of  the  mariners,  which  put  an  end 
to  th«  voyage,  and  to  the  hopes  of  the  projector, 
affora  the  earliest  reference  to  the  mutiny  story. 
Mr.  Brevoort  is  of  opinion  that  Eden's  vague 
reference  to  an  event  occurring  in  the  reign  of 


Henry  VIII.,  "about  the  same  year  of  his  reign," 
was  intended  to  place  it  in  the  8th  year  of  the 
century.  But  that  would  bring  it  within  the 
reign  of  Henry  VII. 

•  Me"',  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  pp.  62-66. 

'^  Dedication  of  the  book,  folios  1,2;  Biddle, 
pp.  64,  65. 


30 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


!  \.i, 


1 .1 


'  ■  '  1 

Ik 

SebaHti.iD  Cabot,  in  the  vi.  book  of  the  third  Decatlc.  Hut  Cabot  touched  only  in  the  north  corner, 
and  most  barbarous  part  thereof,  trom  whence  he  was  repulsed  with  ice  in  the  month  of  July. 
Nevertheless,  the  west  and  si>uth  parts  of  these  regions  have  since  Ijeen  l)etter  searched  by  other, 
and  found  to  be  as  we  have  said  before.  .  .  .  How  much  therefore  is  it  to  l)c  lamented,  and  how 
greatly  doth  it  sound  to  the  reproach  of  all  Christendom,  and  especially  to  such  as  dwell  nearest 
to  these  lands  (as  we  do),  being  nmch  nearer  unto  the  same  than  are  the  Spaniards  (as  within  xxv 
days  sailing  and  less),  —  how  much,  I  say,  shall  this  sound  ui\to  our  reproach  and  inexcusable  sloth- 
fulness  and  ne)''igence,  both  before  (jod  and  the  world,  that  so  large  dominions  of  such  tractable 
people  and  pur^  gentiles,  not  being  hitherto  corrupted  with  any  other  false  religion  (and  therefore 
the  easier  to  be  allured  to  embrace  ours),  are  now  known  unto  us,  and  that  wc  have  no  respect 
neither  for  (Jod's  cause  nor  for  our  own  commodity,  to  attempt  some  voyages  into  these  coasts,  to 
do  for  our  parts  as  the  Spaniards  have  done  for  theirs,  and  not  ever  like  sheep  to  haunt  one  trade, 
and  to  do  nothing  worthy  memory  among  men  or  thanks  before  Go<l,  who  may  herein  worthily  accuse 
us  for  the  slackness  of  our  duty  toward  him." 

The  few  voyages  of  discovery  made  by  the  English  in  the  first  part  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  either  by  the  .luthority  of  the  Governmeiit  or  on  private  account,  were  productive 
of  little  result-s  ;  and  when  Sebastian  Cabot  finally  returned  to  England  from  Spain,  in 
1547  or  1548,  his  influence  was  engaged  by  sundry  merchants  of  London,  who  were  seek- 
ing to  devise  some  means  to  check  the  decay  of  trade  in  the  realm,  by  the  discovery  of  a 
new  outlet  for  the  manufactured  products  of  tlie  nation.  The  result  was  the  sending  off 
the  tl  ree  vessels  under  Willoughby,  in  May,  1553,  to  the  northeast,  and  finally  the  in- 
corporation of  the  merchant  adventurers,  with  Cabot  as  governor. 

In  Richard  Eden's  long  address  to  the  reader  prefixed  to  his  translation  of  the  fifth 
Book  of  SebacMan  MUnster,  written  probably  before  the  Willoughby  expedition  had  been 
heard  from,  he  speaks  of  "  the  attempt  to  pass  to  Cathay  by  the  North  East,  which  some 
men  doubt,  as  the  globes  represent  it  all  land  north,  even  to  the  north  pole.''  In  his 
preface  to  his  Decades,  cited  above,  written  two  years  later,  we  have  seen  that  he  urges 
the  people  of  England  to  turn  their  attention  in  the  old  direction,  and  to  take  possession 
of  the  waste  places  still  unoccupied  by  any  Christian  people ;  which  regions  he  says  are 
called  Terra  Florida  and  Regio  Baccalearum.  These  offer  a  large  opportunity  for  traffic 
as  a  remedy  for  the  stagnation  of  trade  under  which  England  is  suffering,  and  a  wide  field 
for  the  Christian  missionary. 

The  reader  will  have  noticed,  in  the  above  extract,  that  Eden  says  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  "  touched  only  in  the  north  corner  and  most  barbarous  part "  of  the  region  which 
he  is  urging  his  countrymen  to  take  possession  of,  "from  whence  he  was  repulsed  with 
ice  in  the  month  of  July." 

Eden's  Decaifes  placed  before  the  English  reader  for  the  first  time  the  several  notices 
■of  Sebastian  Cabot,  of  which  mention  has  been  here  made ;  namely,  by  Martyr,  Ramusio, 
Gomara,  and  the  brief  Commentary  by  Ziegler.  And  the  fact  th.at  this  large  unoccupied 
territory  at  the  west,  which  Eden  here  urges  the  English  Government  and  people  to  take 
possession  of,  was  discovered  by  Cabot  for  the  English  nation,  could  not  fail  in  time  to 
produce  its  fruit  upon  the  English  mind. 

Sebastian  Cabot,  as  we  have  seen,  was  living  in  England  at  the  time  Richard  Eden  pub- 
lished his  book,  and  a  very  old  man.  Eden  appears  to  have  been  on  terms  of  acquaintance 
with  him,  if  not  of  intim.acy  ;  and  unless  the  infirmities  of  years  weighed  too  heavily  upon  his 
faculties,  Cabot  might  have  been  able  to  impart  much  information  to  one  so  curious  and  eager 
as  Eden  was  to  gather  up  details.  Eden  more  than  once  speaks  of  what  Sebastian  Cabot 
told  him.  In  the  margin  of  folio  255,  where  is  a  report  of  the  famous  conversation  con- 
cerning Sebastian  Cabot,  extracted  from  Ramusio,  in  which  Cabot  is  spoken  of  as  "a 
Venetian  born,"  Eden  says  :  "  Sebastian  Cabot  told  me  that  he  was  bom  in  Brystowe, 
and  that  at  iiii  years  old  he  was  carried  with  his  father  to  Venice,  and  so  returned  again 
into  England  with  his  father,  after  certain  years,  wherby  he  was  thought  to  have  been 
born  in  Venice.  "  This  was  a  bad  beginning  on  the  part  of  Eden  as  an  interviewer  ;  that 
is  to  say,  th»  truth  was  not  reached. 


CA. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


3« 


ic  north  corner, 
month  of  July, 
rchcil  by  other, 
cntcd,  and  how 
s  dwell  nearest 
}  (as  within  xxv 
excusable  sloth- 
f  such  tractable 
I  (and  therefore 
lave  no  respect 
these  coasts,  to 
launt  one  trade, 
worthily  accuse 

'  the  sixteenth 
ere  productive 
rom  Spain,  in 
iho  were  seek- 
discovery  of  a 
he  sending  off 
finally  the  in- 

ion  of  the  fifth 
lition  had  been 
it,  which  some 
pole."'  In  his 
that  he  urges 
ake  possession 
ns  he  says  are 
unity  for  traffic 
nd  a  wide  field 

hat  Sebastian 
region  which 
repulsed  with 

several  notices 
rtyr,  Ramusio, 
ye  unoccupied 
people  to  take 
fail  in  time  to 

ird  Eden  pub- 
acquaintance 
iavily  upon  his 
ious  and  eager 
bastian  Cabot 
/ersation  con- 
iken  of  as  "  a 
in  Brystowe, 
eturned  again 
to  have  been 
rviewer ;  that 


Sebastian  Cabot,  if  he  had  been  asked,  might  have  told  Eden  much  more.  Why  did 
not  Eden  hand  in  a  list  of  questions?  Why  did  he  not  submit  to  him  a  proof-sheet  of  the 
story  from  Ramusio,  which  we  know  contains  so  many  errors,  and  ask  him  to  correct  it, 
so  that  the  world  might  have  a  true  account  of  the  discovery  of  North  America?  What  an 
excellent  opportunity  was  lost  to  Cabot  for  printing  here  under  the  auspices  of  Eden  all 
those  maps  and  discourses  which  Hakluyt,  at  a  later  period,  tells  us  were  in  the  custody 
of  tlie  worshipful  Master  William  Worthington,  who  was  very  willing  to  have  them  over- 
seen and  published,  but  which  have  never  yet  seen  the  light ! ' 

I  have  already  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  Eden  had  a  copy  of  Cabot's  map,  and 
translated  one  of  the  legends  upon  it, —  that  relating  to  the  River  La  Plata,  no.  vii.''' 

About  this  time,  or  perhaps  a  few  years  earlier,  there  was  painted  in  England  a  portrait 
of  Sebastian  Cabot,  supposed  for  many  years  to  have  been  done  by  Holbein,  whose  death 
has  usually  been  referred  to  the  year  1554,  though  recent  investigations  have  rendered  it 
probable  that  he  died  eleven  years  before.  The  first  notice  of  this  portrait  which  I  have 
seen  is  in  Purchas."  A  minute  description  of  it,  with  a  notice  of  its  disappearance  from 
Whitehall,  where  it  hung  for  inany  years,  is  given  by  Mr.  Biddle,*  who  subsequently  pur- 
chased the  picture  in  England  and  brought  it  to  this  country,  where  in  1845  it  was  burned 
vvitii  his  house  and  contents,  in  Pittsburg,  Pa.  Two  excellent  copies  of  it,  however,  had 
fortunately  been  taken,  one  of  which,  by  the  artist  Chapman,  is  in  the  gallery  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society,''  and  the  other  in  that  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society." 
The  portrait  was  painted  after  Cabot  had  returned  to  England  ;  and  it  is  said,  I  know 
not  on  what  authority,  to  have  been  painted  for  King  Edward  VI.,  who  died  in  1553. 
Cabot  lived  some  five  years  longer.  The  picture  represents  Cabot  as  a  very  old  man.  It 
has  the  following  inscription  upon  it : '  — 

Effigies-   Sehastiani  Caboti 
Ancli-  Film-  Johanis-   Caboti-   Vene 
TI-    MiLITIS-    Avrati-    Primi-    invet 
oris-  Terp.;«  novx  SUB  Herico  VII.  Angl 

L.E   ReGE. 

A  peculiar  interest  is  attached  to  this  inscription,  from  the  circumstance  that  it  must 
probably  have  proceeded  from  Sebastian  Cabot  himself  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  facts  intended 
to  be  embodied  in  it  by  the  artist  or  herald  could  best  come  from  him.  But  being  clumsily 
expressed,  it  is  uncertain  whether  the  son  or  the  father  was  intended  to  be  represented  as  the 
knight  and  discoverer.  With  the  exception  of  the  legend  on  the  map  already  mentioned, 
it  is  the  only  direct  testimony  presumably  from  Sebastian  himself  as  to  the  principal  fact 
involved.  That  joins  both  the  father  and  the  son  as  discoverers.  Here  the  honor  is  given 
to  but  one  of  them,  but  unhappily  the  only  statement  clearly  expressed  is  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  is  an  Englishman  and  the  son  of  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian.  Which  was  the  knight 
and  the  discoverer  no  one  can  tell  certainly  from  the  legend  itself.  The  inscription  has 
been  the  subject  of  considerable  discussion  and  even  controversy.*  Humboldt  has  a 
brief  note  on  the  subject,"  in  which  he  says :  "  11  importe  de  savoir  si  c'est  le  p5re  Jean  ou 


*  Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages,  1582. 

'■^  He  printed  it  on  folios  316,  and  317  of  his 
Decades.  See  the  inscription  in  Latin  in  a  work 
already  cited,  by  Nathan  Chvtrseus,  pp.  779- 
781. 

*  See  vol.  iii,  807,  and  iv.  1812.  See  Doc. 
Hist,  of  Maine,  ii.  224. 

*  Appendix  to  his  Mem.  of  Sebastian  Cabot. 
Mr.  Biddle  is  said  to  have  paid  £,y»a  for  the 
picture. 

*  See  their  Proceedings,  ii.  101,  in. 

*  No.  103  in  the  Catalogue  of  its  gallery.    A 


copy  of  this  picture,  painted  in  the  year  1763,  now 
hangs  in  the  Sala  della  Sciido,  in  the  ducal  pal- 
ace in  Venice,  with  a  lonj  T.atin  inscript'cu  com- 
posed probably  at  the  time  the  copy  was  made. 
A'otes  and  Queries,  jd  ser.  vol.  v.  p.  2. 

'  See  Mass.  .list.  Soc.  Proc.  Jan.  1865,  pp.  91- 
96.     Hist.  Meg.  Nov.  1869,  pp.  306, 307. 

*  See  the  Appendix  to  the  Historical  View  of 
the  progress  f  Discovery  on  the  more  Northern 
Coasts  of  Ait'erica,  by  Patrick  Eraser  Tytler, 
Esq. 

°  Examen  Crit.  iv.  232. 


3« 


NARRATIVE   ANU   CRITICAL    IHSTORV   OF  AMERICA. 


le  fila  Sehastien  qui  est  dt'signd  comme  celui  auquel  la  ddcoverte  est  clue.  Si  c'dt.iit  le 
fils,  IIoli>L'in  auralt  prob.iljjcment  placd  le  mot  yiV/V  apr^s  I'eneti.  II  aurait  (5crit  ;  liffi^^ies 
Seb.  Caboti  Angll,  Joannis  Caboti  Vencti  filii.  ..."  We  now  know  from  other  evidence 
tliat  Jolin  Cabot  was  tlic  discoverer  of  Nortli  America.  He  may  have  been  accompanied 
by  liis  son,  Scijastian,  but  it  would  iuive  been  a  plca.sant  fact  to  have  the  testimony  of  the 
son  to  liis  father's  honor  clearly  expressed,  as  may  have  been  intended  in  tliis  awkward 
composition.  Sebastian  Cabot  has  been  the  sphinx  of  American  history  for  over  three 
hundred  years,  and  this  inscription  over  his  head  in  his  picture  does  not  tend  to  divest  him 
of  that  character.  There  has  as  yet  appeared  no  other  evidence  to  show  that  eitlier  John 
Cal)ot  or  Sel)astian  was  ever  kni};litcd.  I'urchas'  insists  on  fj'ving  the  title  of  ".Sir"  to 
tlie  son.  Layinj;  aside  the  question  as  to  the  interpretation  of  the  inscription  on  the  por- 
trait, there  is  sufficient  evidence  elsewhere  to  show  that  Sebastian  C.ibot  was  not  a  kniglit. 
In  two  documents  to  be  more  particularly  noticed  in  another  place,  —  one  dated  in  May, 
155s,  and  the  other  in  May,  1557,  the  latter  dated  not  long  before  Sebastian  Cabot's 
death,  —  relating  to  a  pension  granted  to  him  by  the  Crown  of  England,  he  is  styled 
"  Armiger,"  a  dignity  below  that  of  knight  and  equivalent  to  that  of  esquire.  See 
Rymer's  Firdera,  vol.  xv.  pp.  427  and  466. 

In  1558  there  was  published  in  I'aris  a  book  entitled  Les  Singularitez  de  la  France 
AHtarcktique,tic.,  by  F.  Andrd  Thevet,  the  French  Cosmographer.''  This  writer  is  held  in 
little  estimation,  and  deservedly  .so.  In  chapter  Ixxiv.  fol.  145,  verso,  in  speaking  of  the 
Baccalao.s,  is  this  passage  :  — 

"  It  was  first  discovered  by  Sebastian  Babate,  an  Englishman,  who  persuaded  Henry  VII.,  King 
of  England,  that  he  could  go  easily  this  way  by  the  North  toCath.iy,  and  that  he  would  thus  obtain 
s|)ices  and  other  articles  from  the  Indies  enually  as  well  as  the  King  of  Portugal;  added  to  which 
he  proposed  to  go  to  I'cru  and  .America,  to  people  the  country  with  new  inhabitants,  and  to  estal)- 
lish  there  a  New  England,  which  he  did  not  accomplish.  True  it  is  he  put  three  hundred  men 
ashore,  somewhere  to  the  north  of  Ireland,  where  the  cold  destroyed  nearly  the  whole  company, 
though  it  was  then  the  month  of  July.  Afterwards  Jaques  Cartier  (as  he  himself  has  told  me) 
made  two  voyages  to  that  country  in  1534  and  1535." 

This  passage  it  will  be  seen  is  a  mere  perversion  of  that  in  Gomara,  changing  the  name 
of  Cabot  to  Habate,  and  Iceland  to  Ireland,  but  adding  the  wholly  unauthorized  statement 
that  the  three  hundred  men  were  put  ashore  and  perished  in  the  cold.  Mr.  liiddle,*  who 
calls  attention  to  this  writer's  recklessness,  says  that  this  is  a  "random  addition  suggested 
by  the  reference  in  Gomara  to  one  of  the  objects  of  Cabot's  expedition,  and  the  reasons 
which  compelled  him  to  turn  back."  On  the  other  hand,  he  thinks  it  possible  that  Thevet 
"  derived  his  information  from  Cartier,  who  would  be  very  likely  to  know  of  any  such  at- 
tempt at  settlement.  "  It  is  not  at  all  likely  that  Thevet  had  any  authority  whatever  for  his 
statement.  His  mention  of  Cartier  is  probably  suggested  by  seeing  in  Gomara,*  immedi- 
ately following  the  extract  from  him  above  quoted,  the  mention  of  Cartier  as  being  on  that 
coast  in  1534  and  1535.  But  Thevet'."  statement  has  entered  into  sober  history,  and  has 
been  quoted  and  requoted. 

Captain  Antonio  Galvano,  the  Portuguese,  had  died  in  1557,  leaving  behind  him  a  Tra- 
dado,  a  historical  treatise,  which  was  published  at  Lisbon  in  1563.  It  gives  an  account  "of 
all  the  discoveries,  ancient  and  modern,  which  have  been  made  up  to  the  year  one  thousand 
five  hundred  and  fifty.  "    This  is  a  valuable  chronological  list  of  discoveries  in  which  the 


1  IV.  1177. 

^  I  might  mention  here  that  an  English  ver- 
sion of  this  book,  made  by  Thomas  Hacket,  was 
published  in  England  in  1568,  dedicated  to  Sir 
Henry  Sidney.  The  passage  in  question  occurs 
in  fol.  122  H.  C.  Carter-Brcnvn  Catalogue,  p. 
241.  (This  version  is  perhaps  rarer  than  the  two 
French  editions  (Paris  and  Anvers)  of  1558,  and 


the  Italian  of  1561,  and  is  worth  ten  guineas  or 
thereabout.  A  recent  French  catalogue  prices 
the  original  Paris  edition  at  aboi't  the  same 
sum.  It  has  been  recently,  1878,  reprinted  in 
Paris  with  notes  by  Paul  Gaffarel. — Ku.] 

8  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  p.  89. 

*  See  La  Ifistoria  General  de  las  Iiidias,  15541 
cap.  xxxix,  fol.  31. 


A 

v.. 

.  \ 

1 

ill:! 

f 

A'    :l 

I 

THE  VOYAGE5.  OF  THE  CAHOTS. 


33 


writer  includes,  in  the  latter  part,  his  own  experience.  He  spent  the  early  part  of  his  life  in 
India,  and  the  latter  part,  on  heinj;  recalled  home,  in  compilinR  an  account  of  all  known 
voyages.  'I'lu-  Hakluyt  Society  have  puhlishcd  (ialvano's  book  in  the  original,  from  a 
copy,  believed  to  be  unique,  in  the  Carter-Hrown  Library,  at  I'rovidunce  k.  I.  It  is 
accompanied  by  an  English  version,  by  an  unknown  translator,  lonj{  in  the  possession 
of  I  lakluyt,  corrected  and  published  by  him,  as  the  title  says,  in  1601.'  Hakluyt  never 
could  net  sij;ht  of  a  copy  of  tlie  orij;inal  edition.  (Jn  comparing  the  texts,  several  omis- 
sions and  additions  arc  noticed  by  the  modern  editor.  The  former  are  supposed  to  be  due 
to  the  inadvertence  of  the  translator,  the  latter  to  Hakluyt,  who  sup|)lied  what  he  thought 
important  from  oilier  sources  ;  and  to  him  are  probably  due  the  marginal  references. 
The  following  is  the  English  version  of  (ialvano's  account -of  Cabot's  discovery,  some 
omissions  having  been  supplied  by  the  modern  editor:  — 

"  In  the  year  I496  there  was  a  Venetian  in  Kngland  called  John  ('ahota,  who  having  knowledge 
of  such  a  new  discovery  as  tliis  was  [vi/.  the  discovery  by  ColinnbusJ,  and  perceiving  by  the  globe 
that  the  islands  before  spoken  of  stood  almost  in  the  same  latitude  with  his  country,  and  much 
ncar'.r  'o  Kngland  than  to  Portugal,  or  t"  Castile,  he  acepiainted  King  Henry  the  Seventh,  then 
King  of  England,  with  the  same,  wherewith  the  said  king  was  greatly  pleased,  and  furnished  him 
out  ivith  two  shi]>s  and  three  hundred  men;  which  departod  and  set  sail  in  the  spring  of  the  year, 
and  they  sailed  westward  till  thiy  came  in  sight  of  land  in  45  degrees  of  latituile  towards  the  north, 
and  then  went  •^triught  northwards  till  they  came  into  Oo  degrees  of  latitude,  where  the  day  is  eigh- 
teen hours  P'Ug,  ami  the  night  is  very  clear  and  bright.  There  they  found  the  air  cold,  and  great 
islands  of  ice,  but  no  ground  in  seventy,  eighty,  an  hundred  fathoms  sounding,  but  found  much  ice, 
which  alarmed  them ;  and  so  from  thence  putting  about,  finding  the  land  to  turn  eastwards,  they 
trended  along  by  it  on  the  other  tack,  discovering  all  the  hay  and  river'  named  Deseado,  to  see  if 
it  passed  on  the  other  side ;  then  they  sailed  back  again,  diminishing  the  latitude,  till  they  came  to 
38  degrees  toward  the  equinoctial  line,  and  from  thence  returned  into  England.  There  be  others 
which  say  that  he  went  as  far  as  the  Cape  of  Florida,  which  standeth  in  25  degrees." 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  greater  part  of  this  is  taken  from  Gomara,  and  the  writer  had 
also  read  I'eter  Martyr  and  Ramusio,  and  from  the  latter  takes  his  year  1496.  One  state- 
ment,—  namely,  that  Cabot  came  in  sifjlit  of  land  in  45  degrees  north,  —  is  original  here, 
which  would  almost  lead  one  to  suppose  that  Galvano  had  seen  the  prima  vista  of  Cabot's 
inap. 

It  will  be  noticed,  near  the  beginning  of  the  extract  from  Galvano,  that  John  Cabot  is 
said  to  be  the  discoverer.  Thus  it  stands  in  the  old  English  version  as  published  by  Hak- 
luyt, but  in  the  original  Portuguese  it  reads :  "  No  anno  de  1496  achandose  hum  Venezeano 
por  nome  Sebasti.'o  Gaboto  em  Inglaterra,"  etc.  The  substitution  of  John  for  Sebastian 
was  no  doubt  due  to  Hakluyt,  who  also  made  this  marginal  note  :  '•  The  great  discovery  of 
John  Cabota  and  the  English."  ■• 

In  this  same  year  (1563)  there  was  published  in  London  an  English  version  from  the 
French  of  Jean  Ribault,  entitled.  The  whole  and  True  discoveric  of  Terra  Florida  {eng- 
lishcd  the  Flourish  in  i^'  Lande),  etc.,  giving  an  account  of  the  attempt  to  found  a  colony  at 
Port  Royal  in  the  preceding  year.  The  translation  was  made  by  Thomas  Hacket,  and 
was  reprinted  by  Richard  Hakluyt  in  his  Divers  Voyages,  in  1582.'  In  referring  to  the 
preceding  attenpts  at  discovery  and  settlement  of  those  northern  shores,  he  says  :  — 


'  [  I  filth  Catalogue,  ii.  572,  Brinky  Catalogue, 
i.  no.  29.  This  translation  is  also  contained 
in  J.  S.  Clarke's  Progress  of  Maritime  Dis- 
ro7'ery,  London,  1803,  Appendix.  Ti.e  Carter- 
/Sro7vn  Catalogue,  i.  224,  says  an  English  trans- 
lation was  printed  in  the  Oxford  Collection  of 
I'oyages,  ii.  —  Ed.] 

«  Pages  87,  88. 

«  Or  inlet. 

*  Under  the  year  1526  Galvano  says:  "In 
VOL.  111.  —  5. 


the  year  1 526  there  went  out  of  Sevill  one  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  a  Venetian,  being  chief  Pilote  to  the 
emperor,"  etc.  There  is  added  to  the  old  Eng- 
lish version,  not  in  the  Portuguese  text,  after 
"  a  Venetian,"  —  "  by  his  father,  but  born  at  Bris- 
tol in  England."  Hakluyt  Society's  volume, 
p.  169. 

'  Mr.  J.  Winter  Jones,  the  editor  of  the 
Divers  I'oyages  for  the  Hakluyt  Society,  says, 
concerning  the  original  French  edition  of  this 


34 


NARRATIVK   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF    AMERICA. 


"Of  the  whitli  there  w.ih  one,  .1  very  (amiius  MlrariKer  lumed  Sebastian  Calxila,  an  exicllent 
pilot,  sent  thither  by  Kinn  Henry,  the  year  i  ('>S,  and  many  others,  who  never  could  attain  to  any 
habitation,  nor  take  poHHcsnion  thereof  one  only  fool  of  ground,  nor  yet  approach  or  enter  into 
these  partH  and  fair  rivern  into  the  which  (iixl  hath  brought  u»."' 

This  p.Ts.sajje  from  Rii)ault  is  cited  principally  for  the  date  there  n'ven,  i4(jH,  as  the 
year  of  Sebastian  C.ibot's  visit  to  the  northern  shores.  It  was  not  tlie  year  of  the  dis- 
covery, hut  was  the  year  of  the  second  v()y;ij»e.  Where  did  Ribault  picic  up  this  dale? 
No  one  of  the  notices  of  Cal)ot's  voya;;e  hitherto  cited  contains  it.  I  have  already  c.dlcd 
attention  to  Feter  Martyr's  languajjc,  in  1524,  that  Sebastian  Cabot  discovered  the  liacca- 
laos  twenty-six  years  l)cforc,  from  which  by  a  calculation  that  date  is  arrived  at.  '■' 

In  1570  Abraham  Ortelius  published  at  Antwerp  the  tirst  edition  of  his  celebrated 
Tht'iitrum  obis  tetranim,  containing  fifty-three  copper-plate  maps,  en^jravetl  by  II()|;;en- 
berg.»  In  the  beginning  of  the  l)ook  is  a  list  of  the  maps  which  Ortelius  had  considted, 
and  he  mentions  among  them  one  by  '•  Sebastianus  Cabotus  Venetus,  Universalem  Tabu- 
lam  ;  (|uam  impressam  aeneis  formis  vidimus,  sed  sine  nomine  loci  et  impressoris."  This 
would  seem  to  describe,  so  far  as  it  goes,  the  Cabot  map  in  the  National  Library,  at  I'aris, 
which  is  a  large  engraved  map  of  the  world,  "  without  the  name  of  the  place  or  the  printer." 

Mr.  Hiddle  was  impressed  with  the  belief  that  Ortelius  was  largely  influenced  in  the 
composition  of  his  map  by  the  map  of  Cabot,  lie  contended  that  Cabot's  landfall  was  the 
coast  of  Labrador,  and  he  found  near  that  coast,  on  the  map  of  Ortelius,  a  small  island 
named  St.  John,  which  he  supposed  was  that  discovered  by  Cabot  on  St.  John's  day  and 
80  named,  and  was  taken  by  Ortelius  from  Cabot's  map.'  Hut  an  examination  of  the 
Paris  map  fails  to  confirm  Hiddle's  hypothesis.  Tlie  "Y.  de  s.  Juan,"  is  in  the  (iulf  of 
St.  Lawrence  near  where  the  prima  vista  is  placed.  A  delineation  of  what  might  bo 
called  Hudson  Bay  apjiears  on  the  map  of  Ortelius,  and  Diddle  supposed  that  Cabot's 
map  furnished  the  authority  for  it.  Hut  no  such  representation  of  that  bay  appears 
on  Cabot's  map. 


;,    «' 


work,  that  it  "  is  not  known  to  exist,  and  it  is 
doubtful  if  it  ever  was  printed."  Ilakluyt,  how- 
ever, in  hi.s  ■'  Discourse  on  Wcstcrne  I'lantiny," 
published  as  vol.  ii.,  Dm.  Hist,  of  Miiine,  p.  20, 
says  it  is  "c.\tant  in  print,  l)oth  in  French  and 
English.  [Sparks,  in  his  Life  of  Kilhiiilt,  p.  147, 
says  that  he  cannot  tind  that  the  original  French 
was  ever  published ;  but  Gaffarcl,  FloriJe  Fran- 
caisf,  says  it  was  |)ublished  in  London,  15O3,  as 
Jlistoire  de  CExpidilion  Francaise  en  FtoriJe, 
and  soon  became  scarce.  —  En] 

'   Ilakluyt  Society's  Divers  Voyages,  p.  92. 

'■^  As  the  language  of  Hackct's  English  ver- 
sion of  Ribault  was  accessible  to  me  only  through 
Richard  Hakluyt's  Divers  l'oy,ii;es,  1582,  in 
which  he  reprinted  it,  I  had  an  ungenerous  su.s- 
piclon  that  he  might  have  substituted  that  date 
for  another,  he  having  placed  the  year  1498 
in  the  margin  of  the  page  on  which  he  first 
prints  the  alleged  extract  from  Fabian.  The 
only  known  copy  of  Hacket's  translation  is  in 
the  British  Museum,  and  on  an  appeal  to  that, 
through  a  transcript  of  it  taken  for  Mr.  John 
Carter-Brown,  I  find  Ribault's  date  to  be  1498. 
[Hacket's  version  as  given  by  Hakluyt  is  also 
reprinted  in  H.  F.  French's  Hist.  Coll.  of  Louisi- 
ana and  Florida,  \\.  1 59.  —  liD.] 

•  [Ortelius  was  not  far  from  thirty  years  old, 
when  Sebastian  Cabot  died.     He  had  been  in 


England,  and  possibly  had  seen  the  old  navi- 
gator. Felix  Van  Hiilst's  account  of  Ortelius 
was  published  in  a  second  edition  at  Liege  in 
1846.  Ortelius  was  the  first  to  collect  contempo- 
rary maps  and  combine  them  into  a  collection, 
which  became  the  precursor  of  the  modern  atlas. 
His  learning  and  integrity,  with  a  discrimination 
that  kept  his  judgment  careful,  has  made  his 
book  valuable  as  a  trustworthy  record  of  the 
best  geographical  knowledge  of  his  time.  His 
|)osition  at  Antwerp  w.as  favorable  for  liroaden- 
ing  his  research,  and  a  disposition  to  better  each 
succeeding  issue,  in  which  he  was  not  hampered 
by  deficiency  of  pecuniary  resources,  served  to 
spread  his  work  widely.  The  first  Latin  edition 
of  1570  W.1S  followed  by  others  in  that  language, 
and  in  Dutch,  German,  French,  and  Italian,  with 
an  ever-increasing  number  of  maps,  and  recast- 
ing of  old  ones.  These  editions,  including  epi- 
tomes, numbered  at  least  twenty-six,  down  to 
1606,  when  it  was  for  the  first  time  put  into 
English,  followed  by  an  epitome  in  the  same 
language,  with  smaller  maps,  in  1610.  There 
were  a  few  editions  on  the  continent  during 
the  rest  of  that  century  (the  latest  we  note 
is  an  Italian  one  in  1697),  but  other  geogra- 
phers with  their  new  knowledge  were  then  fill- 
ing the  field.  —  Ed.] 

«  See  Biddle's  Cabot,  p.  56. 


|l    i    I 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


35 


In  1574  there  appeared  at  Cologne  another  edition  of  Peter  Martyr'*  three  Decadeii, 
pulilishcd  ill  comifction  with  Home  writinK*  of  tlie  (liNtinniiiHJied  I'leniinj},  Damiani  A. 
(.'n)(!».^  Tiic  tliird  Decade  of  Martyr,  as  1  have  already  said,  contained  the  earliest  notice 
of  Sebastian  Cabot. 


We  have  arrived  at  a  period  now  when  the  pul)lic  men  of  Knjjland  l)e}{an  especially  to 
Interest  tliemsclvcs  in  voyages  of  discovery  and  colonization,  and  successfully  to  engajje 
llie  yood  ortices  of  the  (^ueen  in  their  behalf.  "There  hath  been  two  gpeiial  causes  in 
former  aRC,"  say.s  (Icorne  IJeste  in  '•  the  Epistle  Dedicatory"  to  his  voyages  of  Frobisher, 
piil)lishi>d  in  1 57X,  "  tliat  have  jjreatly  hindered  the  KnRlish  nation  in  their  attempts.  The 
one  hat!)  l)C('n  lack  of  liberality  in  the  nobility  ;  and  the  other,  want  of  sl<ill  in  tlic  cosmo)!,- 
rapliy  .ind  tlie  art  of  navigation,  —  which  kind  of  knowledge  is  very  necessary  for  all 
our  noblemen,  for  that,  we  beinj;  islanders,  our  chicfest  strength  consisteth  by  sea.  Hut 
these  two  causes  are  now  in  tlii.s  present  age  (God  be  thankeil !)  very  well  ixioiuicd  ;  for 
not  only  her  M.ijesty  now,  but  all  the  nobility  also,  having  perfect  knowledge  in  cosmogra- 
phy, do  not  only  witli  good  words  countenance  the  forward  minds  of  men,  but  also  with 
their  purses  do  liberally  and  bountifully  contribute  unto  the  same  ;  whereby  it  cometh  to 
pass  that  navigation,  which  in  the  time  of  King  Henry  VII.  was  very  raw,  and  took  (as 
it  were)  but  beginning  (and  ever  since  hath  had  by  little  and  little  continual  increase),  is 
now  in  her  M.ijesty's  reign  grown  to  his  highest  perfection.'"'' 

Frobisher  sailed  on  his  first  voyage  in  June,  1576.  The  tract  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert, 
entitled,  A  Discourst  of  Discovery  for  a  new  Passage  to  Cataia,  principally  written  ten 
years  before,  was  pul)lished  before  Frobisher  left  the  Thames.  The  reference  in  this 
tract  to  Sebastian  Cabot  —  who  "by  his  personal  experience  and  travel  hath  set  forth  and 
ilfscribcd  this  passage  [that  is,  the  Straits  of  Anian]  in  his  charts,  which  are  yet  to  be 
seen  in  the  Queen's  Majesty's  Privy  tlallery  at  Whitehall,  who  was  sent  to  make  tliis  dis- 
covery by  King  Henry  VII.,  and  entered  the  same  fret,"  etc.  —  has  led  Mr.  Diddle  to 
suppose  that  Frol)isher  had  the  benefit  of  Cabot's  experience,  and  that  his  maps  or  charts 
hanging  in  tlie  gallery  at  Whitehall  had  delineated  on  them  the  strait  or  pas.sage  tlirough 
to  the  Pacific,  which  Cabot  entered,  and  would  have  passed  on  to  Cathay,  if  he  had  not 
been  prevented  by  the  mutiny  of  the  master  and  mariners.* 

One  would  naturally  infer  that  Gilbert  wrote  this  passage  after  inspecting  the  map  in 
Wliiteliall,  but  the  full  passage  of  which  we  have  here  given  an  extract  is  taken  from 
Cal)()t's  letter  in  Ramusio,^  to  which  work  Gilbert  refers  in  the  margin  of  his  tract  thus: 
"  Written  in  the  Discourses  of  Navigation.  "  °  I  may  add  that  in  the  following  year,  1577, 
Richard  Willes  published  a  new  edition  of  Eden.'  containing  all  the  references  to  Caliot 
in  tlie  genuine  edition,  and  also  a  paper  on  Frobisher's  first  voyage,  witli  some  speculations, 
added  to  thc.e  of  (Gilbert,  as  to  the  northwest  passage.  In  this  paper,  addressed  to  the 
Countess  of  Warwick,  he  makes  frequent  reference  to  Cabot's  cml  or  table,  in  possession 


'   Citr/er-Hrcivii  Catiiloi;iii;  p.  255. 

-  7'/ii  Three  I  'oydf^s  of  Afiirtin  Fiobisher, 
llakliiyt  Soc.  1867,  p.  22.  [This  putting  forth 
of  eiH-Tgy  by  the  Knglish  at  this  time  in  pursuit 
of  maritime  discovery  is  reflected  in  the  larger 
production  of  the  Knglish  press  in  this  direc- 
tion, as  shown  in  a  later  Editorial  note.  — Ed.] 

•  JSiddle's  Cabot,  p.  291. 

*  Vol.  iii,  p.  4. 

"•  See  also  Hakluyt,  1 589,  p.  602. 

"  kicliard  Kdcn  died  aljout  this  time,  perhaps 
in  the  previous  year.  He  left  amonR  his  papers 
a  translation,  made  "  in  the  year  of  our  Lord, 
1576,"  and  from  the  Latin  of  Lewis  Vartomannus, 
which  Willes  includes  in  his  own  edition.    The 


last  book  published  by  Eden  was  an  English 
translation  from  the  Latin  of  a  book  on  navi^.a. 
tion,  by  Joannes  Taisnierus,  public  professor 
in  Rome  and  of  several  universities  in  Italy. 
It  bears  no  date,  but  it  is  supposed  to  have  been 
issued  in  1576  or  1577.  Sec  Ciirter-Iir(ni«:  Cat- 
aloi^ie,  pt.  I.  p.  262,  which  jjuts  its  date  1576; 
butit  is  given  1579  in  Markham's /?(jr'//j  I'oy- 
Of^s.  In  the  Epistle  Dedicatory,  Eden  speaks 
of  attending  "  the  good  old  man,"  Sebastian  Cabot, 
"on  his  death-bed,"  and  listening  to  his  flighty 
utterances  about  a  divine  revelation  of  a  new 
method  for  finding  the  longitude.  See  Biddle, 
P|).  222,  223.  Eden  was  also  engaged  in  other 
literary  enterprises  not  mentioned  by  me. 


\ 


36 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


M! 


V 


I  t 


M 1 ' 


of  the  countess's  father  "at  Cheynies,  "  as  proving  by  Cabot's  experience  the  existence  of 
such  a  strait  as  had  been  spoken  of  by  Gilbert,  and  of  which  Frobisher  in  his  first  voyage 
was  in  search.  He  says  :  "  Cabota  was  not  only  a  skilful  seaman  but  along  traveller,  and 
such  a  one  as  entered  personally  that  strait,  sent  by  King  Henry  VII.  to  make  this  afore- 
said discovery,  as  in  his  own  discourse  of  navigation  you  may  read  in  his  card  drawn  with 
his  own  hand;  the  mouth  of  the  northwest  strait  lieth  near  the  318  meridian,  betwixt  61 
and  64  degrees  in  elevation,  continuing  the  same  breadth  about  10  degrees  west,  where  it 
openetli  southerly  more  and  more."* 

If  the  Countess  of  Warwick's  father,  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  had  a  map  by  Cabot,  with  a 
northwestern  strait  delineated  on  it  in  degrees  of  latitude  and  longitude  as  described 
by  Willes,  it  could  not  be  a  copy  of  the  recently  recovered  Paris  map.  In  the  latter 
the  coast  to  the  north  of  Labrador  from  latitude  58  to  65  runs  in  a  northeasterly  direction, 
when  it  suddenly  trends  in  a  northwesterly  direction,  its  delineation  ceasing  at  latitude 
68,  where  is  this  inscription,  "Costa  del  hues  norueste "  (coast  west-northwest).  Dr. 
Kohl  is  of  opinion  that  Cabot  is  here  delineating,  from  his  own  experience,  Cumberland 
I.sland  in  Davis's  Strait ;  but  Mr.  Biddle  thinks  that  Cabot's  highest  northern  latitude 
was  reached  in  Fox's  Channel  on  the  shores  of  Melville  Peninsula.  All  these  specula- 
tions seem  to  me  to  be  basfjd  on  very  uncertain  data.'' 

One  is  impressed  with  the  ambiguous  language  of  Willes  when  he  speaks  of  Cabot's 
"  own  discourse  of  navigation  [which]  you  may  read  in  his  card  drawn  by  his  own  hand." 
The  phrase  "  discourse  of  navigation  "  sounds  so  much  like  Gilbert's  reference  in  the 
margin  of  his  tract  to  Ramusio,  that  I  am  disposed  to  refer  it  to  that  source. 

Clement  Adams,  as  we  shall  see  farther  on,  made  a  copy  of  Cabot's  map  or  a  copy  of 
some  reputed  map  of  Cabot,  in  1549  (if  the  supposition  as  to  the  date  is  correct),  which 
in  Hakluyt's  time  hung  in  the  gallery  at  Whitehall,  and  of  which  copies  were  also  to  be 
seen  in  many  merchants'  hou.ses  ;  yet  it  is  difficult  to  understand  how  different  copies  of 
a  genuine  map  of  Cabot  could  contain  such  variations.  Certainly  they  are  all  uisatisfac- 
>  jry,  and  throw  but  little  light  on  the  voyage  of  the  Cabots. 

The  indefatigable  compiler  and  translator  Belleforest  issued  in  1576,*  in  Paris,  his  Cos- 
mvgrnphie  Universelle,  on  the  basis  of  the  work  of  Sebastian  Munster ;  and  he  s.iys  *  that 
Seb'  -ian  Cabot  attempted,  at  the  expense  of  Henry  VII.  of  England,  to  find  the  v/ay 
to  Catliay  by  th*-  north  ;  that  he  discovered  the  point  of  Baccalaos,  which  the  Breton  and 
Norman  sail>  ■•.  now  call  the  Coast  of  Codfish,  and  proceeding  yet  farther  reached  the 
3;'.titude  of  C/  degrees  towards  the  Arctic  pole.  Substantially  the  same  passage  may  be 
found  in  Chauveton's  Histoire  Noiivclk  du  Notiveau  Monde,  p.  141,  published  at  Geneva, 
in  1579,  being  a  translation  of  Benzoni,  and  of  other  writers. 

In  connection  with  Frobisher's  voyage  there  was  published  in  London,  in  1578,  A 
Prayse  and  Report  of  Maister  Martyne  Frobisher's  Voyage  (0  Meta  Incognita,  by 
Thomas  Churchyard,  a  miscellaneous  and  voluminous  writer,  who  sayg  :  "  I  find  that 
Cabota  was  the  first  in  King  Henry  VI  I. 's  days  that  discrned  this  frozen  land  or  seas 
from  67  towards  the  north,  from  thence  toward  the  south  along  the  coast  to  36  degrees."* 

The  work  of  George  Beste,  the  writer  of  the  account  of  Frobisher's  three  voyages, 
before  mentioned,  published  in  London  in  1578,  speaks  of  Sebastian  Cabot  as  having  dis- 
covered sundry  parts  of  new-found-land,  and  attempted  the  passage  to  Cathay,  and  as 
being  an  Englishman,  born  in  Bristowe.  And  a  yet  furtiier  reference  is  matle  to  him, 
with  the  singular  additional  statement  that  the  date  of  his  discovery  was  1508.  This 
date  may  be  a  clerical  or  typographical  error. 

These  brief  notices  of  Sebastian  Cabot  are  cited  as  showing  how  a  tradition  is  kept 


4. 

51 


U 


1  Willcs's  I/istory  of  Tnxvayle,  etc.,  fol.  232, 
233;  Riddle's  Cabot,  \}.2.<)2\  Hakluyt,  1589,  pp. 
610-616. 

'  Kohl,  p.  364. 

•  I  quote  from  Hiddle's  Cabot,  p.  j;  ;  but  Bru- 


net,  iii.  1945,  and  Supplement,\.  1129,  notice  an 
edition  in  1575,  3  vol.  folio.  See  also  Stevens's 
Bibliotheca  Historica,  1 870.  p.   121. 

*  Tom.  ii.  p.  2175. 

'"  Biddle,  p.  28. 


THE  VOYAGES  OK  THE  CAUOTS. 


37 


alive  by  one  author  or  compiler  quoting  another,  neither  of  which  is  of  the  shghtest 
autiiority  in  itself. 

In  1582  there  appeared  at  Paris  a  work  entitled  Les  Trots  Mondes,  etc.  by  L.  V. 
Fopellini^rc.  It  is  a  mere  compilation,  and  embraces  translations  from  various  authors 
relating  to  the  discoveries  of  the  different  maritime  nations  of  Europe  in  various  parts  of 
the  world.  His  third  world  is  Australia,  called  by  the  Spaniards,  he  says,  Terra  del  Kuego, 
which  is  here  represented  on  a  map  as  a  large  continent. '  On  fol.  25  it  is  said  tliat  Cabot 
was  the  first  to  conduct  the  English  to  the  Baccalaos,  which  was  better  known  to  him 
than  to  any  other;  that  he  armed  two  ships  at  the  charge  and  with  the  consent  of  Henry 
VII.  of  England  to  go  there,  and  took  out  with  him  three  hundred  Englishmen,  and 
sailed  along  48^  degrees  in  a  strait,  but  was  so  baffled  by  the  extremity  of  the  cold  which 
he  found  there  in  July,  that,  although  the  days  were  long,  and  the  nights  were  clear,  he 
did  not  dare  to  pass  beyond  with  his  men  to  the  island  to  which  he  wished  to  conduct 
them. 

This  is  substantially  a  resume  of  the  account  in  Gomara,  with  a  discrepancy  in  stating 
the  latitude  reached. 

Following  a  long  resume  in  French  of  the  conversation  in  the  first  volume  of  Raniu- 
sio,  this  writer  remarks:  ''This  then  was  that  Gabote  which  first  discovered  Florida 
for  the  King  of  England,  so  that  the  Englishmen  have  more  right  thereunto  than  the 
Spaniards ;  if  to  have  right  unto  a  country,  it  sufficeth  to  have  first  seen  and  discovered 
the  same.''  '^ 

In  1580  was  published  tl  ■  first  edition  of  Stow's  Chronicle  {ox  Annals)  of  England, 
etc.,  which  contains,  under  tlie  year  1498,  the  alleged  passage  from  Fabian,  which  Mr. 
IJiddle"  charges  Hakluyt  with  perverting,  by  prefi.xing  in  his  larger  work  the  name  of 
John  Cabot  to  tlu-  "Venitian"  as  it  appeared  in  the  Divers  Voyages  of  15S2.  The 
passage  in  Stow  begins  thus :  "  This  year  one  Sebastian  Gabato,  a  Genoa's  son,  born  in 
Uristow,"  etc.     Reference  will  be  made  to  this  document  farther  on. 

In  1582  Richard  Hakluyt  published  his  Divers  I'oyages,  his  first  book,  which  contains 
many  curious  and  important  documents.  It  is  dedicated  to  Master  Philip  Sidney,  Esquire, 
who,  with  other  statesmen  and  public  men  of  England,  was  then  deeply  interested  in 
American  Colonization,  being  largely  inspired  by  political  considerations.  The  deilication 
contains  an  interesting  summary  of  what  had  been  done  by  other  nations,  and  the  reasons 
why  England  should  now  enter  upon  this  work.  Reasons  are  also  given  for  believing  that 
"  there  is  a  strait  and  short  way  open  into  the  west  even  unto  Cathay,"  which  they  had  so 
long  desired  to  find.  And  finally  the  claim  of  England  to  the  large  unsettled  territory  in 
America  is  set  forth,  "from  Florida  to  si.xty-seven  degrees  northward,  by  the  letters 
patent  granted  to  Joim  Gabote  and  his  three  sons,  Lewis.  Sebar.tian,  and  Sauliu.s,  with 
Sebastian's  own  certificate  to  Baptista  Ramusius  of  his  discovery  of  America,  and  the 
testimony  of  Fabian  our  own  chronicler." 

W^e  begin  now  to  approach  for  the  first  time  a  document  which  is  of  the  highest 
authenticity  and  value.     I  mean  the  letters  patent,  which   Hakluyt  here  prints,*  under 


1  [See  Carter- lit- invn  Catalogue,  pt.  i.  p.  292, 
which  shows  there  were  two  editions  the  same 
year.  The  book  is  rare,  and  was  priced  by  l.e- 
clerc  in  1878  at  650  francs.  .Stevens,  I/ist.  Coll. 
i.  135,  says  he  has  stcii  but  two  copies  of  the 
map  which  sliould  accompany  the  book.  This 
is  a  folded  wood-cut,  which  in  the  main  is  a 
rcihiccd  cojiy  of  the  map  in  Ortclius's  first 
edition.  The  map  is  in  the  Harvard  College 
copy.  The  Iliith  Catalogue,  \\.  1 169,  shows  the 
map.  —  Kn.] 

''  Hakluyt,  in  a  Disiourse  on  Westerne  Plant- 
ing, written  in  1584,  which  was  printed  for  the 


first  time  by  the  Maine  Ilist.  Soc.  in  1S77,  cites 
this  book  of  Popclliniere,  aiul  gives  an  English 
version  from  it  of  the  conversation  in  Kamusio. 
Hakluyt  is  here  asserting  the  (^)uccn  of  ICngland's 
title  to  all  the  territory  "  from  Florida  to  the 
Circle  Arctic,"  and  he  enlarges  upon  the  ex- 
ploits of  Sebastian  Cabot,  on  which  the  claim 
of  England  is  based. 

"  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  pp.  42-47. 

*  [They  were  subseciuently  reprinted  in  Ry- 
mer's  Foedera,  in  C^halnicrs's  and  Hazard's  Ilist. 
Coll.  and  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  ed.  of  the 
Divers  Voyages.  —  Eo.l 


1 


38 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


which  the  discovery  of  North  America  was  made  by  authority  of  England.  John  Cabot, 
the  father,  now  emerges  from  obscurity,  for  we  find  the  grant  is  to  him  and  to  his  three 
sons,  of  whom  Sebastian  is  the  second.  The  patent  gave  them  permission  to  sail  with 
five  ships,  at  their  own  costs  and  charges,  under  the  royal  banners  and  ensigns,  to  all 
countries  and  seas  of  the  east,  of  the  west,  and  of  the  north,  and  to  seek  out  and  discover 
whatsoever  isles,  countries,  and  provinces  of  the  heathen  and  infidels,  whatsoever  they  be, 
which  before  this  time  had  been  unknown  to  Christians.  They  also  had  license  to  set  up 
the  royal  banners  in  the  countries  found  by  them,  and  to  conquer  and  possess  them  as  the 
king's  vassals  and  lieutenants.  This  document  is  dated  s  March,  1495  (that  is  1496,  new 
style).  Hakluyt  also  prints  an  extract  from  Fabian's  chronicle,  furnished  him  by  John 
Stow,  and  supposed  to  have  been  in  manuscript,  as  it  is  not  contained  in  any  printed 
edition  of  Fabian,  In  the  heading  which  Hakluyt  gives  to  the  paper  as  printed,  he  says 
it  is  "a  note  of  Sebastian  Gabote's  voyage  of  discovery."  The  document  reads:  "This 
year  the  King  (by  means  of  a  Venetian  which  made  himself  very  expert  and  cunning  in 
knowledge  of  the  circuit  ot  the  world  and  islands  of  the  same,  .  .  .)  caused  to  man  and 
victual  a  ship  at  Bristowe  to  search  for  an  island  which,  he  said  he  knew  well,  was  rich  and 
replenished  with  rich  r^  mniodities,  —  which  ship  thus  manned  and  victualed  at  the  King's 
cost,  divers  merchants  of  London  ventured  in  her  small  stocks,  being  in  her  as  chief 
patron  the  said  Venetian.  And  in  the  company  of  the  said  ship  sailed  also  out  of  Bristowe 
three  or  four  small  ships  fraught  with  slight  and  gross  merchandizes  ;  .  .  .  and  so  departed 
from  Bristowe  in  the  beginning  of  May,  of  whom  in  this  Mayor's  time  returned  no  tidings." 
This  of  course  refers  to  the  voyage  of  1498. 

In  the  margin  against  this  paper  Hakluyt  has  this  note:  "In  the  13  year  of  King 
Henry  the  VII.,  1498,"  and  also  "  William  l^urchas.  Mayor  of  London,"  whose  time  expired 
the  last  of  October,  1498.  Stow,  as  has  been  seen,  had  already  printed  this  paper,  two 
years  before,  in  his  Annals;  and  it  is  reprinted  in  later  editions  of  that  work.  What  pre- 
cise shape  the  original  paper  was  in,  which  was  used  by  Stow  and  Hakluyt,  we  do  not 
know.  If  they  had  but  one  original  it  was  not  followed  in  all  its  details  by  both.  Dr. 
E.  E.  Hale  printed  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  for  October, 
1865,  a  paper  from  tlio  Cotton  manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum,  Vitellius,  A.  xvi,  which 
he  thought  was  the  original  paper  used  by  each,  and  to  which  Hakluyt's  copy  conforms 
more  nearly  than  does  that  of  Stow.  The  Cotton  manuscript  gives  no  name  to  the 
navigator,  but  calls  him  a  stranger  "  Venetian,"  as  does  Hakluyt.  Stow,  who  probably 
rarely  henrd  of  the  name  of  John  Cabot,  and  was  very  familiar  with  that  of  Sebastian, 
calls  him  "Sebasiian  G'lboto,  a  Genoa's  son."* 


( 


I 


fl   : 


Jf 


m 


*  In  the  Proceedins^s  of  the  American  Anci- 
quarian  Society  for  October,  1881,  Mr.  George 
Dexter  has  traced  the  publication  of  this  alleged 
extract  from  Fabian  to  an  earlier  date  than  had 
usually  been  assigned  to  it.  It  was  published  by 
Stow,  in  his  Annals,  in  1580,  together  with  the 
paragrajih  relating  to  the  savage  men  said  to 
have  been  brought  home  by  Sebastian  Cabot, 
and  also  printed  by  Hakluyt  in  1582.  They 
were  also  printed  in  the  second  edition  of  Hol- 
inshed,  1586-87.  The  Cotton  manuscript,  Vi- 
tellius, A.  xvi.,  has  been  re-examined,  and  proves 
not  to  be  a  F.ibian.  Mr,  Dexter  has  printed  the 
two  extracts  from  it,  the  latter,  relating  to  the 
"  savage  men,"  for  the  first  time.  In  the  Cotton 
collection,  Nero,  C.  xl.,  is  a  genuine  Fabian,  but 
it  contains  nothing  ,ibout  Cabot.  The  conclu- 
sion to  which  I  have  arrived  from  this  exam- 
ination by  Mr.  Dexter  is,  that  the  Vitellius 
manuscript  was  not  the  original  used  by  Stow 


and  Hakluyt,  They  give  facts  and  details  not 
to  be  found  in  that  manuscript;  ,ind  this  remark 
will  particularly  apply  to  the  extract  relating  to 
the  three  savage  men,  which  in  the  Vitellius  is 
brief  and  meagre.  Both  Stow  and  Hakluyt 
must  have  used  a  genuine  Fabian  manuscript 
yet  to  be  discovered.  For  though  neither  would 
probably  hesitate  to  add  or  change  a  name  or 
a  date,  if  he  thought  he  had  sufficient  author- 
ity for  so  doing,  they  would  not  manufacture  a 
narrative. 

As  regards  th-;  savage  men  referred  to.  Stow, 
under  the  date  of  1502,  says  they  were  that 
yc.ir  presented  to  the  King,  yet  that  they  were 
brought  over  by  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1498,  giving 
Fabian  as  his  authority.  Hakluyt,  in  his  quarto 
of  1 582,  repeats  the  same  story,  on  the  same  au- 
thority; yet  in  his  folio  of  1589  he  changes  the 
(late  in  his  heading  as  to  the  year  of  their  pre- 
sentation to  the  King,  making  it  conform  to  the 


THE  VOYAGES  OP^  THE  CABOTS. 


39 


year  of  King 
e  time  expired 
his  paper,  two 
4.  What  pre- 
lyt,  we  do  not 
by  both.  Dr. 
y  for  October, 

A.  xvi,  which 
:opy  conforni.s 

name  to  the 
who  probably 

of  Sebastian, 


ind  details  not 
nd  this  remark 
ract  relating  to 
he  Vitclliiis  is 

and  Ilakluyt 
an  manuscript 

neither  would 
ige  a  name  or 
Tlicient  author- 
iianufacture  a 

rred  to,  Stow, 
ley  were  that 
that  they  were 
n  1498,  giving 
,  in  his  quarto 
1  the  same  au- 
changes  the 
r  of  their  pre. 
onform  to  the 


Hakluyt  also  prints  in  this  precious  little  volume  the  substance  of  Sebastian  Cabot's 
letter  to  Ramusio,  printed  in  the  beginning  of  his  third  volume,  in  which  he  mentions  the 
degree  of  latitude,  67>^°  N.,  which  Cabot  reached  in  his  voyage  in  search  of  a  way  to 
Cathay. 

He  also  prints  for  the  first  time  the  two  well-known  letters  of  Robert  Thome,  in  the 
latter  of  which,  addressed  to  Dr.  Ley,  the  English  ambassador  to  Spain,  the  writer  says 
that  his  father  and  another  merchant  of  Bristol,  Hugh  Eliot,  were  the  discoverers  of  the 
new-found  lands.  .Some  have  conjectured  that  these  merchants  went  out  with  the  Cabots, 
and  others  tliat  they  were  in  some  later  expedition  not  well  defined.  Hakluyt  also  prints 
here  an  Englisii  version  of  "  Verarzanus,"  and  Hacket's  "  Ribault."  The  volume  also  con- 
tains two  maps,  o'--  of  which,  prepared  by  Michael  Locke,  was  made,  he  says,  "according 
to  Verarzanus's  plat"  an  "old  excellent  map,  which  he  gave  to  King  Henry  VII L,  and  is  yet 
in  the  custody  of  M.  ster  Locke."  The  map  of  Locke  was  probably  made  only  in  its  gen- 
eral features  according  to  the  original  model,  and  contained  some  more  modern  additions 
by  its  compiler.  It  has  one  interesting  inscription  upon  it,  —  namely,  on  the  delineation 
of  C.  Breton  we  read,  "J.  Gabot,  1497."  This  is  the  first  time  I  have  seen  this  date 
assigned  as  the  date  of  the  discovery.' 

Hakluyt's  little  volume  expressed  tht  interest  felt  in  England  on  the  subject  of  North 
American  colonization,  and  furnished  the  ground  on  which  England  based  her  title  to  the 
country.  He  also  announced  in  this  book  that  Sebastian  Cabot's  maps  and  discourses 
were  then  in  the  custody  of  one  of  Cabot's  old  associates,  William  Worthington,  who  was 
willing  to  have  them  seen  and  published. 

The  interest  in  the  contemplated  voyage  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  who  made 
the  first  serious  attempt  in  that  century  at  colonization  for  England,  culminated  next 
year,  when  he  sailed  and  never  returned.  Among  the  reports  of  that  voyage  was  one 
written  by  Mr.  Edward  Haies  in  i^Sj,  in  which  he  says :  "  The  first  discovery  of 
these  coasts  (never  heard  of  before)  was  well  begun  by  John  Cabot  the  father, 
and  Sebastian  the  son,  an  Englishman  born,  who  were  the  first  finders  out  of  all  that 
great  tract  of  land  stretching  from  the  Cape  of  Florida  unto  those  islands  which  we 
now  call  the  Newfoundland ;  all  which  they  brought  and  annexed  unto  the  crown  of 
England." « 

Sir  George  Peckham,  a  large  adventurer  with  Gilbert,  also  wrote  in  1583  on  the  same 
theme,  and  he  makes  mention  of  the  title  of  England  in  the  following  language :  "  In  the 
time  of  the  Queen's  grandfather  of  worthy  memory.  King  Henry  VII.,  letters  patent  were 
by  his  Majesty  granted  to  John  Cabota,  an  Italian,  to  Lewis,  Sebastian,  and  Sancius,  his 
three  sons,  to  discover  remote,  barbarous,  and  heathen  countries,  which  discovery  was 
afterwards  executed  to  the  use  of  the  Crown  of  England  in  the  said  King's  time  by  Sebas- 
tian and  Sancius,  his  sons,  who  were  born  here  in  England.""  It  seems  to  have  been 
thougiit  that  the  tide  of  England  would  be  strengthened  by  the  statement  that  the  dis- 
coverers, or  some  of  them,  were  native  subjects  of  the  Crown  of  England.     This  seems  to 


year  In  which  they  were  brought  over.  Mr.  Mid- 
dle (Memoir  of  Sebastian  Caliot,  pp.  230,  231)  has 
a  labored  argument  to  show  that  the  men  were 
not  brought  over  by  Cabot,  but  by  some  one 
else,  in  the  year  they  were  presented  to  the 
King,  1502,  reflecting  severely  on  Hakluyt  for 
changing  this  last  date.  It  is  not  at  all  prob- 
able that  the  name  of  either  John  Cabot  or  Se- 
bastian Cabot  was  given  in  the  original  manu- 
script used  by  Stow  and  Hakluyt.  I  will  add 
that  George  Beste,  in  his  work  on  the  voyages 
of  Frobishcr,  cited  above,  says  that  Sebastian 
Cabot  brought  home  "sundry  of  the  people" 
of  the   country  he   visited,   "and  many  other 


things,  in  token  of  possession  taken,"  very 
oddly  assigning  the  voyage,  which  he  regarded 
as  the  voyage  of  discovery,  to  the  year  1508. 

'  I  had  called  attention  to  this  fact  in  some 
notes  on  Cabot's  map  in  the  Proceedings  of  the 
Am.  Antiq.  Soc.  for  April,  1867,  and  Dr.  Kohl, 
p.  371,  says  that  Locke  is  supposed  to  have  copied 
the  inscription  from  a  map  of  Cabot  in  England. 
The  fact  must  have  been  inscribed  on  some 
other  map  of  Cabot  than  the  recently  recovered 
one  in  Paris,  for  that  certainly  does  not  bear  out 
the  conjecture. 

"  Ilakluyt,  1 589,  p.  680. 

»  Hakluyt,  iii.  173. 


I'll 


40  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


flfi 


u 


■II 


:'i     ;!, 


I.OK's    MAI',     I.S>*^2.  —  KKDUCED. 

have  been  one  reason  wliy  it  has  always  been  insisted  on  that  Sebastian  Cabot,  so  long 
supposed  to  be  the  discoverer,  was  born  in  England. ^ 

1  have  already  spoken  of  an   edition  of  Peter  Martyr's  Decades  in  the  original  Latin. 


1  In  the  yc;ir  1584  Richard  Hakluyt,  at  the 
request  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  wrote  a  Discourse 
on  IVistcnic  J'laitliiig,  —  to  wliich  I  have  already 
made  a  brief  reference,  —  supposed  to  embody 
the  opinions  of  the  statesmen  of  England  at  that 
period  on  the  colonization   of   North   America, 


It  is  a  remarkable  paper,  intended  for  the  eye  of 
the  Queen.  After  giving  all  'he  reasons  why 
England  should  enter  upon  this  work  speed- 
ily, he  presents,  in  chapter  xviii.  "  th:;  Queen  of 
England's  title  to  all  the  West  Indies,  or  at 
least  to  as  much  as  is  from  Florida  to  the  circle 


:a. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CAHOTS. 


41 


M 


Cabot,  so  long 

original  Latin. 

ed  for  the  eye  of 
he  reasons  why 
lis  worli  speed- 
'  th3  Queen  of 
St  Indies,  or  at 
j-ida  to  the  circle 


De  Orhe  Novo,  published  at  Paris  in  1587,  under  the  editorship  of  Richard  Hakiuyt,  who 
was  tiien  residing  in  that  city  in  connection  with  the  British  Embassy.  It  was  dedicated 
to  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  for  whom,  three  years  before,  Hakiuyt  had  written  the  Discourse  on 
Wcsterne  Plantins.  It  was  the  first  time  the  Decades  had  been  printed  entire  since  the 
fust  edition  of  them  appeared  at  Alcala  in  Spain  in  1530.  It  has  been  suggested  by  Mr. 
lirevoort  that  the  Spanish  Government  did  not  favor  their  circulation,  or  encourage  their 
republication.  In  Hakluyt's  edition  there  was  inserted  an  excellent  map  of  North  and 
South  America,  of  small  size,  six  and  a  half  by  seven  and  a  half  inches,  and  dedicated  to 
liim  by  the  maker,  "  F.  G."  On  the  delineation  of  the  coast  of  Labrador,  there  is  inscribed 
just  north  of  tlie  River  St.  Lawrence,  "  Baccalaos  Ab  Anglis,  1496."  This  date  was 
without  douijt  supplied  by  Hakiuyt  himself,  who,  in  his  Discourse  on  IVefterne  Planting, 
insisted  on  that  erronpous  date  as  the  true  year  of  discovery,  —  citing  the  conversation  in 
the  first  volume  cf  Ramusio  for  his  authority,  as  we  h.ive  seen. 

In  tracing  down  the  notices  in  print  of  John  or  Sebastian  Cabot,  we  come  now  to  a 
book  of  considerable  interest,  publishtd  in  Venice  in  1588,  some  years  after  the  death  of 
its  author,  Livio  Sanuto.  It  was  entitled  Gcographica  Disiincta,  etc.,  and  related  in  part 
to  matters  connected  with  naval  science.  The  author  was  deeply  interested  in  the  subject 
of  the  variation  of  the  needle,  and  having  heard  that  Sebastian  Cabot  had  publicly  ex- 
plained this  subject  to  the  King  of  England  (supposed  to  be  Edward  VI.,  on  Cabot's 
return  to  England),  he  applied  to  the  Venetian  ambassador  there  resident  to  a.scertain 
from  Cabot  himself  where  he  had  fixed  the  point  of  no  variation.  The  information  was 
accordingly  procured  and  published  by  Sanuto.  In  the  course  of  his  investigations  the 
author  made  use  of  a  map  composed  by  Cabot  himself,  in  which  the  position  of  this  merid- 
ian was  seen  to  be  one  hundred  and  ten  miles  to  the  west  of  the  island  of  Flores,  one  of 
the  .Azores.  Mr.  Biddle,'  who  dwells  at  some  length  on  this  volume,  calls  attention  to  the 
fact  "  that  the  First  Meridian  on  the  maps  of  Mercator,  running  through  the  most  western 
point  of  the  Azore.s,  was  adopted  witli  reference  to  the  supposed  coincidence  in  that  qunrter 
of  the  true  and  magnetic  poles."  Sanuto  makes  frequent  reference  to  the  map  of  Cabc* 
in  his  bor'-.,  and  also  makes  mention  of  Cabot's  observations  relating  to  the  variation  of  tlie 
compass  at  the  equator.  I  have  already  called  attention  to  one  of  the  legends  on  Cabot's 
map  of  1544,  no.  17,  which  relates  in  part  to  thi;  variation  of  the  needle.  In  Prima 
Parte,  lib.  ii.  fol.  17,  Sanuto  gives  a  brief  accoupl  of  Cabot's  voyage,  which  Mr.  Biddle* 
says  corresponds  minutely  with  that  which  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  derived  from  the  map 
huuT  up  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  gallery.  Sanuto,  however,  evidently  copied  from  Cabot's 
letter  in  the  preface  of  the  third  volume  of  Ramusio,  from  which  also  the  language  in 
Gili)ert  is  drawn. 

In  1589  Hakiuyt  published  his  first  folio  of  825  pages  entUled,  The  Principal  Xavi<ia- 
tions.  Voyages,  and  Discon^eriei  of  the  English  Nation,  a  monument  of  his  industry  as  a 
collector.  In  this  first  folio  Hakiuyt  included  several  pieces  from  his  little  quarto  tract 
of  1582,  and  he  collected  and  put  into  English  other  most  important  evidence  relating 
to  the  discovery  of  North  America  by  the  Cabots.  He  gave  the  passage  in  Peter  Martyr, 
tiie  conversation  in  Ramusio,  the  extract  from  Gomara,  added  to  those  documents  re- 
printed from  the  quarto  tract,  all  of  which  have  been  here  noticed  in  the  order  in  which 
tliey  appeared  in  print.  It  may  be  added  that  in  the  passage  from  Fabian  Hakiuyt  intro- 
duced tiie  name  of  John  Cabot  as  the  Venetian,  though  he  allowed  the  name  of  Sebastian 


Arctic,"  as  being  "  more  lawful  and  right  than 
the  .Sj-.iniard;',  or  any  other  Christian  princes' ;  " 
and  the  cl.iim  is  based  mainly  on  the  dis-overy 
by  Sjbastian  Cabot,  in  the  year  1496,  as  related 
in  the  first  volume  of  Ramusio,  which  is  cited. 
ILik.uyt  i.«  anxious  to  make  it  appear  that  Cabot 
disco  -ered  North  America  before  'Columbus  dis- 
covered the  firm  land  of  the  Indies;  yea,  more 
than  a  year  before,  and  he  recurs  more  than  once 
VOL.  in. — 6. 


to  this  date  as  showing  the  fact.  Indeed,  he 
once  goes  so  far  as  to  cite  the  date  on  Clement 
Adams's  map,  1494,  as  carrying  the  claim  yet 
farther  back.  [The  history  of  this  manuscript, 
published  as  vol.  ii.  of  the  Documentary  History 
of  Maine,  is  traced  in  an  Editorial  note  to  Dr. 
De  Costa's  chapter.  —  I'^d.] 

1  Memoir  of  S.  Cabot,  pp.  30,  178-180. 

2  Ibid.  p.  31. 


42  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


^^ 


<:=r:5' 


,1! 


A   SKETCH   OK  THE   HAKLITVT-MARTYR    (1587)    MAP.' 


Si' 


to  stand  in  the  heading,  probably  through  inadvertence.     He  also  brought  the  marginal 
date  into  the  text. 

He  also  produced  here  from  the  Rolls  Office  a  memorandum  of  a  license  granted  by  the 


'I     : 


1 

[This  sketch-map   is  taken  from 

the  fac- 

simi 

e  in   Stevens's  Historical  and  Geographical 

Notes,  and  needs  the  following  key:  — 

I. 

Groenlandia. 

2. 

Islandia. 

3- 

Frislandia. 

4- 

Meta  incognita  ab  Anglis  inventa  An.  1 576. 

S- 

nemonum  ins. 

6. 

S.  Biandon. 

7- 

Baccalaos  ab  Anglis,  1496. 

8. 

Hochclaga. 

9- 

Nova  Albion  inventa  An.  1580,  ab 

Anglis. 

10. 

Nova  Francia. 

II. 

Virginia,  1584. 

12. 

Bermuda. 

«3- 

Azores. 

14. 

Florida. 

15.  Nueva  Mexico. 

16.  Nova  Hispania. 

17.  Caribana. 

18.  Brasilia. 

19.  Fretum  Magellani. 

20.  Peru. 

This  map  is  so  rare  that  the  copies  in  some 
of  the  choicest  collections  lack  it,  such  as  the 
Huth  (p.  920,)  Brinley  (no.  42),  and  Carter-Brown 
(no.  370).  Rich  priced  a  copy  in  1832  with  the 
map  at  J^\  4s.,  which  would  to-day  be  a  small 
sum  for  the  book  without  the  maj) ;  while  a  copy 
with  the  map  is  now  worth  ;^2o.  Quaritch, 
Cat.  331,  no.  I.  The  Boston  Athenaeum  copy 
has  the  map.  See  Norton's  Lit.  Gazette,  new- 
series,  i.  272.  Bull.  Soc.  Giog.,  Oct.  1858,  p.  371, 
—  Ed.1 


"# 

"* 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


43 


i 


the  marginal 
granted  by  the 


copies  m  some 
it,  such  as  the 
d  Carter-Brown 
n  1832  with  the 
day  be  a  small 
p ;  while  a  copy 
C20.  Quaritch, 
Vthenaeum  copy 
Gazette,  new 
>ct.  1858,  p.  271. 


King  to  John  Cabot  alone,  to  take  five  English  ships  of  two  hundred  tons  or  under,  with 
necessary  furniture,  and  mariners  and  subjects  of  the  King  as  would  willingly  go  with 
him,  — dated  the  3d  day  of  February  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  his  reign  (i497,8)- 

The  full  copy  of  this  license  Hakluyt  probably  never  saw,  and  the  significance  of  this 
brief  memorandum  was  nevi.r  known  until,  two  hundred  and  forty  years  afterwards,  the 
entire  document  was  found  and  published  by  Mr.  Richard  Diddle  in  his  Memoir  of  Sebas- 
tian Cabot}  It  was  therefore  often  interpreted,  in  connection  with  the  letters  patent  pre- 
viously issued,  as  a  grant  to  take  up  ships  for  the  first  voyage,  which,  as  was  supposed, 
did  not  t-ike  place  till  1498. 

The  original  grant  of  this  license,  of  which  Hakluyt  publishes  a  brief  memorandum,  is 
found  to  be  a  permit  to  enlist  ships  and  mariners,  etc.,  "and  them  convey  and  lead  to  the 
land  and  isles  of  late  found  by  the  said  fohn  in  our  name  and  by  our  commandment. 
Paying  for  them  and  every  of  them  as  and  if  we  should  in  or  for  our  own  cause  pay,  and 
none  otherwise." 

The  part  1  have  italicized  is  most  significant,  and  shows  that  a  previous  voyage  had 
been  made  by  John  Cabot  under  the  authority  of  the  Crown. 

Hakluyt  also  reprinted  for  the  first  time,  in  Latin,  with  an  English  version,  an  extract 
from  Sebastian  Cabot's  map,  being  no.  8  of  the  Legends  inscribed  upon  it,  relating  to  the 
discovery  of  North  America,  already  recited  on  p.  21.  And  in  saying  that  it  was  taken 
from  Sebastian  Cabot's  map,  I  should  explain  that  Hakluyt  says  it  was  "an  extract  taken 
out  of  the  map  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  cut  by  Clement  Adams,  .  .  .  which  is  to  be  seen  in 
her  Majesty's  Privy  Gallery  at  Westminster,  and  in  many  other  ancient  merchants' 
houses."  This  language  is  a  little  equivocal,  and  some  have  supposed  that  Hakluyt 
intended  to  say  that  the  extract  simply  was  cut  by  Adams,  and  not  that  the  whole  map 
was  copied  by  him.     Clement  Adams  was  a  schoolmaster  and  a  learned  man,  and  prob- 


1  This  book  of  Mr.  Biddle  was  published  in 
London  in  two  editions,  1831  and  1832,  and 
in  the  United  States,  1831,  all  without  the 
name  of  the  author,  an  eminent  jurist  and 
statesman  of  Pittsburg,  Penn.,  who  was  born 
in  1795,  and  died  in  1847.  It  is  a  work  of  great 
value  for  its  authorities,  and  displays  much  crit- 
ical talent;  and  though  composed  with  little 
system  and  with  a  strong  bias  in  favor  of  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  whom  the  author  makes  his  hero,  it 
may  be  regarded  ai  the  best  review  of  the  history 
of  maritime  discovery  relating  to  the  period  of 
which  he  treat.s,  that  had  appeared. 

[The  most  important  notice  of  Mr.  Biddle's 
book  occurred  in  Tytler's  Historical  Vie^u  of  the 
Progress  of  Discovery  on  the  more  Northern  Coasts 
of  America,  Biddle's  reflections  upon  Hakluyt  be- 
ing the  particular  occasion  of  a  vindication  of 
that  collector.  George  S.  Hillard  also  reviewed 
Biddle  in  the  North  American  Revie^v,  xxxiv.  405, 
and  it  elicited  other  essays  in  contemporary 
journals.  It  supplied  largely  the  material  for 
Hayward's  Life  of  Cabot  in  Sparks's  American 
Biography.  The  most  recent  treatment  of  the 
subject  is  in  a  condensed  and  somewhat  enthusi- 
astic Remarkable  Life,  Adventures  aud  Discoveries 
of  Sebastian  Cabot,  by  J.  F.  NichoUs,  the  public 
librarian  of  Bristol,  London,  1869.  This  writer 
ascribes  the  chief  glory  to  Sebastian  and  not  to 
the  father,  and  rather  grandly  lauds  his  achieve- 
ments. This  provoked  Henry  Stevens  to  putting 
a  note  in  his  Bibliotheca  Ifittorica,  1870,  no.  2519, 


in  vindication  of  John  Cabot's  greater  claim,  — 
a  view  he  again  emphasized  in  a  little  tract,  with 
the  expressive  mathematical  title,  Sebastian  Cabot 
— John  Cabot=0:  Boston,  1870.  Some  of  the 
later  information  has  been  embodied  by  Bancroft 
in  a  paper  on  Cabot  in  the  N^ew  American  Cyc'o- 
/rf-fZ/a,  which  he  has  used  again  in  vol.  i.  of  his  Cen- 
tenary Ed.  History  of  the  United  States.  A  very 
good  resum^  of  existing  knowledge  as  it  stood 
forty-five  years  ago,  is  given  in  Conway  Robin- 
son's Discoveries  in  the  IVest  and  Voyages  along 
the  Atlantic  Coast,  Richmond,  1848.  A  some- 
what similar  treatment  is  given  in  Peschel's  Ge- 
schichte  des  Zeitalters  der  Entdeckungen,  book  ii., 
ch.  6,  and  notice  may  also  be  taken  of  the  same 
author's  Geschichte  der  Erdkunde,  vol.  iv.  Fox 
Bourne,  in  his  English  Seamen  under  the  Tudors, 
gives  a  summary  of  the  Cabots'  career  as  explor- 
ers, and  in  his  En^^lish  Merchants  he  treats  of 
their  relation  to  British  commerce  and  the  enter- 
prise of  Bristol.  Mr.  Travers  Twiss  communi- 
cated some  papers  on  the  relative  influence  of 
Columbus  and  Cabot  on  American  Discovery  to 
the  Nautical  Magazine,  July  and  August,  1876 ; 
and  a  review  of  a  somewhat  similar  kind  will  be 
found  in  Admiral  Jurien  de  la  Graviere's  Les 
Marins  du  xzi'  et  xt'i'^  SiMes,  composed  of  papers 
which  had  originally  appeared  in  the  Revue  des 
deux  Mondes,  1876,  et  set].  Among  other  views, 
reference  may  be  made  to  F.  von  Hellward's 
Sebastian  Cabot,  43  pp. ;  Malte-Brun's  Annates  des 
Voyages,  xcix.,  p.  39 . —  Ed.] 


i 


44 


NARRATIVE   ANO   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


..   » 


r 


ably  was  not  an  engraver.  Hut  Hakluyt  is  elsewhere  more  explicit.  In  his  Westertu 
r/aHting,^  he  says  :  "  His  [Cabot's]  own  map  is  in  the  Queen's  Privy  Gallery  at  West- 
minster, the  copy  whereof  was  set  out  by  Mr.  Clement  Adams,  and  is  in  many  mer- 
chants' hou-ses  in  London."  It  was  probably  reproduced  under  the  inspection  of  Adams. 
We  do  not  know  the  year  in  which  Adams's  copy  was  made,  unless  an  equivocal  date 
in  the  margin  of  Purchas"  may  be  regarded  as  expressing  the  year,  namely  "1549." 
I'urchas  has  fallen  into  great  confusion  in  attempting  to  describe  Cabot's  map  and  his 
picture  as  they  hung  in  Whitehall  in  his  time.* 

All  these  documents  relative  to  the  Cabot  voyages  were  reprinted  by  Hakluyt  in  the 
third  volume  of  his  larger  work  —  bearing  a  similar  general  title  to  that  of  1589  —  pub- 
lished in  1600.*  In  the  extract  from  Cabot's  map,  cut  by  Clement  Adams,  there  repro- 
duced, he  changed  the  date  of  the  year  of  the  discovery  from  1494  to  1497.  This  latter  is 
no  doubt  the  true  date,  but  on  what  authority  did  Hakluyt  make  the  change  .'  M.  D'Avezac, 
who  contended  that  1494  was  the  true  date  of  the  discovery,  that  being  the  date  on  Cabot's 
map,  believed  that  the  change  was  the  result  of  a  typogra|)hical  error. "•  That  it  was  delib- 
erate and  that  the  change  was  not  made  by  an  error  of  the  printer,  is  shown  by  the  fact 
that  the  altered  date  appears  both  in  the  Latin  extract  and  the  English  version  of  it ;  and 
that  the  index  or  general  catalogue  at  the  beginning  of  the  third  volume,  in  noticing  the 
authorities  for  Sebastian  Cabot's  voyage,  gives  "  1497  "  as  the  year.  Again,  a  copy  of 
Emeric  Molyneaux's  map,  prepared  about  this  time,  and  inserted  in  some  copies  of  this 
volume  of  H<akluyt,  has  on  the  delineation  of  Labrador,  which  some  suppose  to  have  been 
the  prima  vista  of  Cabot,  the  following  inscription  :  "  This  land  was  discovered  by  John  and 
Sebastian  Cabot  for  King  Henry  VII.,  1497."  "  I  have  already  referred  to  the  e.arliest  use 
of  this  date  as  the  year  of  tlie  discovery,  inscribed  on  a  map  of  Locke  in  Hakluyt's  Divers 
Voyages  of  1582.     But  the  true  source  of  the  date  is  not  here  reve.iled.' 

Clement  Adams's  map  is  yet  a  mystery.  I  have  already  called  attention  to  two  edi- 
tions of  Cabot's  map,  one  of  which  is  in  the  National  Library  at  Paris,  and  another  from 


'  Page  126. 

-  Vol.  iii.  p.  807. 

^  See  U'Avczac  in  the  Bulletin  de  la  Soc. 
GUg.,  Qu.ar.  Ser.,  xvi.  272,  273. 

^  [The  titles  of  these  works  in  full,  with  some 
further  account  of  the  instrumentality  of  Hak- 
luyt in  advancing  discovery,  are  given  in  Dr.  De 
Costa's  chapter  on  "  Norunibega,"  and  in  the 
notes  accompanying  it.  —  Ed.] 

6  M.  D'Avezac,  in  the  Bulletin  de  la  Soc. 
Glog.,  Quar.  Ser.,  xiv.,  271,  272,  1857,  and  Dr. 
Ashcr  in  his  Ilcnry  Hudson  (Hakluyt  Soc.j, 
pp.  l.wiii,  261,  iS6o,  both  express  the  opinion 
that  Clement  Adams  deli'jerately  altered  the 
d.-ite  from  1494  to  1497,  the  latter  being  the  date 
copied  by  Hakluyt  into  his  extract  from  Adams's 
map,  as  published  in  the  third  volume  of  his  fol. 
of  1600;  neither  of  these  writers  being  aware  of 
the  fact  that  in  Hakluyt's  first  citation  from 
Adams's  map,  in  his  folio  of  1589,  the  date  1494 
w.is  given.  All  we  know  of  Adams's  map  is 
ilerivcd  from  Hakluyt ;  and  as  an  additional  evi- 
dence that  the  extract  cited  from  it  bore  the  date 
1494,  we  have  Hakluyt's  previous  statement,  in 
his  Discourse  on  Westerne  Planting,  cited  above, 
where  this  fact  is  clearly  afi'irmed. 

In  the  Proceedings  of  the  Am.  Antiq.  Soc. 
for  April,  1S67,  I  called  attention,  in  some  notes 
on  Cabot's  map,  to  the  inadvertences  of  these 
distinguished  historians ;  and,  in  a  later  paper 


by  M.  D'Avezac,  iirinted  in  the  Bulletin  de  la 
Soc.  G(og.,  in  Paris  for  1S69,  and  translated  in 
the  Doc.  Hist,  of  Maine,  i.  506,  507,  he  revises 
his  opinion,  and  affirms  his  iK-lief  that  the  change 
of  date  from  1494,  in  Hakluyt's  first  folio,  to 
1497  in  that  of  1600  was  caused  by  a  typograph- 
ical error.  [D'Avezac's  paper  was  entitled  :  Les 
navigations  Terre-ncu-iennes  de  yean  et  Sebastien 
Cabot  —  Letlre  au  Kh'creiui  Leonard  Woods :  and 
was  also  pruited  separately  in  Paris.  —  Eo.j 

"  [See  the  note  on  Molyneaux's  map,  with  a 
sketch  of  it,  appended  to  the  chapter  on  "  Nor- 
unibega." —  Ed.] 

'  It  has  been  suggested  that  Hakluyt  had 
access  tj  Cabot's  papers  in  possession  of  William 
Worthington,  and  that  they  revealed  the  true 
date.  It  is  a  pity  he  did  not  "make  note  of 
it "  among  his  authorities.  See  R.  H.  Major's 
True  Date  of  the  English  Discos  cry,  etc.,  Lon- 
don, 1S70,  originally  printed  in  the  Archaolo- 
gia,  xliii,  17. 

The  mention  of  the  name  of  William  Wor- 
thington. against  whom  Mr.  Biddle  has  empha- 
sized a  suspicion  of  unjust  dealing  with  Sebastian 
Cabot,  reminds  me  of  a  remark  of  M.  D'Avezac 
in  speaking  of  the  marriage  of  Cabot  to  Cather- 
ine Medrano,  —  that  he  suspected  that  Worthing- 
ton, instead  of  being  hostile  to  Cabot,  was,  on 
the  contrary,  bound  to  him  by  family  ties.  See 
A'ez'iie  Critique,  v.  268,  269. 


IICA. 


THE   VOYAGES   OF   THE   CABOTS. 


45 


In  his  ll'esUrnc 
Liallery  at  West- 
s  in  many  mer- 
ction  of  Adams. 
1  equivocal  date 
namely  "  1549." 
t's  map  and  his 

r  Hakluyt  in  the 
of  1589  —  pul)- 
ms,  there  repro- 
'.  This  latter  is 
?  M.  D'Avezac, 
date  on  Cabot's 
hat  it  was  delib- 
own  by  the  fact 
rsion  of  it ;  and 
;,  in  noticing  the 
igain,  a  copy  of 
le  copies  of  this 
ose  to  have  been 
;red  by  John  and 
>  the  earliest  use 
lakluyt's  Divers 

ntion  to  two  edi- 
nd  another  from 

the  BiilUtiii  </<■  la 
and  translated  in 
6,  507,  he  revises 
ef  that  the  chnnge 
yt's  first  folio,  to 
d  by  a  typograph- 
was  entitled :  Les 
'  yiitii  et  Sebastien 
mar  J  Woods  :  and 
Paris.  — Ed.] 
:aux's  map,  with  a 
chapter  on  "  Nor- 

hat  Hakluyt  had 
;ession  of  William 

evealed  the  true 

"make   note  of 

ee  R.  H.  Major's 

uo^'ery,  etc.,  Loii- 

in  the  Archicolo- 

of  William  Wor- 

iddle  has  enipha- 

ng  with  Sebastian 

of  M.  D'Avezac 

Cabot  to  Gather- 
ed that  Worthing- 
o  Cat/ot,  was,  on 

family  ties.    See 


which  the  legends  in  Chytrteus  were  copied.  The  extract  from  Adams's  edition,  first 
made  by  Hakluyt  in  1589,'  was  in  Latin,  but  from  a  text  quite  diflTerent  from  that  of  Chy- 
tntus,  or  from  the  Paris  map.  It  is  Legend  No.  8  of  the  inscriptions,  and  was  the  "  Chap- 
iter of  (labofs  mapp  Ih  terra  nova"  as  set  out  by  Adams,  which  Hakluyt  tells  us  of  in  his 
Discoursed  This  heading  is  the  same  as  that  in  Chytricus.  Here  we  have  two  different 
translations  from  a  Spanish  original.  Did  Adams  transcribe  from  another  copy  of  Cabot's 
m,ip  yet  to  be  discovered  —  for  we  can  hardly  suppose  he  would  make  a  new  Latin  version 
of  tiie  legends,  with  one  already  before  him  —  or  did  he  translate  from  a  map  with  the 
Spanish  legends  oniy?  —  neither  of  which  precious  documents  is  to  be  found  in  our 
bureaus  of  cartography,  and  they  are  yet  to  be  added  to  Dr.  Kohl's  list  of  lost  maps ! 

Following  Hakluyt's  extract  from  Adams's  map  is  an  English  version  by  him,  beginning 
thus :  — 

"  In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1494,  John  Cabot,  a  Venetian,  and  his  son  Sebastian  (with  an  Eng- 
lish fleet  set  out  from  Uristol),  discovered  that  land  which  no  man  before  that  time  had  attempted, 
on  the  24th  of  June,  about  five  of  o'clock  early  in  the  morning.  This  land  he  called  Prima  vista,  that 
is  to  say,  First  seen,  because,  as  /suppose,  it  was  that  part  whereof  they  had  the  first  sight  from  sea. 
That  island  which  lyeth  out  before  the  land  he  called  the  Island  of  S.  John,  upon  this  occasion, 
as  I  think,  because  it  was  discovered  upon  the  day  of  St.  John  the  Baptist." 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  say  that  the  passage  in  parenthesis  is  not  in  the  original, 
but  is  introduced  by  Hakluyt.  But  the  words  which  I  have  italicized  ar*;  represented  in 
the  extract  by  "credo"  and  "opinor,"  and  are  not  authorized  by  the  language  of  the  Paris 
map,  nor  by  the  same  legend  in  Chytrxus.  In  the  concluding  part  of  this  extract,  not 
here  quoted,  Hakluyt  speaks  of  a  certain  kind  of  fish  seen  by  the  Cabots,  "which  the 
Savages  call  Baccalaos."  The  Latin  of  Adams's  map  and  of  the  Paris  map  is  vtilgus, 
which  may  mean  the  common  people  of  Europe,  or  the  fishermen.  In  the  Spanish  of  the 
Paris  map,  it  is  said  that  the  fish  are  called  Baccalaos,  but  it  does  not  say  by  whom. 
The  "  white  bears "  of  the  Spanish  crept  into  the  Latin  of  Adams,  and  of  course  into 
Hakluyt's  English,  as  "white  lions." 

An  interesting  discussion  as  to  the  authenticity  of  this  map  of  Cabot  in  the  Paris 
Library,  in  connection  with  the  genuineness  of  the  date  1494,  as  expressing  the  true  year 
of  the  discovery  of  North  America,  may  be  seen  in  the  letter  of  M.  D'Avezac  to  President 
Woods,  already  referred  to.  M.  D'Avezac  accepts  the  map  and  the  date  as  genuine  and 
authentic,  while  Dr.  Kohl  rejects  bo.h.  Mr.  Richard  Henry  Major,  in  his  paper  on  "The 
True  Date  of  the  English  Discovery."  etc.,  ably  reviews  the  whole  question  discussed  by 
those  distinguished  savaus,  ',nd  adopts  a  somewhat  modified  view.  He  believes  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  originally  rrew  a  map  with  legends  or  inscriptions  upon  it  in  Spanish 
only,  but  that  he  had  no  'land  in  publishing  it,  or  in  correcting  it  for  the  press,  and  that 
the  errors  in  the  engraved  map  arose  from  the  ignorance  or  inadvertence  of  transcribers ; 
that  the  date  of  the  discovery,  1497,  was  expressed  in  Roman  numerals  in  the  manuscript ; 
that  the  letter  V.  in  the  r.umerals  VII.  was  carelessly  drawn,  and  not  well  joined  at  the 
base,  so  that  a  reader  nn'ght  well  take  it  for  a  II.;  and  that  such  an  error  might  more 
easily  occur  in  a  manusc-ipt,  especially  on  parchment,  than  on  an  engraved  map  on  paper. 
As  evidence  that  the  Par.s  map,  which  Dr.  Kohl  thinks  was  made  in  Germany  or  Belgium, 
was  copied  from  a  Spanish  manuscript,  Mr.  Major  cites  the  instance  of  the  name  Laguna 
de  Nicaragua  being  rendered  into  "  Laguna  de  Nicaxagoe."  The  Spanish  manuscript  r 
being  in  the  form  of  our  northern  .r,  the  transcriber  showed  his  ignorance  by  substituting 
the  one  letter  for  the  other.  So  also  as  regards  the  copy  made  by  Clement  Adams  from 
the  Spanish  original.  H-;  made  an  independent  translation  of  the  inscriptions  into  Latin, 
which  accounts  for  the  two  Latin  versions,  and  also  made  the  same  error  for  the  same 
reason,  in  giving  the  date  1494,  instead  of  1497. 

Mr.  Major  believes  that  Hakluyt  had  good  reason  for  making  the  change  of  date  from 


11 


»  Page  SI  I. 


*  Page  128. 


46 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


1494  to  1497  as  the  true  d.ite  of  discovery,  as  in  the  same  volume  in  which  the  change 
was  made  he  introduced  the  remarkable  map  of  Molyneaux,  referred  to  above,  on  which 
that  date  was  inscribed  as  the  year  of  the  discovery  ;  and  furthermore  that  he  may  have 
consulted  the  papers  of  Cabot  in  the  possession  of  William  Worthington.' 


!  i 


To  return  again  from  this  long  digression  to  the  volumes  of  Makluyt  in  which  he  has 
brought  together  his  various  authorities  relating  to  the  voyages  of  the  Cabots,  one  is 
impressed  with  a  feeling  of  disappointment  that  he  makes  no  attempt  to  reconcile  their  ap- 
parent glaring  discrepancies,  —  that  is  to  say,  as  to  the  different  dates  given  in  them  to  the 
voyage  of  d'  jry,  and  the  variation  in  the  difTerent  degrees  of  latitude  reached;  while 
no  opinion  is  expressed  as  to  the  comparative  agency  of  John  or  Sebastian  Cabot,  or  the 
question  as  to  whether  there  was  more  than  one  voyage,  —  I  mean  a  second  immediately 
following  the  first  which  was  of  discovery.  In  the  general  catalogue  prefixed  in  1600  to 
the  third  volume  of  his  larger  work,  he  refers  to  these  several  "testimonies"  as  proving  a 
voyage  of  discovery  in  1497,  while  in  reality  no  one  of  them  proves  that  date,  bearing  in 
mind  that  the  date  in  the  extract  from  Adams's  map  was  in  this  later  reprint  inserted  by 
him  on  some  evidence  not  found  in  his  volumes,  —  the  truth  being  that  all  these  testi- 
monies, taken  as  a  whole,  refer  probably  to  two  if  not  three  voyages,  as  we  have  already 
seen.''' 

I  do  not  forget  that  the.se  volumes  of  Hakluyt  contain  other  interesting  documents  re- 
lating to  Cabot,  — namely,  the  record  of  the  pension  granted  by  Edward  VI.,  dated  Jan.  6, 
1548-49,  of  ^165  I3J-.  6t/.,  to  date  from  the  preceding  Michaelmas  Day  (September  29); 
the  Ordinances  and  Instructions  compiled  by  Cabot  for  the  intended  voyage  for  Cath.iy, 
May  9,  1553;  his  appointment  in  the  charter  of  the  Muscovy  Company,  Feb.  6,  1555-56, 
as  its  governor ;  the  story  of  his  presence  on  board  the  "Serchthrift "  at  Gravesend  on 
the  13th  of  April,  1556,  about  to  sail  on  a  voyage  of  discovery  to  the  northeast,  where 
the  venerable  man  '-entered  into  the  dance  himself."' 

I  have  already  referred  to  a  volume  of  Chytrasus,  containing  the  Latin  legends  on 
Sebastian  Cabot's  map,  which  was  published  about  this  time,  —  the  first  edition  in  1594, 
a  second  in  1599,  and  a  third  edition  in  1606.  We  can  hardly  suppose  that  Hakluyt 
ever  saw  this  book,  at  least  in  the  earlier  editions,  as  he  could  hardly  have  failed  to  incor- 
porate the  inscriptions  into  his  larger  work.  The  date  1494  given  in  the  8th  Legend  as  the 
year  of  the  discovery  of  the  new  lands,  and  the  same  date  incorporated  in  Hakluyt's  folio  of 
1589  from  Adams's  map,  gave  currency  to  its  use  to  a  limited  extent.*  But  Hakluyt's 
larger  work  of  1 598-1600  quite  superseded  in  use  his  previous  books,  and  Chytrasus  was 
probably  rarely  seen  or  consulted ;  yet  Mr.  Biddle,  who  never  could  have  seen  Chytrteus 
or  Hakluyt's  folio  of  1589,  could  never  understand  why  later  writers,  like  Harris  and 
Pinkerton,  adopted  that  date. 

I  did  not  propose,  in  presenting  this  sketch  of  authorities  relating  to  the  Cabots,  in 
chronological  order,  to  pursue  the  inquiry  much  beyond  the  period  to  which  I  have  arrived. 


1  Mr.  Major  concludes  his  paper  by  produc- 
ing incontestable  evidence  from  the  recently  pul>- 
lished  Venetian  and  Spanish  Calendars,  to  be 
adduced  farther  on,  that  the  true  date  of  dis- 
covery was  1497. 

'■*  See  a  more  full  analysis  of  this  subject  in 
Proceedings  of  the  Am.  Antiq.  Soc.  for  April, 
1867. 

3  See  vol.  i.  226,  274;  ii.  243,  267;  iii.  10; 
cf.  Biddle,  184-187,  311,  who  doubts  as  to  Cabot's 
appointment  as  "grand  pilot,"  as  asserted  by 
Hakluyt.  [Davis,  in  his  World's  Hydrographical 
Descriptions,  does  not  give  him  any  official  title 
in  1595.    "Sebastian  Gabota,  an  expert  pilot, 


and  a  man  reported  of  special!  judgment,  who 
being  that  w-iyes  imployed  returned  without  sue- 
cesse."  Davis's  Voyages  (Hakluyt  Soc.),  p.  195. 
—  Ed.] 

*  The  Legend  no.  xvii.  of  the  map  is  copied 
from  Chytraeus  into  the  text  of  the  Tabularum 
Geog.  Contractatrum  of  Peter  liertius,  published 
in  Latin  and  in  French.  In  the  Latin  edition  of 
1602  or  1603,  the  second  edidon,  the  Legend  is 
given  on  page  627,  and  in  the  French  of  1617  on 
page  777.  The  text  is  ascribed  to  Jodocus 
Hondius,  who  died  in  1612,  says  Lelewel,  in  his 
Giographie  du  Moyen  Age.  {^Letter  of  J.  Carson 
Brevoort.) 


■fAX 


''< 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CAUOTS. 


47 


Neither  do  I  flatter  myself  that  1  have,  in  the  field  already  traversed,  embraced  everything 
In  printed  form  that  should  have  been  notiied,  and  somethini,'  of  value  may  have  escaped 
mc.  In  proceeding,  thercfortr,  to  notice  two  or  three  important  works  relating  to  my  tlieme 
published  about  the  period  now  reached,  1  shall  conclude  this  chapter  by  introducing  some 
important  material  which  has  come  to  lijjiht  at  a  later  time,  from  the  slumbering  archives  of 
foreign  States,  and  much  of  it  within  a  few  years.' 

One  of  the  most  Imiwrtant  books  rclatinR  to  the  history  of  America  was  published  at 
Madrid,  1601-15,  by  Ilerrcra,  — ///j/or/rf  Giiural.  It  contains  nothing  relating  to  the 
tirst  voyages  of  the  Cabots,  except  the  passage  from  Gomara  already  cited  ;  but  it  gives 
other  interesting  facts  respecting  Sebastian  Cabot's  residence  In  Spain,  drawn  from  otTicial 
documents.  In  citing  passages  from  this  work  below,  I  have  also  made  use  of  the  more 
recently  published  works  of  Navarrete,  and  even  of  other  writers,  where  they  relate  to  the 
same  subject.    In  tlie  "deceptive  conversation  "  given  in  the  first  volume  of  Ramuslo,  Cabot 


'  Among  the  many  works  whose  piihlication 
was  Inspired  by  Hakluyt,  was  the  Issue  in  1612 
of  an  English  version  of  the  eight  Dccadis  of 
I'ctcr  Martyr,  translated  by  Michael  Locke,  thus 
laying  licforc  the  Knglish  reader  whatever  that 
industrious  chronicler  had  written  conccrnuig 
Sebastian  Cabot.  The  first  three  Decades,  as 
wc  have  alrtady  seen,  had  been  translated  by 
Richard  Eduii,  many  years  before,  and  those  were 
now  adopted  by  Locke  Into  his  completed  ver- 
sion ;  the  work  was  entitled  De  iXwa  Orh;  or  the 
History  of  the  /ft'i//H(//W,  etc.,  London,  1612.  It 
contained  a  Latin  dedication  to  Sir  Julius  Ci'sar, 
and  an  address  in  Knglish  to  the  reader.  The 
same  sheets  were  also  issued  with  another  title- 
page  without  date,  and  omitting  the  Latin  dedi- 
cation, and  also  again  in  162S  with  a  new  title, 
calling  the  book  a  second  edition.  [Copies  of 
either  issue  are  worth  from  £,^  to  ;^io,  and  even 
more.  Fifty  years  ago  Rich  (1832,  no.  ijo) 
priced  one  at  C^  '^r-  The  te.\t  was  reprinted 
in  the  supplement  to  the  1809  edition  of  Hak- 
luyt.—  El).| 

Purchas  has  several  notices  of  the  Cabots 
taken  from  Hakluyt  princli)ally,  hereafter  the 
great  authority  cited,  and  from  Ramuslo.  His 
is  the  earliest  mention  made,  within  my  knowl- 
edge, of  .Sebastian  Cabot's  picture  in  Whitehall 
gallery,  but  he  speaks  of  it  as  though  it  were 
displayed  on  Clement  Adams's  map  hanging 
there.  He  probably  never  took  the  trouble  to 
visit  the  gallery  himself,  but  wrote  from  wrong 
information. 

[Purchas's  Pilgrimage  gave  his  own  form  and 
language  to  the  accounts  of  the  voyages  which 
he  collected,  and  those  In  his  eighth  and  ninth 
hook  concern  America.  It  was  published  in 
1613,  when  he  was  thirty-six  years  old.  There 
was  a  second  edition  in  1614,  and  a  third  with 
additions  In  1617,  the  year  after  Purchas  in- 
herited Hakluyt's  manuscripts.  He  now  set 
about  his  greater  work,  —  Ifakluytus  Posthumus, 
or  Purchas,  his  Pilgrimes,  —  in  which  he  changed 
his  method,  and  preserved  the  language  of  the 
narratives,  which   he   brought    together.    This 


was  i)ul)llshed  in  four  volimies  (part  of  the  third 
anfl  all  of  the  fourth  volume  pertaining  to  Amer- 
ica), in  1625;  and  the  next  year  a  new  edition  of 
his  first  work  was  brought  out,  which  has  ever 
since  constituted  the  fifth  volume  of  the  entire 
work.  The  set  has  nearly  or  (lulte  cpiadrupled  in 
value  during  the  last  fifty  and  sixty  years,  and 
superior  copies  are  now  worth  ^too;  such  a 
copy  however  must  contain  the  original  engraved 
frontispiece  with  its  little  map  of  the  world, 
which  is  .seldom  found,  and  "  Ilondlus  hin 
Map  of  the  World,"  which  is  rarer  still,  on 
page  95,  where  ordinary  copies  show  a  redupli- 
cation merely  of  the  map  properly  belonging  on 
page  115.  Mr.  Ueane  owns  Thomas  Prince's 
copy  of  the  American  portions,  which  arc  en- 
riched with  Prince's  notes.  .Sanmel  Sewall's 
copy  is  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Purchas 
survived  the  publication  but  two  years,  and  died 
in  1628.  His  service  to  the  cause  in  which  he 
and  Hakluyt  were  so  conspicuous  workers,  was 
great,  but  is  not  generally  accounted  as  equal  to 
that  of  the  elder  chronicler.  See  Clarke's  Mari- 
time Discaiery,  i.  xlii.,  and  the  references  in  Alli- 
bone's  Dictionary.  Bohn's  Lowndes,  p.  2010, 
is  useful  in  determining  the  collation,  which  Is 
confused.  —  P^d.] 

Bacon,  In  his  Life  of  Henry  VII.  published  In 
1622,  notices  the  voyage  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  in 
which  North  America  was  discovered  ;  but  men- 
tioning no  year  Implies  that  It  took  place  in 
1498.  His  principal  authority  seems  to  have 
been  Stowe's  Chronicle. 

A  vahi.nble  work  was  published  at  Madrid  in 
1629,  by  Pinello  D.  Ant.  de  Leon,  entitled  an 
Epitome  de  la  bibliotheca  oriental  i  occidental, 
nautica  i  geographica,  etc.  of  which  a  second 
edition,  edited  by  De  Barcia,  was  published  in 
1737-38.  Particular  mention  is  made  in  it  of  the 
several  editions  of  the  writings  of  Peter  Martyr, 
though  the  information  is  not  always  correct. 
He  says  that  Juan  Pablo  Martyr  Rizo,  a  descend- 
ant of  Peter  Martyr,  had  a  manuscript  translation 
in  Spanish  of  the  Decades  for  printing,  which  we 
may  well  believe  never  appeared. 


48 


NARKAIlVi:   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


')      > 


l:!l 


;,,■ 


r'l 


is  made  to  say  that  tlic  troubles  in  En);l.tn(l  induced  him,  that  is,  on  his  return  from 
his  voyage  of  discovery,  to  set-It  employment  in  Spain.  Hut  I'eter  Martyr  Informs  us  that 
Cabot  (lid  not  leave  Kn^;lan(l  until  alter  the  death  of  Henry  \'l  I.,  which  took  jjlacc  in  i5o<;,' 
Ilerrer.i''  mentions  the  circumstances  uiuler  which  the  invitation  from  Ferdinand  was  given 
and  accejjted,  and  Cabot  arrived  in  Spain,  Sep.  13,  1 51 2. 

He  was  taken  into  service  as  "capitan,"  with  pay  of  fifty  thousand  maravcdis  by  a  royal 
grant  made  at  l.aKroflo,  Oct.  20,  1512.'  Kden,*  in  a  translati.)n  of  I'eier  Martyr,  makes 
that  author  say  that  Cabot  had  been,  at  the  time  at  which  Martyr  wn?  'vritinji;,  1515,  ap- 
jiointed  a  member  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  but  it  is  believed  that  the  original  lan^uaxc 
of  Martyr,  "  concurialis  iioster,"  will  not  bear  that  interpretation.*  In  1515  he  wasappo  nted 
"  CosmoKrapho  de  la  Casa  de  la  Contratacion,"  an  otlice  which  involved  the  care  of  revising 
ma])s  and  charts."  And  in  that  same  year,  I'eter  Martyr  tells  us,  there  was  projected  a  voyage 
under  the  command  of  Cabot,  to  seart.i  for  that  "  hid  secret  of  Nature  "  in  the  northwest, 
to  sail  in  the  following  year,  1516.  liut  the  death  of  King  Ferdinand,  on  the  23d  of  January 
of  that  year,  put  an  end  to  the  expedition.  In  November,  1515,  Cabot  and  Juan  \'es|)ucius 
gave  an  opinion  (parecer)  concerning  the  demarcation  line  in  lirazil.'  I  have  alre.idy 
spoken  of  the  alleged  voyage  of  Cabot  and  Sir  Thomas  Pert  from  England,  of  1516-17, 
concerning  which  serious  doubts  have  been  expressed.  Herrera  makes  no  mention  of 
Cabot's  leaving  Spain  at  this  time  ;  and  De  Harcia.  not  perhaps  the  highest  authority,  in  the 
preface  to  his  Knstiyo  Chronoloi^ko,  etc.,  Madrid,  1723,  says  that  Cabot  w.as  residing  quietly 
in  Spain  from  1512  to  1526,  and  that  "he  never  intended  or  proposed  to  prosecute  the  pro- 
posed discovery."  On  Feb.  5,  1518,  he  was  appointed  "  Piloto  Mayor  y  Examinador  de 
I'ilotos,"  succeeding  Juan  de  Solis,  who  had  been  killed  on  the  La  Plata  River  in  1516,  with 
tiie  same  pay  in  addition  to  that  of  capitano.^  In  1520  this  a])pointment  is  again  con- 
firmed, with  orders  that  no  pilot  should  pass  to  the  Indies  without  being  first  examined 
and  approved  by  him."*  On  April  14,  1524,  the  celebrated  Congress  at  Had.ajos  was 
held,  which  was  attended  by  Cabot,  not  as  a  member  but  as  an  expert;  and  he  and 
several  others  delivered  an  opinion  on  the  questions  submitted,  April  15,  the  second  day 
of  tlie  session.'"  Immediately  after  the  decision  of  the  Congress,  which  was  pronounced 
practically  in  favor  of  the  .Sjjanish  interest,  a  company  w.as  formed  at  Seville  to  prosecute 
the  trade  to  the  Moluccas,  through  the  Straits  of  Magellan,  and  Cabot  was  invited  to 
take  the  command  ;  and  in  September  of  this  year  he  received  the  sanction  of  the 
Council  of  the  Indies  to  eng.age  in  the  enterprise,  and  the  agreement  with  the  Emperor 
was  executed  at  Madrid  on  March  4,  1525,  and  the  title  of  Captain-General  was  con- 
ferred upon  him.  It  was  intended  that  the  expedition  should  depart  in  August,  but  it 
was  delayed  by  the  intrigues  of  the  Portuguese,  and  did  not  sail  till  April  3,  1526.'* 
Cabot's  expedition  to  the  La  Plata,  it  having  been  diverted  on  the  coast  from  its  original 
destination,  will  be  considered  in  another  volume.  On  Oct.  25,  1525,  his  wife,  Cata- 
lina  Medrano,  was  directed  by  a  royal  order  to  receive  fifty  thousand  maravedis  as  a 
"gratificacion."'^ 

Cabot  returned  from  South  America  to  Seville  with  two  ships  at  the  end  of  July  or  the 
beginning  of  August,   1530,  and  laid  his  final  report  before  the  Emperor,  of  which  an 


*  In  the  Foreign  and  J)omeslic  CaUnJars  of 
Ihniy  I'///.,  ii.  pt.  ii.  p.  1576,  .Sebastian  Talbot 
(Cabot)  is  named  as  receiving  twenty  shillings, 
in  May,  1512,  "for  making  a  card  of  Gascoigne 
and  Guyon."     He  left  soon  after  for  Spain. 

-  Dec.  i.  p.  254,  Madrid,  1730;  Biddle,  p.  98. 

*  Navarrete,  Ilistorica  Naiitka,  p.  138. 

*  Page  ng. 

*  D'Avezac,  in  Rei'iie  Critique,  v.  265. 
"  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  p.  18. 

'  Navarrete,  Coll.  iii.  319. 

*  Navarrete,  Bibl.  Maritima,  tome  ii.  pp.  697- 


700;  Herrera,  Dec.  W.  p.  70;  Venetian  Calendar, 
vol.  ii.  no.  607. 

"  Herrera,  Dec.  ii.  p.  226;  Cf.  Biddle,  p.  121. 

'"  Gomara,  cap.  xcix.  Navarrete,  Coll.  iv. 
339;  Bibl.  Maritima,  as  above.  Cf.  Biddle,  pp. 
122,  123. 

"  Hiddle's  Cabot,  pp.  123-128,  where  will  be 
fonnd  a  good  summary  of  these  events,  with  the 
original  authorities  cited ;  with  which  cf.  Peter 
Martyr,  Dec.  vii.  cap.  6;  Navarrete,  Bibl.  Mari- 
tima, as  .ibove. 

w  Bibl.  Maritima,  as  above. 


.:.'* 


THK  voya(;es  of  the  cahots. 


49 


uctian  CalenJar, 


nbstract  may  Iw  'ound  in  Hcrrcra.  Private  complaints  were  laid  against  him,  and  at  the 
Muit  of  the  fami'ies  of  some  of  his  companions  wli«  had  perished  in  the  exptihlion  he  was 
arrcHted  and  ir  .prN'-ned,  l)iit  lil)eratcd  on  bail  I'ublic  charges  were  preferred  anainst  him 
lor  miscondiiit  in  t.ie  affairs  of  the  I-i  Plata,  and  the  Council  of  the  Indies  by  an  order 
d:il<(l  from  Medina  lei  Campo,  I'rb.  I,  153^.  condemned  him  to  a  banishment  of  two  years 
to  Oran,  in  Africa.  Miit  the  sentence  was  not  carried  into  execution.  I'nder  the  date  of 
1531,  llerrera  speaks  of  his  wife  and  cliildren.' 

During  Cabot's  ab.sence,  that  is  to  say,  on  April  4,  1528,  Alonzo  de  Chaves  w.is 
appointed  "  I'iloto  Mayor,"  with  Kibero  ; '  but  the  office  was  resumed  by  him  not  lon^  after 
Ills  return.  Navarrete  (luotea  from  the  Archivo  de  Indias  a  declaration  nude  in  1574,  by 
Juan  Fernandez  de  l.adriilos,  of  Moguer,  a  great  pilot,  over  seventy  years  old,  who  had 
sailed  to  America  for  twenty-eight  years,  that  he  was  examined  by  Sebastian  Cabot  In 
1535  »     This  ofiice  Cabot  retained  till  he  left  Spain  and  returned  to  England. 

I  may  as  well  introduce  here  as  elsewhere  a  few  passages  from  that  part  of  the  history 
of  Oviedo  recently  published  at  Madrid,  for  the  first  time,  by  the  Academy  of  History. 
Oviedo  is  very  severe  on  C.il)ot  for  his  want  of  knowledge  and  skill  in  his  o|)erations  on 
tlie  La  riata.  Hut  my  citations  are  for  another  purpose.  "  Another  great  i)ilot  (piloto  mayor), 
Sel)astian  Cabot,  Venetian  by  origin,  educated  in  England,  who  at  present  is  I'iloto  Mayor 
and  Cosmographer  of  their  Royal  Maje.ities,  etc.  ...  I  will  not  defend  from  passions 
.  .  .  and  negligence  Seb.istian  Cabot  in  the  affairs  of  this  expedition,  since  lie  is  a  good 
person  and  skilful  in  his  office  of  cosmography,  and  making  a  map  of  the  whole  world  in 
plane  or  in  a  spherical  form;  but  it  is  not  the  same  thing  to  command  and  govern  people 
as  to  point  a  (piailrant  or  an  astrolabe."  * 

Several  interesting  episodes  in  the  life  of  Cabot  during  his  residence  in  Spain  have  been 
recently  made  public  from  the  Venetian  archives.     They  may  be  related  here. 

The  story  of  Cabot's  intrigue  with  the  authorities  of  Venice  is  told  in  a  remarkable 
and  interesting  letter  of  Gasparin  Contarini,  the  Venetian  amoassador  to  Charles  \'.,  dated 
Valladolid,  Dec.  31,  1522.  Cabot  was  at  this  time  holding  a  high  office  under  the  Emperor, 
and  was  drawing  large  pay.  It  appears  that  he  had  made  secret  projiosals  to  the  Council 
of  Ten  through  a  friend  of  his,  a  certain  friar,  named  Hieronimo  de  .Marin,  a  native  of 
Kagusa,  to  enter  into  the  service  of  Venice,  and  disclose  the  strait  or  passage  which  he 
claimed  to  have  discovered,  whereby  she  would  derive  a  great  c-)mmercial  benefit.  He 
proposed  to  visit  Venice  md  lay  the  whole  plan  before  the  Council.  The  Council  of  Ten, 
though  they  had  but  little  confidence  in  the  scheme,  made  all  this  known  to  their  ambassa- 
dor by  letter,  in  which  they  enclosed  a  letter  also  for  Cabot,  which  they  had  instructed  the 
friar  to  write  to  him.  Contarini  sent  for  Cabot,  who  happened  *hen  to  be  residing  at  the 
court,  and  gave  him  his  letter,  which  he  there  read  with  manifest  embarrassment.  After 
his  fears  had  been  quieted  he  told  Contarini  that  he  had  previously,  in  England,  out  of  the 
love  he  bore  his  country,  spoken  to  the  ambassadors  of  Venice  on  the  subject  of  the  newly 
discovered  countries,  through  which  he  had  the  means  of  benefiting  Venice,  and  that  the 
letter  had  reference  to  that  subject  ;  but  he  besought  the  ambassador  to  keep  the  thing  a 
secret,  as  it  would  cost  him  his  life.  Contarini  told  him  that  he  was  thoroughly  acquainted 
with  the  whole  aflTair,  but  they  would  talk  further  on  the  subject  in  the  evening.  At  the 
hour  appointed,  when  they  were  closeted  alone  in  the  ambassador's  chamber,  Cabot 
said  :  — 


"  My  Lord  Amba'ssador,  to  tell  you  the  whole  truth,  I  was  born  in  Venice,  but  was  brought  up 
in  EngKind  (lo  naqui  a  Vcnetia,  ma  sum  nutrito  in  Enneltcrra),  and  then  entered  the  service  of  their 
Catholic  Majesties  of  Spain,  and  King  Ferdinand  made  mc  a  captain,  with  a  salary  of  50,000  mara- 


*  Navarrete,  ^/'W.iWaW/»»»(7,ii.  697-700;  Ibid. 
Coll.  V.  333;  Herrera,  Dec.  iv  pp.  168,  169,  214; 
D'Avezac,  Bulletin  Soc.  Giog.  Quart.  Ser.  xiv. 
268. 

2  Navarrete,  Nautica,  pp.  135,  136,  155. 
VOL.   III.  —  7. 


'  Viage dtl Sutil y Mexicaiia,m  1792:  Madrid, 
1802,  Introduction  (by  Don  AL  F.  Navarrete, 
then  a  young  man),   p.  xlii. 

*  (Iviedo,  Historia  general  y  natural  de  las 
Indias,  ii.  p.  169,  1852. 


;f 

n ''f 

1! 

1 ' 

h 

|i  . 

■ 

50 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


i"  i  I 


i' 


'<' 


.,  ■< 


t,ML 


I 


vedis.  Subsequently  his  present  Majesty  gave  me  the  office  of  Pilot  Major,  with  an  additional 
salary  of  50,000  maravedis,  and  25,000  maravedis  besides,  as  a  gratuity ;  forming  a  total  of  I25,c-^ 
niaravedis,  equal  to  about  300  ducats." 

He  then  proceeded  to  say  that  being  in  England  some  three  years  before,  Cardinal 
Wolsey  offered  him  high  terms  if  he  would  sail  with  an  armada  of  his  on  a  voyage  of  dis- 
covery, Tor  which  preparations  were  making  ;  but  he  declined  unless  the  Empeior  would 
give  his  consent,  in  which  case  he  would  accept  the  offer.  But  meeting  with  a  Venetian 
who  reproached  him  for  not  serving  his  own  country  instead  of  being  engaged  altogether 
for  foreigners,  his  heart  smote  him,  and  he  wrote  the  Emperor  to  recall  him,  which  he  did. 
And  on  his  return  to  Seville,  and  contracting  an  intimate  friendship  with  this  Ragusan  friar, 
he  unbosomed  himself  to  him ;  and,  as  the  friar  was  going  to  Venice,  charged  him  with  the 
aforesaid  message  to  the  Council  of  the  Ten,  and  to  no  one  else  ;  and  the  Ragusan  "swore 
to  me  a  sacred  oath  to  this  effect."  Cabot  then  said  he  would  go  to  Venice,  and  lay  the 
matter  before  the  Council,  after  getting  ♦he  Emperor's  consent  to  go,  "  on  the  plea  of 
recovering  his  mother's  dowry."  The  ambassador  approved  of  this,  but  mr.de  some  seri- 
ous objections  to  the  feasibility  of  the  scheme  which  Cabot  proposed  for  the  benefit  of 
Venice.  Cabot  answered  his  objections.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation  he  told  Con- 
tarini  that  he  had  a  method  for  ascertaining  by  the  needle  the  distance  between  two  places 
from  east  to  west,  which  had  never  been  previously  discovered  by  any  one.  The  inter- 
view was  concluded  by  his  promising  to  go  to  Venice  at  his  own  expense,  and  return  in 
like  manner  if  his  plan  was  disapproved  by  the  Council.  He  then  urged  Contarini  tr 
keep  the  matter  secret. 

On  the  following  7th  of  March  the  ambassador  again  wrote  to  the  Chiefs  of  the  Ten, 
saying  that  Cabot  had  been  several  times  to  see  him,  and  that  he  was  disposed  to  come  to 
Venice  to  carry  his  purpose  into  effect,  but  that  he  did  not  then  dare  ask  leave  for  fear  he 
might  be  suspected  of  going  to  England,  and  he  must  wait  three  months  longer ;  and  that 
Cabot  desired  the  Council  to  write  him  a  letter  urging  him  to  come  to  Venice  for  the  dis- 
patch of  his  affairs  (meaning  his  private  business).  On  the  28th  of  April  the  Council,  in 
the  name  of  the  Ragusan  friar,  wrote  to  Cabot  what  had  been  done  to  discover  where  his 
property  was  ;  that  there  was  good  hope  of  recovering  the  dower  of  his  mother  and  aunt, 
and  that  had  he  been  present  no  doubt  the  object  would  have  been  attained  before.  He 
is  thereforv.  urged  to  come  at  once,  "  for  your  aunt  is  very  old."  The  Council  say  they 
have  caused  this  letter  to  be  written  "  touching  his  private  affairs,  in  order  that  it  may 
appear  necessary  for  him  to  quit  Spain."  On  the  26th  of  July,  Contarini  again  writes  that 
Cabot,  who  had  been  residing  at  Seville,  had  come  to  Valladolid  on  his  way  to  Venice,  and 
was  endeavoring  to  get  leave  of  the  Imperial  Councillors  to  go,  and  that  the  Signory  would 
be  informed  of  the  result  of  the  application.  Probably  he  never  .,ent.  The  next  mention 
of  him  in  the  Venetian  correspondence,  during  his  residence  in  Spain  is  under  the  date 
of  September  21,  1525,  —  that  Sebastian  Cabot  is  captain  of  the  fleet  preparing  for  the 
Indies.! 

Cabot  still  kept  up  his  intrigues  with  Venice,  even  after  his  return  to  England.  On  the 
1 2th  of  September,  1 55 1,  the  Council  of  Ten  write  to  their  ambassador  in  England,  telling 
him  to  assure  Cabot  that  they  are  gratified  by  his  offer,  and  that  they  will  do  all  they  can 
about  the  recovery  of  his  oroperty  there,  but  that  it  is  necessary  that  he  should  come  per- 
sonally to  Venice,  as  no  one  there  knows  him  ;  that  the  matters  concerned  are  over  fifty 
ye<irs  old,  and  by  the  death  of  men,  decay  of  houses,  and  perishing  o{  writings,  as  well  as 
by  his  own  .ibsence,  no  assured  knowledge  can  be  arrived  at.  He  should  therefore  come 
at  once.     Ramusio,  the  Secretary  of  the  Council,  had  been  put  in  trust  by  C.iboi  of  all 


•  In  a  notice  of  the  settlement  of  the  estate  Cornwall,    draper,    for    conducting    Sebastytn 

of  .Sir  Thomas  Lovell,  who  died   May  25,  1524,  Cabot,  master  of  the  pilots  in   Spain,  to  Lou- 

among   the   debts    unpaid  and  now,   February  don,  at  testator's  request,  43J.  41/.  —  Letters  an  i 

18,  discharged,   was  one  to  John    Goderyk  oi  Papers,  Henry  VIII.,  vol.  iv.  pt.  i.  p.  154. 


k*B3 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


5> 


'ore,  Cardinal 
oyage  of  dis- 
nperor  would 
;h  a  Venetian 
ed  altogetlier 
vhich  he  did. 
lagusan  friar, 
him  with  the 
;usan  "  swore 
!,  and  lay  the 
I  the  plea  of 
ie  some  seri- 
he  benefit  of 
he  told  Con- 
in  two  places 
The  inter- 
and  return  in 
Contarini  tf 

i  of  the  Ten, 
d  to  come  to 
^e  for  fear  he 
;er ;  and  that 
e  for  the  dis- 
e  Council,  in 
er  where  his 
ler  and  aunt, 
before.  He 
ncil  say  they 

that  it  may 
n  writes  that 

Venice,  and 
gnory  would 
lext  mention 
ider  the  date 
ring  for  the 

nd.  On  the 
(land,  telling 
all  they  can 
Id  come  per- 
re  over  fifty 
;s,  as  well  as 
fore  come 
Caboi  of  all 


such  evidences  as  should  come  to  hand  regarding  Cabot's  business,  and  he  would  use  all 
diligence  towards  establishing  his  rights.  In  the  mean  time  the  ambassador  is  to  learn 
from  him  all  he  can  about  this  navigation. 

Whether  this  talk  about  Cabot's  property  in  Venice,  the  dowry  from  his  mother  and 
his  aged  aunt,  was  all  fictitious,  perhaps  never  can  be  known.  That  these  alleged  facts 
were  used  as  a  pretext  or  "blind"  in  this  correspondence,  was  on  both  sides  avowed.' 

It  has  been  already  mentioned,  that,  after  Cabot's  return  to  England,  and  his  entry  into 
the  service  of  Edward  VI.,  —  a  warrant  for  his  transportation  hither  from  Spain  having 
passed  the  Privy  Council  on  the  9th  of  Oct.  1547,  —  the  King,  on  the  6th  of  January,  1548/9, 
granted  him  a  pension  for  life  of  ^166  13J.  4^.,  "  in  consideration  of  good  and  acceptable  ser- 
vice done  and  to  be  done  by  him."  But  in  the  following  year  a  little  contretemps  occurred 
between  Cabot  and  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  Through  the  Spanish  ambassador,  Jan.  19, 
1 549/50,  Charles  had  demanded  the  return  of  Cabot  to  Spain,  saying  that  he  was  the  "  Grand 
Pilot  of  the  Emperor's  Indies,  ...  a  very  necessary  man  for  the  Emperor,  whose  ser- 
vant he  was,  and  had  a  pension  of  him."  The  Council  replied  that  Cabot  was  not  detained 
by  them,  but  that  he  had  refused  to  go,  saying  that  being  the  King's  subject  there  was  no 
reason  why  he  should  be  compelled  to  go.  The  ambassador  insisted  that  Cabot  should 
declare  his  mind  to  him  personally,  and  an  interview  was  held,  at  which  Cabot  made  a 
declaration  to  the  same  import,  but  said  he  was  willing  to  write  to  the  Emperor,  having 
good-will  towards  him,  concerning  some  matters  important  for  the  Emperor  to  know.  He 
was  then  asked  if  he  would  return  to  Spain  if  the  King  of  England  and  the  Council  should 
demand  of  him  to  go;  to  which  Cabot  made  an  equivocal  answer,  but  which  the  Council,  to 
whom  '  .  .'port  of  the  conversation  was  made  by  a  third  person  present,  interpreted  to 
mean  that  he  would  not  go,  as  he  had  divers  times  before  declared  to  them.^ 

In  March,  1551,  Sebastian  Cabot  received  from  the  King  a  special  reward  of  ;^2oo.  On 
the  9th  of  September,  1553,  soon  after  the  accession  of  Philip  and  Mary,  the  Emperor, 
Charles  V.,  again  made  an  earnest  request  that  Cabot  should  return  to  Spain.  But  he 
declined  to  go.  On  the  27th  of  November,  1555,  Cabot's  pension  was  renewed  to  him. 
Edward  VI.  having  died  two  years  previous,  the  former  grant  had  probably  expired  with 
him.  On  the  27th  of  May,  1557,  Cabot  resigned  his  pension,  and  on  the  29th  a  new  grant 
was  made  to  him  and  to  William  Worthington,  jointly,  of  the  same  amount,  so  that  Cabot 
was  bereft  of  half  his  pay.*  Cabot  died  not  long  afterwards,  the  precise  date,  however, 
not  being  known. 

Mr.  Biddle  was  strongly  impressed  with  the  belief  that  Cabot  suffered  great  neglect  and 
injustice  in  his  last  days  from  Philip,  through  the  jealousy  of  Spain  of  the  growing  com- 
merce and  maritime  enterprise  of  England,  stimulated  by  one  who  had  left  his  father's 
service  and  refused  to  return,  and  "who  was  now  imparting  to  others  the  benefit  of  his 
vast  experience  and  accumulated  stores  of  knowledge."  And  he  believed  that  William 
Wortliington,  who  was  associated  with  Cabot  in  the  last  grant  to  him  of  his  pension,  was 
a  creature  of  Spain,  who  finally  got  possession  of  Cabot's  papers,  and  confiscated  them 
beyond  the  reach  of  the  students  and  statesmen  of  England. 

I  will  now  call  attention  to  some  documents  recently  made  public,  principally  derived 
from  the  archives  of  Venice  and  of  Spain,  which  reveal  John  Cabot  again  to  our  view  and 
show  him  to  have  been  the  real  discoverer  of  North  America.'* 


I  Venetian  Calendars,  vol.  iii.,  nos.  557,  558, 
589,  607,  634,  669,  670,  710,  1 1 15;  v.  711  ;  For- 
eiffn,  under  date  Sept.  12,  1551  ;  Hardy's  Report 
upon  Venetian  Calendars,  pp.  7,  8. 

^  Strype,  Eccl.  Mem.  Oxford,  1822,  vol.  ii. 
pt.  i.  p.  296;  Harlcian  MSS.,  quoted  by  Biddle, 
p.  175,  where  the  story  is  told  in  a  letter  dated 
April  21,  1550,  from  the  Council  to  Sir  Philip 
Hoby,  resident  minister  in  Flanders.  Bancroft, 
American  Cyclopaidia,  iii.  530. 


*  Biddle,  pp.  1S7,  217,  219;  Rymcr's  Fadera, 
XV.  427,  466;  Bancroft,  as  above. 

*  [It  is  well  known  that  in  commemoration  of 
the  English  discovery,  Cabotia  has  been  urged 
as  a  name  for  North  America;  but  if  Sehastia, 
urged  by  William  Doyle  in  his  Ace.  of  the  British 
Dominion  beyond  the  Atlantic,  1770,  had  been 
adopted,  we  should  have  had  a  misapplication, 
quite  mating  the  mishap  which  g.ive  the  name  of 
America  to  the  western  hemisphere.  —  Ed.] 


IIS! 


!fn 


I  ' 


4V 


!^ 


•  r 


I  J 


|(. 


'5 


'     I 


52 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


John  Cabot,  or  in  the  Venetian  dialect,  Zuan  Caboto,  was  probably  born  in  Genoa  or  its 
neighborhood,  and  came  to  Venice  as  early  as  1460.  He  there  married  a  daughter  of  the 
country,  by  whom  he  had  three  sons.  On  the  28th  of  March,  1476,  by  the  unanimous  con- 
sent of  the  Senate,  he  obtained  his  naturalization  as  ■■■  citizen  of  Venice,i  "within  and 
without,"  having  resided  there  fifteen  years.'  He  engaged  in  the  study  of  cosmography 
and  the  practice  of  navigation,  and  at  one  time  visited  Mecca,  where  the  caravans  brought  in 
the  spices  from  distant  lands.  He  subsequently  left  Venice  with  his  family  for  England  and 
took  up  his  residence  in  Bristol,  then  one  of  the  principal  maritime  cities  of  that  country. 
Sebastian  is  reported  as  saying  that  his  father  went  to  England  to  follow  the  trade  of  mer- 
chandise. When  tnis  removal  took  place  is  uncertain.  Peter  Martyr  says  that  Sebastian, 
the  second  son,  at  the  time  was  a  little  child  (^pene  infans),  while  Sebastian  himself  says, 
if  correctly  reported,  that  he  was  very  young  {die  egli  era  assai  giouare'),  yet  tliat  he  had 
some  knowledge  of  the  humanities  and  of  the  sphere.  He  therefore  must  have  arrived  at 
some  maturity  of  years.'  Eden*  says  that  Sebastian  told  him  that  he  was  born  in  Bristol, 
and  was  taken  to  Venice  when  he  was  four  years  old,  and  brought  back  again  after  cer- 
tain years.  He  told  Contarini,  at  a  most  solemn  interview,  that  he  was  born  in  Venice  and 
bred  {nutrito)  in  England,  which  is  probably  true.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  the 
three  sons  were  of  age  when  the  letters  patent  were  granted  to  them  and  their  father  in 
March,  1496,  in  which  case  Sebastian,  being  the  second  son,  must  have  been  born  as  early 
as  1473,  or  three  years  before  his  father  took  out  his  papers  of  naturalization  in  Venice.* 

In  a  letter  from  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  to  Doctor  de  Puebla,  in  London,  dated  March 
28,  1496,  they  say,  after  acknowledging  his  letter  of  the  21st  of  January :  "  You  write  that  a 
person  like  Columbus  has  come  to  England  for  the  purpose  of  persuading  the  King  to  enter 
into  an  undertaking  similar  to  that  of  the  Indies,  without  prejudice  to  Spain  and  Por- 
tugal. He  is  quite  at  liberty."  But  Puebla  is  further  charged  to  see  that  the  King  of 
England,  who  they  think  has  had  this  temptation  laid  before  him  by  the  King  of  France, 
is  not  deceived  in  this  matter,  for  that  these  undertakings  cannot  be  executed  without 
prejudice  to  Spain  and  Portugal.' 


'  I'l'iic/iivt  Ciihiiihrs,  vol.  i.  no.  453;  U'Av- 
ezac,  Doc.  Hist.  Maine,  i.  504,  505;  S.  Romanin, 
Storia  Documcntata,  iv.  453. 

-Mr.  J.  F.  Nichols,  in  his  Life  of  Selmstian 
Cabot,  pp.  20,  21,  appears  to  misapprehend  the 
terms  of  this  privilege  of  natur.nlization,  sup- 
posing it  was  a  grant  of  citizenship  for  fifteen 
years  to  ronie,  and  not  on  account  of  fifteen 
ye.irs'  residence  already  passed.  The  mcmo- 
r.indum  rcarls  :  "  Qiiod  fiat  privilegium  civili- 
tatis  de  intus  et  extra  Joani  Caboto  per  h.ibita- 
tionem  annorum  xv.  juxta  consuetum,"  —  "That 
a  privilege  of  citizenship,  within  and  without,  be 
made  for  John  Cabot,  as  usual,  on  account  of  a 
residence  of  fifteen  years."  That  such  is  the 
proper  interpretation  of  the  grant  is  shown  by 
the  full  document  itself,  issued  four  years  pre- 
viously to  another  person,  and  referred  'j  in  the 
Register,  where  the  privilege  to  John  Cabot  is 
recorded.  The  document  recites  that  "Whereas, 
whoever  shall  have  dwelt  continuously  in  Venice 
for  a  space  of  fifteen  years  or  more,  spending  that 
time  in  performing  the  duties  of  our  kingdom, 
shall  be  our  citizen  and  Venetian,  and  shall  en- 
joy the  privileg".  of  citizenship  and  other  bene- 
fits," etc.  Then  follows  the  statement  that  the 
jierson  applying  had  offered  satisfactory  (iroofs 
that  he  had  dwelt  continuously  in  Venice  for  fif- 


teen years,  and  had  faithfully  performed  the 
other  duties  required,  and  he  was  thereupon 
declared  to  be  a  Venetian  and  citizen,  within 
and  without,  etc.  (See  Intorno  a  Gio^'anni 
Caboto,  etc.,  by  Cornelio  Desimoni,  Geneva, 
iSSi,  pp.  43-4S-) 

^  Ramusio,  i.  374. 

*  Decades,  f.  255. 

''  M.  D'Avezac  believed  that  Sebastian  Cabot 
w.ns  born  in  1472  or  1473,  and  that  John  Cabot 
and  his  family  removed  to  England  not  far  from 
the  year  1477.  He  infers  this  last  date  from  a 
conviction  that  John  Cabot  early  engaged  in 
maritime  voyages  from  Bristol,  and  that  the 
mention  of  a  vessel  sailing  from  that  port  in 
1480,  belonging  to  John  Jay  the  younger,  con- 
ducted by  "the  most  skilful  mariner  in  all 
England,"  pointed  to  John  Cabot  as  the  real 
commander.  And  he  thought  he  derived  some 
support  for  this  opinion  from  some  passages  in 
the  letter  of  D'Ayala,  the  Spanish  ambassador, 
mentioned  farther  on,  in  regard  to  voyages  madp 
from  Bristol  to  the  west  for  several  years  bcf  c 
the  date  of  his  letter.  See  Corry's  History  of 
Bristol,  i.  318,  a  work  not  accurate  in  relation  to 
the  Cabot  voy.iges;  cf.  Botoner,  alias  Willi.im 
Wyrcestre,  in  Antit/uities  of  Bristol,\t\>.  152,  15^ 

"  Spanish  Calendars,  vol.  i.  no.  128. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


53 


performed  the 


A  reasonable  inference  from  this  would  be,  that  John  Cabot  had  arrived  in  England  not 
Jong  hefoi-e  the  date  of  Puebla's  letter  to  their  Majesties,  to  lay  his  proposals  before  Henry 
VII.,  as  Columbus  had  done  some  years  before  through  his  brother,  and  not  that  he  had 
been  a  long  resident  in  the  country.  The  letters  patent  had  already  been  issued,  that  is  to 
say,  on  the  5th  of  March.'  This  letter  from  Spain  may  have  caused  some  delay  in  the  sail- 
ing of  the  expedition,  which  did  not  depart  till  the  following  year.  But  some  time  was 
necessary  to  beat  up  recruits  for  the  voyage,  and  to  enlist  the  aid  of  the  substantial  citizens 
of  Bristol  in  the  undertaking.  John  Cabot,  accompanied  perhaps  by  iiis  son  Sebastian, 
finally  sailed  in  the  early  part  of  May,  1497,  witli  one  small  vessel  and  eighteen  persons, 
"  almost  all  Englishmen  and  from  Bristol,"  says  Raimondo  ;  who  adds,  "  The  chief  men  of 
the  enterprise  are  of  Bristol,  great  sailors."  A  few  foreigners  were  included  in  the  com- 
pany, as  we  learn  from  the  same  authority  that  a  Burgundian  and  a  Genoese  accompanied 
them.  The  name  of  the  vessel  is  said  to  have  been  the  "  Matthew."  Mr.  Barrett-  says: 
"  In  the  year  1497,  June  24th,  on  St.  John's  day,  as  it  is  in  a  manuscript  in  my  possession, 
'was  Newf  lundland  found  by  Bristol  men  in  a  ship  called  the  Matthew.' "'  How  much  of 
this  paragraph  was  in  the  manuscript  is  not  clear.  The  first  part  of  it  was  evidently  taken 
from  Hakluyt.  And  we  are  not  told  whether  the  manuscript  was  ancient  or  modern.  It 
cannot  now  be  found." 

John  Cabot  returned  in  the  early  part  of  August.  The  following  well-known  memoran- 
dum, from  the  Privy  Purse  Expenses  of  Henry  VII.,  "August  10,  1497;  To  him  who 
found  the  New  Isle,  10/.,"  is  supposed  to  refer  to  him.* 

Additional  evidence  concerning  the  voyage  will  now  be  given.  The  following  is  a  letter 
from  Lorenzo  Pasqualigo,  a  merchant  residing  in  London,  to  his  brothers  in  Venice,  dated 
August  23d,  1497,  which  I  have  somewhat  abridged  ;  — 

"  The  Venetian,  our  countryman,  who  went  with  a  ship  from  Bristol,  is  returned,  ami  says  that 
700  leagues  hence  he  discovered  land  in  the  territory  of  the  Grand  Cham.  He  coasted  300  leagues 
and  landed,  saw  no  human  beings,  hut  brought  to  the  king  certain  snares  set  to  catch  game,  and  a 
needle  for  making  nets.  Was  three  mo-iths  on  the  voy.ige.  The  king  has  promised  that  in  the 
spring  our  countryman  shall  have  ten  ships.  The  king  has  also  given  him  money  wherewith  to 
amuse  himself  till  then,  and  he  is  now  in  Bristol  with  his  wife,  who  is  also  a  Venetian,  and  with  his 
sons.  His  name  is  Zuan  Cabot,  and  he  is  styled  the  great  Admiral.  Vast  honor  is  paid  him. 
The  discoverer  planted  on  his  new-found  land  a  large  cross,  with  one  flag  of  England  and  one  of 
St.  Mark,  by  reason  of  his  being  a  Venetian.  .  .  .  London,  23d  of  August,  1497."^ 

On  the  following  day,  August  24,  1497,  Raimondo  de  Soncino,  envoy  of  the  Duke  of 
Milan  to  Henry  VII.,  wrote  the  following  passage  in  a  long  dispatch  to  his  Government : 

"Also,  some  months  ago,  his  Majesty  -sent  out  a  Venetian  who  is  a  very  good  mariner,  and  has 
good  skill  in  discovering  new  islands,  and  he  has  returned  safe,  and  has  found  two  very  large  and 


'  .Strachey,  in  his  Historie  of  TravaiU  into 
I'irsiinia  (written  between  the  years  161 2  and 
i6ig),  p.  6,  says  that  John  Cabot,  to  whom  and 
to  his  three  sons  letters  patents  were  granted 
by  Henry  VH.  in  1496,  w.is  "  idenized  his 
subject,  and  dwelling  within  the  P.lackfriers," 
etc. 

'  History  and  Antiquities  of  Bristol,  1789, 
p.  172. 

'  In  vol.  iv.  of  the  new  edition  of  the  En- 
cychpadia  Britannica,  now  publishing,  at  p. 
350,  under  the  article  Bristol,  is  the  follow- 
ing:— 

"This  year  (1407).  o"  St.  John's  the  Baptist's  D.iy, 
the  land  of  America  was  found  by  the  merchants  of  Bris- 
tuwe,  in  a  ship  of  Bristol  called  the  '  Matthew,'  the  which 


said  ship  departed  from  the  port  of  Bristow  the  2d  of  May, 
and  come  home  again  6th  August  following." 

Some  of  the  dates  are  new.  This  statement 
is  credited  to  an  ancient  manuscript  "in  pos.ses- 
sion  of  the  Fust  Family  of  Hill  Court,  Glouces- 
tershire, the  'collations'  of  which  are  now,  1876, 
in  the  keeping  of  Mr.  William  George,  book- 
seller, Bristol." 

This  memorandum,  containing  the  name  of 
"America,"  must  have  been  written  many  years 
after  the  event  described.  Bristol  manuscripts 
have  been  subjected  to  much  suspicion.  See  an 
article  in  the  English  A''otes  and  Qiifries,  2d  series, 
vol.  v.  p.  154. 

<  liiddle's  Cahot,  \^.  80. 

^   Venetian  Calendars,  i.  262. 


iMMplMWfl 


54 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Mi  I 


ii    1' 


!^ 


I  (:\ 


fertile  new  islands,  having  likewise  discovered  The  Seven  Cities,  four  hundred  leagues  from  Eng- 
land in  the  western  passage.  This  next  spring  his  Majesty  means  to  send  him  with  fifteen  or 
twenty  ships."  ' 

In  the  following  December,  Raimondo  de  Soncino  wrote  another  letter  from  London, 
making  more  particular  mention  of  John  Cabot's  discovery,  and  of  the  intention  of  the  King 
to  authorize  another  expedition.  This  letter,  from  the  State  Archives  of  Milan,  was  first 
published  in  the  Annuario  Scientifico,  in  1865,' and  is  now  published  in  English  for  the 
first  tii.ie.  There  is  some  obscurity  in  the  letter  in  a  few  places,  in  naming  the  direction 
in  which  the  vessel  sailed,  as  the  east  when  the  west  was  evidently  intended.  Whether 
this  was  a  clerical  erjor,  or  whether  by  the  term  "  the  east"  was  meant  "  the  land  of  the 
spices"  to  which  the  expedition  was  bound,  and  which  in  the  language  of  the  day  lay  to 
the  east,  is  uncertain.  Neither  is  the  geographical  object  named  as  "Tanais"  recog- 
nized. This  letter  throws  no  light  on  tiie  Landfall.  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  Bennet 
H.  Nash,  of  Harvard  College,  for  revising  the  translation  of  this  letter. 

Most  Illustrious  and  Excellent  My  Lord:  — 

Perhaps  among  your  Excellency's  many  occupations,  it  may  not  displease  you  to  learn  how 
his  Majesty  here  has  won  a  part  of  Asia  without  a  stroke  of  the  sword.  There  is  in  this  kingdom 
a  Venetian  fellow,  Master  John  Caboto  by  name,  of  a  fine  mind,  greatly  skilled  in  navigation,  who 
seeing  that  those  most  serene  kings,  first  he  of  Portugal,  and  then  the  one  of  Spain,  have  occupied 
unknown  islands,  determined  to  make  a  like  acquisition  for  his  Majesty  aforesaid.  And  having 
obtained  royal  grants  that  he  should  have  the  usufruct  of  all  that  he  should  discover,  provided  that 
the  ownership  of  the  same  is  reserved  to  the  crown,  with  a  small  ship  and  eighteen  persons  he 
committed  himself  to  fortune  ;  and  having  set  out  from  Bristol,  a  western  port  of  this  kingdom,  and 
passed  the  western  limits  of  Hibernia,  and  then  standing  to  the  northward  he  began  to  steer  east- 
ward, leaving  (after  a  few  days)  the  North  Star  on  his  right  hand;  and,  having  wandered  about 
consideraoly,  at  last  he  fell  in  with  terra  firma,  where,  having  planted  the  royal  banner  and  ta^ien 
possession  on  behalf  of  this  King,  and  taken  certain  tokens,  he  has  returned  thence.  The  said 
Master  John,  as  being  foreign-born  and  poor,  would  not  be  believed  if  his  comrades,  who  are 
almost  all  Englishmen  and  from  Bristol,  did  not  testify  that  what  he  says  is  true.  This  Master 
John  has  the  description  of  the  world  in  a  chart,  and  also  in  a  solid  globe  which  he  has  made,  and 
he  [or  the  chart  and  the  globe]  shows  where  he  landed,  and  that  going  toward  the  east  he  passed 
considerably  beyond  the  country  of  the  Tanais.  And  they  say  that  it  is  a  very  good  and  temperate 
country,  and  they  think  that  Brazil-wood  and  silks  grow  there ;  and  they  afiirm  that  that  sea  is 
covered  with  fishes,  which  are  caught  not  only  with  the  net  but  .v'th  baskets,  a  stone  being  tied  to 
them  in  order  that  the  baskets  may  sink  in  the  water.  And  this  I  heard  the  said  Master  John 
relate,  and  the  aforesaid  Fnglishmen,  his  comrades,  say  that  they  will  bring  so  many  fishes  that 
this  kingdom  will  no  longer  have  need  of  Iceland,  from  which  country  there  comes  a  very  great 
store  of  fish  which  are  called  stock-fish.  But  Master  John  has  set  his  mind  on  something  greater; 
for  he  expects  to  go  farther  on  toward  the  East  (Levant,)  from  that  pi  .e  already  occupied,  con- 
stantly hugging  the  shore,  until  he  shall  be  over  against  [or  "on  the  other  side  of"]  an  island,  by 
him  called  Cipango,  situated  in  the  equinoctial  region,  where  he  thinks  all  the  spices  of  the  world, 
and  also  the  precious  stones,  originate;  and  he  says  that  in  former  times  he  was  at  Mecca,  whither 
spices  are  brought  by  caravans  from  distant  countries,  and  that  those  who  brought  them,  on  being 
asked  where  the  said  sjjices  jirow,  answered  that  they  do  not  know,  but  that  other  caravans  come 
to  their  homes  with  this  merchandise  from  distant  countries,  and  these  [caravans]  again  say  that 
they  are  brought  to  them  from  other  remote  regions.     And  he  argues  thus,  —  that  if  the  Orientals 


1  Venetian  Calendars,  i.  260.  These  papers 
were  for  the  first  time  printed  in  America  by  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  in  their  Proceed- 
tni;s  for  October,  1866,  in  an  interesting  commu- 
nication from  the  Kev.  Edward  E.  Hale,  D.D., 
princii)ally  relating  to  the  Cabot  voyages.  [Mr. 
Rawdon  Brown,  who  calendared  these  papers, 
made  his  discoveries  the  subject  of  a  paper  on 
the  Cabots  in  the  Philobiblion  Society's  Collec- 
tions, ii.  1856;  and  in  the  preface  to  the  first 


volume  of  the  Venetian  Calendars.  A.D.  1202  to 
1 509,  he  describes  the  archives  '.<.  Venice,  which 
yield  these  early  evidences.  The  late  Professor 
Eugenio  Alberi  edited  at  Florence  Le  Relazioni 
degli  Ambasciatori  Veneti  al  Senato  durante  il 
Seclo  xvi°,  in  fifteen  volumes,  which  contain 
numerous  reports  of  English  transactions  at 
that  time.  —  Ed.] 

'■"  And  is  copied  by  Cornelio  Desimoni,  in  his 
Giovanni  Caboto,  Genoa,  1881. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


55 


les  from  Eng- 
nth  fifteen  or 


om  London, 
1  of  the  King 
Ian,  was  first 
glish  for  the 
the  direction 
d.  Whether 
land  of  the 
le  day  lay  to 
nais"  recog- 
;ssor  Bennet 


1  to  learn  how 
this  kingdom 
ivigation,  who 
have  occupied 

And  having 
,  provided  that 
:en  persons  he 
>  kingdom,  and 
1  to  steer  east- 
andered  about 
iner  and  tauten 
ice.  The  said 
ades,  who  are 
This  Master 
has  made,  and 
east  he  passed 
and  temperate 
lat  that  sea  is 
e  being  tied  to 

Master  John 
iny  fishes  that 
es  a  very  great 
ithing  greater ; 
occupied,  con- 

an  island,  by 

of  the  world, 
ilecca,  whither 
hem,  on  being 
:aravans  come 
again  say  that 

the  Orientals 

r.  A.D.  1202  to 
Venice,  which 
late  Professor 
:e  Le  Relazioni 
uito  durante  il 
which  contain 
ransactions   at 

esimoni,  in  his 


affirmed  to  the  Southerners  that  these  things  come  from  a  distance  from  them,  and  so  from  hand 
to  hand,  presupposing  the  rotundity  of  the  earth,  it  must  be  that  the  last  ones  get  them  at  the 
North  toward  the  West ;  and  he  said  it  in  such  a  way,  that,  having  nothing  to  gain  or  lose  by  it,  I 
too  believe  it :  and  what  is  more,  the  King  here,  who  is  wise  and  not  lavish,  likewise  puts  some 
faith  in  him  ;  for  (ever)  since  his  return  he  has  made  good  provision  for  him,  as  the  same  Master 
John  tells  me.  And  it  is  said  that,  in  the  spring,  his  Majesty  afore-named  will  fit  out  some  ships, 
and  will  besides  give  him  all  the  convicts,  and  they  will  go  to  that  country  to  make  a  colony,  by 
means  of  which  they  hope  to  establish  in  London  a  greater  storehouse  of  spices  than  there  is  in 
Alexandria;  and  tiie  chief  men  of  the  enterprise  are  of  Bristol,  great  sailors,  who,  now  that  they 
know  where  to  go,  say  that  it  is  not  a  voyage  of  more  than  fifteen  days,  nor  do  they  ever  have 
storms  after  they  get  away  from  Hibernia.  I  have  also  talked  with  u  Burgundian,  a  comrade 
of  Master  John's,  who  confirms  everything,  and  wishes  to  return  thither  because  the  Admiral  (for 
so  Master  John  already  entitles  himself)  has  given  him  an  island ;  and  he  has  given  another  one  to 
a  barber  of  his  from  Castiglione-of-Genoa,  and  both  of  them  regard  themselves  as  Counts,  nor  does 
my  Lord  the  Admiral  esteem  himself  anything  less  than  a  Prince.  I  think  that  with  this  expedition 
there  will  go  several  poor  Italian  monks,  who  have  all  been  promised  bishoprics.  And,  as  I  have 
become  a  friend  of  the  Admiral's,  if  I  wished  to  go  thither  I  should  get  an  archbishopric.  But 
I  have  thought  that  i.  benefices  which  your  Excellency  has  in  store  for  me  are  a  surer  thing;  and 
therefore  I  beg  that  if  these  should  fall  vacant  in  my  absence,  you  will  cause  possession  to  be 
given  to  me,  taking  measures  to  do  this  rather  [especially]  where  it  is  needed,  in  order  that  they  be 
not  taken  from  me  by  others,  who  because  they  are  present  can  be  more  diligent  than  I,  who 
in  this  country  have  been  brought  to  the  pass  of  eating  ten  or  twelve  dishes  at  every  meal,  and 
sitting  at  table  three  hours  at  a  time  twice  a  day,  for  the  sake  of  your  Excellency,  to  whom  I  humbly 
commend  myself.  Your  Excellency's 

Very  humble  servant, 
London,  Dec.  i8,  1497.  Raimundus. 

These  letters  are  sufficient  to  show  that  North  America  was  discovered  by  John  Cabot, 
the  name  of  Sebastian  being  nowhere  mentioned  in  them,  and  that  the  discovery  was 
lu.ide  in  1497.  The  place  which  he  first  sighted  is  given  on  the  map  of  1544  as  the  north 
part  of  Cape  Breton  Island,  on  which  is  inscribed  "  prima  tierra  vista,"  which  was  reached, 
according  to  the  Legend,  o:.  the  24th  of  June.  Pasqualigo,  the  only  one  who  mentions  it, 
says  he  coasted  three  hundred  leagues.  Mr.  Brevoort,  who  accepts  the  statement,  thinks 
he  made  the  periplus  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  passing  out  at  the  straits  of  Belle  Isle, 
and  thence  home.'  He  saw  no  human  beings,  so  that  the  story  of  men  dressed  in  bear- 
skins and  otherwise  described  in  the  Legend  must  have  been  seen  by  Sebastian  Cabot  on 
a  later  voyage.  The  extensive  sailing  up  and  down  the  coast  described  by  chroniclers 
from  conversations  with  Sebastian  Cabot  many  years  afterwards,  though  apparently  told 
as  occurring  on  the  voy  ge  of  discovery,  — as  only  one  voyage  is  ever  mentioned,  —  must 
have  taken  place  en  a  1  .ter  voyage.    There  was  no  time  between  the  24th  of  June  and 


'  "  John  Cabot's  Voyage  of  1497,"  in  l/isf. 
Mag.  xiii.  131  (March,  1868),  with  a  section  of 
the  Cabot  ( Paris)  map.  Sec  also  "  The  Discov- 
ery of  North  America  by  John  Cabot  in  1497," 
by  Mr.  Frederic  Kidder,  in  the  A'.  E.  Hist,  and 
Gctieal.  Res;.  (Oct.  1878),  xxxii.  381  [who  repro- 
duces also  a  part  of  the  same  map,  and  gives  a 
sketch-map  marking  Cabot's  track  around  the 
Ciulf.  He  bases  his  argument  parlly  on  Pasqual- 
igo's  statement  that  Cabot  found  the  tides  "  slack," 
and  shows  that  the  difference  in  their  rise  and 
fall  in  that  'egion  is  small  compared  with  what 
Cabot  had  been  used  to,  at  Bristol.  In  the  con- 
fusion of  the  two  Cabot  voyages,  which  for  a 
long  while  prevaiiei:  (see  an  instance  in  Ma.^s. 
Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  x.  383,  under  date,  1663),  the 
track  of  his  first  voyage  is  often  made  to  ex- 
tend down  the  eastern  seaboard  of  the  nresent 


United  States,  and  it  is  thus  laid  down  on  the 
map  in  Zurla's  Di  Marco  Polo  e  degli  viaf^giatori 
Veneziani,  Venezia,  1818.  Stevens,  Hist,  and 
Geog.  Notes,  does  not  allow  that  on  either  voy 
age  the  coast  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence  was 
seen ;  and  urges  that  for  some  years  the  coast- 
line farther  south  was  drawn  from  Marco 
Polo's  Asiatic  coasts;  and  he  contends  for 
the  "  honesty "  of  the  Portuguese  Portolano  of 
1 514,  which  leaves  the  coast  from  Nova  Scotia 
to  Charleston  a  blank,  holding  that  this  con- 
firms his  view.  It  may  be  a  question  whether 
it  was  honesty  or  ignorance.  Dr.  Hale,  Amer. 
Antiq.  Soc.  Proc.  Oct.  21,  187 1,  gives  a  sketch- 
map  to  show  the  curious  correspondence  of 
the  Asian  and  American  coast  lines.  Ob- 
serve it  also  in  the  Finxus  map,  already 
given.  —  Ed.] 


56 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


i,\\ 


i\ 


:li 


/ 


i    J' 


I. 


,Ni! 


the  1st  of  August  for  any  very  extensive  explorations.  Indeed,  John  Cabot  intimated  to 
Raimondo  that  he  intended  on  the  next  voyage  to  start  from  the  place  he  had  already 
found,  and  run  down  the  coast  towards  the  equinoctial  regions,  where  he  expected  to  find 
the  island  of  Cipango  and  the  country  of  jewels  and  spices.  No  doubt  he  was  anxious  to 
return  and  report  his  discovery  thus  far,  and  provide  "  for  greater  things."  The  plea  of  a 
shortness  of  provis- 
ions may  have  cov- 
ered another  motive. 
The  great  abundance 
of  fish  reported  might 
have  supplied  any  immediate  want. 
John  Cabot  was  now  in  high 
favor  with  the  King,  who  supplied 
him  with  money,  by  which  he  was 
able  to  make  a  fine  ap- 
pearance. Indeed,  the 
King  granted  him  under 


(. 


s. 


d 


PORTUGUESE   PORTOI^NO.       1514-1520.' 


the  great  seal,  during  the  royal 
pleasure,  a  pension  of  twenty 
pounds  sterling  per  annum,  hav- 
ing the  purchasing  value  of  two 
hundred  pounds  at  the  present 
time  ;  to  date  from  the  preceding 
25th  of  March.  The  grant  was  a 
charge  upon  the  customs  of  the 
port  of  Bristol.  The  document 
authorizing  this  grant  we  are  able 
to  present  here  for  the  first  time 
in  print.  The  order  from  the 
King  is  dated  the  13th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1497,  and  it  passed  the  seals 
the  28th  of  January,  1498  : '  — 


"  Memorandum  quod  xxviii.  die  Januarii  anno  subscripto  istae  litter*  liberatae  fuerunt  domino 
Cancellario  Anglix  apud  Westmonasterium  exequendae  :  — 

"  Henry,  by  the  Grace  of  God  King  of  England  and  c£  France  and  Lord  of  Ireland,  to  the  most 
reverend  father  in  God,  John  Cardinal  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  primate  of  all  England  and  of 
the  apostolic  see  legate,  our  Chancellor,  greeting:  — 

"  We  let  you  wit  that  we  for  certain  considerations,  us  specially  moving,  have  given  and  granted 
unto  our  well-beloved  John  Calbot,  of  the  parts  of  Venice,  an  annuity  or  annual  rent  of  twenty 
pounds  sterling  to  be  had  and  yearly  paid  from  the  feast  of  the  Annunciation  of  Our  Lady  last  past, 
during  our  pleasure,  of  our  customs  and  subsidies  coming  and  growing  in  our  port  of  Eristowe  by 
the  hands  of  our  customs  there  for  the  time  being  at  Michaelmas  and  Easter,  by  even  portions. 
Wherefore  we  will  and  charge  you  that  under  our  great  seal  yc  do  make  hereupon  our  letters 
patents  in  good  and  effectual  form.  Given  under  our  privy  seal,  at  our  palace  of  Westminster,  the 
xiiith  day  of  December,  the  xiiith  year  of  our  reign." 


^  [This  map,  at  no.  J,  places  the  Breton 
discovery  at  the  Cabot  landfall.  The  original 
is  dated  by  Kohl  (Disarfcry  of  Maine,  179)  in 
1520;  and  by  Kunstmann  in  15 14.  .Stevens, 
I/ist.  and  Geog.  Notes,  pi.  v.,  copies  Kunstmann. 
The  points  and  inscriptions  on  it  are  as  fol- 
lows :  — 

I.  Do  Lavrador  (Labrador).  Terram  istam 
portugalenses  viderunt  atamen  non  intraverunt. 
(The  Portuguese  saw  this  country,  but  did  not 
enter  it.) 

3.  Bacaluaos  (east  coast  of  Newfoundland). 

3.  (Straits  of  Belle  Isle.) 

4.  (South  entrance  to  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence.) 

5.  Tera  que  foij  descuberta  per  bertomas. 
|.Land  discovered  by  the  Bretons.) 

6.  Ter.nni  istam  gaspar  Corte  Regalis  portu- 


galemsis  primo  invenit,  etc.  (Nova  Scotia. 
Caspar  Cortereal  first  discovered  this  country, 
and  he  took  away  wild  men  and  white  bears  ; 
and  many  animals,  birds  and  fish  are  in  it.  The 
ne.\t  year  he  was  shipwrecked  and  did  not  return, 
and  so  was  his  brother  Michael  the  following 
year.)  The  voyages  of  the  Cortereals  will  be 
described  in  Vol.  IV. —  Ed.] 

^  I  am  indebted  to  Professor  Franklin  B. 
Dexter,  of  Vale  College,  for  the  privilege  of 
using  this  paper,  copied  by  him  from  the  collec- 
tion of  Privy  Seals,  no.  40,  in  her  Majesty's  Pub- 
lic Record  Office  in  London.  Other  valuable 
memoranda,  including  a  copy  of  the  renewal  to 
Sebasdan  Cabot,  in  1550,  of  the  patent  of  1495  (i, 
were  also  generously  placed  in  my  hands  by  Pro 
fe.ssor  Dexter. 


THE  VOYAGES  OF  THE  CABOTS. 


57 


ntimated  to 
dad  already 
cted  to  find 
anxiour,  to 
le  plea  of  a 


g  the  royal 
of  twenty 
annum,  hav- 
alue  of  two 
the  present 
ie  preceding 
grant  was  a 
items  of  the 
ie  document 
t  we  are  able 
he  first  time 
er  from  the 
;h  of  Decem- 
sed  the  seals 
1498:'- 

lerunt  domino 

d,  to  the  most 
ngland  and  of 

and  granted 
ent  of  twenty 
ady  last  past, 

Eristowe  by 
even  portions, 
our  letters 
stminster,  the 


Nova  Scotia, 
this  country, 
white  bears  ; 
re  in  it.  The 
lid  not  return, 
the  following 
ereals  will  be 

Franklin  B. 

privilege  of 
om  the  collec- 
klajesty's  I'ub- 
ither  valuable 
he  renewal  to 
tent  of  1495  *J» 
hands  by  Pro 


Preparations  were  now  made  for  a  second  voyage,  and  a  license  to  John  Cabot  alone, 
as  we  have  air-  dy  seen,  was  issued  by  the  King,  for  leave  to  take  up  six  ships  and  to 
enlist  as  '  ..ly  of  the  King's  subjects  as  were  willing  to  go.  This  was  evidently  a  scheme 
of  colonization.  Peter  Martyr  says,  if  this  is  the  voyage  which  he  is  describing,  that 
Sebastian  Cabot  —  for  he  never  speaks  of  John  —  furnished  two  ships  at  his  own  charge, 
and  Sebastian  Cabot,  in  Ramusio,  says  that  the  King  furnished  them,  and  the  Bristol 
merchants  are  supposed  to  have  furnished  three  others  ;  and  they  took  out  three  hundred 
men.'  The  Fabian  manuscript  quoted  by  Hakluyt  says  they  sailed  in  the  beginning  of 
May;  and  De  Ayala  says  they  were  expected  back  by  September.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  Sebastian  Cabot  accompanied  his  father  on  this  voyage.  From  the  [documents 
already  cited  from  Peter  Martyr  and  Ramusio  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  the 
expedition  coasted  some  distance  to  the  north,  and  then  returning  ran  down  the  coast 
as  far  as  to  the  36°  N.  without  accomplishing  the  purpose  for  which  they  went.  That 
this  latter  course  was  pursued  receives  some  confirmation  from  the  declarations  of  John 
Cabot  on  his  return  from  the  first  voyage,  that  he  believed  it  practicable  to  reach  in  that 
direction  the  Island  of  Cipango  and  the  land  of  the  spices.  But  the  prospects  were  dis- 
couraging and  their  provisions  failed.  Gomara,  in  noticing  this  voyage,  says  that  on  their 
return  from  the  north  they  stopped  at  Baccalaos  for  refreshment.  But  all  the  accounts 
relied  on  for  this  voyage  are  vague  and,  as  we  have  already  seen,  unsatisfying. 

The  following  letter  from  the  Prothonotary,  Don  Pedro  de  Ayala,  residing  in  London, 
to  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  dated  July  25,  149S,  relates  to  the  sailing  of  this  expedition  : 

''  I  think  your  Majesties  have  already  heard  that  the  King  of  England  has  equipped  a  fleet  in 
order  to  discover  certain  islands  and  continents  which  he  was  informed  some  people  from  Bristol, 
who  manned  a  few  ships  for  the  same  purpose  last  year,  had  found.  I  have  seen  the  map  which 
the  discoverer  has  made,  who  is  another  Genoese  like  Columbus,  and  who  has  been  in  Seville  and 
in  Lisbon  asking  assistance  for  his  discoveries.  The  people  of  Bristol  have,  for  the  last  seven  years, 
sent  out  every  year  two,  three,  or  four  light  ships  in  search  of  the  Island  of  Brazil  and  the  Seven 
Cities,  according  to  the  fancy  of  this  Genoese.  The  King  determined  to  send  out  ships,  because  the 
year  before  they  brought  certain  news  that  they  had  found  land.  His  fleet  consisted  of  five  vessels, 
which  carried  provisions  for  one  year.  It  is  said  that  one  of  them,  in  \;'hich  Friar  Buel  went,  has 
returned  to  Ireland  in  great  distress,  the  ship  being  much  damaged.  The  Genoese  has  continued 
his  voyage.  I  have  seen  on  a  chart  the  direction  which  they  took  and  the  distance  they  sailed  ; 
and  I  think  that  what  they  have  found,  or  what  they  are  in  search  of,  is  what  your  Highnesses 
already  possess.  It  is  expected  that  they  will  be  back  in  the  month  of  September.  ...  I  think 
it  is  not  further  distant  than  400  leagues.  ...  I  do  not  now  send  the  chart,  or  mapa  mundi,  which 
that  man  has  made,  and  which,  according  to  my  opinion,  is  false,  since  it  makes  it  appear  as  if  the 
land  in  question  was  not  the  said  islands."  * 

We  see  by  this  letter  that  this  "  Genoese,"  who  had  discovered  land  the  year  before,  had 
again  sailed  on  the  expedition  here  described.  If  so  important  a  person  as  John  Cabot 
now  was  to  the  King  had  died  before  its  departure,  the  fact  would  have  been  known  at 
court,  and  De  Ayala  would  surely  have  mentioned  it,  as  the  Spaniards  were  very  jealous 
of  all  these  proceedings.  The  statement  that  the  King  had  equipped  the  fleet  may  only 
mean  that  the  expedition  was  fitted  and  sent  out  under  his  countenance  and  protection. 
De  Ayala  says  it  was  expected  back  in  September,  but  it  had  not  returned  by  the  last  of 
October.    No  one  knows  when  the  expedition  returned,  and  no  one  knows  what  became 


1  Of  course,  neither  John  Cabot  nor  Sebas- 
tian could  furnish  ships  at  his  own  charge,  any 
more  than  Columbus  could.  Raimondo  says 
that  John  was  "poor,"  and  the  acceptance  by 
him  of  small  gifts  from  the  King  proves  it.  He 
was  probably  aided  by  the  wealthy  men  of  Bristol, 
with  whom  he  may  have  taken  up  a  credit. 

Among  the  Privy  Purse  expenses  under  date 
of  22d  March  and  ist  April,  1498,  are  sums  of 
monev,  £20,  £20,  £,Tp,  £2,  paid  to  several 
VOL.  III. — 8. 


persons  in  the  way  of  loan,  or  of  reward,  for 
their  "going  towards  the  new  isle."  Three  of 
these  payments  were  to  Lanslot  Thirkill,  of 
London,  who  appears  to  have  been  an  owner 
or  master  of  a  ship.     (Diddle,  p.  86.) 

^  Calendar  of  Spanish  State  Papers,  i.  176-77. 
[This  letter  was  discovered  by  Bergenroth  in 
i86o,  the  document  being  preserved  at  Siman- 
cas.  See  also  Bergenroth's  Memoirs,  p.  77,  and 
Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc.  Oct.  21,  r865,  p.  25.— Ed.] 


mmmmmmmmiim^ 


I  .4    ' 


r/ 


58 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


of  John  Cabot.    When  the  domestic  calendars  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.  are  published, 
some  clew  to  him  may  turn  up.     In  the  mean  time  we  must  wait  pa;iently. 

The  enterprise  was  regarded  as  a  failure,  and  no  doubt  the  Bristol  and  London 
adventurers  suffered  a  pecuniary  loss.  All  schemes  of  Western  discovery  and  coloniza- 
tion were  for  years  substantially  abandoned  by  England.  Some  feeble  attempts  in  this 
direction  appear  to  have  been  made  in  1501  and  1502,  when  patents  for  discovery  were 
granted  by  Henry  in  favor  of  some  merchants  of  Bristol,  with  whom  were  associated  sev- 
eral Torluguese,  but  it  is  not  certain  that  anything  was  done  under  their  authority.' 


1  Biddle,  pp.  227-234,  312. 

In  a  work  entitled  Armorial  de  la  Noblesse  de 
Langiiedock,  by  M.  Louis  de  la  Roque,  Paris,  i860, 
vol.  ii.  p.  163,  there  is  an  account  of  the  family 
of  Cabot  in  that  Province.  The  writer  says  that 
this  family  derived  its  name  and  origin  from 
Jean  Cabot,  a  Venetian  nobleman  who  settled  in 
Bristol  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VII. ;  was  a  distin- 
guished navigator,  the  discoverer  of  Terre  Neuve, 
thence  passing  into  the  service  of  Spain;  that 
he  had  three  sons,  —  Jean  (who  died  in  Venice), 
Louis,  and  Sebastian  (who  continued  in  the  ser- 
vice of  England  and  died  in  France  without  pos- 
terity) ;  that  Louis,  here  called  the  second  son, 
settled  at  Saint-Paul-le-Coste,  in  the  Cevennes, 
had  a  son  Pierre,  who  died  Dec.  27,  1552,  leav- 
ing a  will,  by  which  is  shown  his  descent  from 
Jean  the  navigator,  through  his  father  Louis. 
Through  Pierre  the  family  is  traced  down  to  the 
present  time.  The  arms  of  the  family  are  given : 
Device,  "  D'azur  i  trois  chabots  d'or ; "  motto, 
"  Semper  cor  cabot  Cabot,"  —  the  same  as  those 
of  the  ancient  family  of  Cabot  in  the  island  of  Jer- 
sey, whence  the  New  England  family  of  Cabot 
sprung.  Mr.  Henry  Cabot  Lodge,  in  the  intro- 
duction to  his  Life  of  George  Cabot,  has  given 
reasons  for  believing  that  the  French  family 
was  derived  from  that  of  Jersey.  The  three 
sons  of  John  Cabot  named  in  the  letters  patent 
of  March  5,  1496,  are  Louis,  Sebastian,  and  San- 
cius,  the  last  of  whom  is  not  named  in  the  list 
here  cited. 

It  may  well  be  doubted  if  Jean  Cabot  is  prop- 
erly styled  above  "a  Venetian  nobleman."  See 
the  grant  of  denization  to  him  in  Venice,  the 
several  letters  patent  to  him  of  Henry  VIL,  and 
the  letter  of  Kaimondo  on  page  54.  In  the  state- 
ment that  he  entered  into  the  service  of  Spain,  he 


is  evidently  confounded  with  his  son  Sebastian, 
who,  it  may  be  added,  did  not  die  in  France,  but 
in  England.  Whether  Sebastian  left  posterity  is 
not  known,  but  he  had  a  wife  and  children  while 
he  was  'iving  in  Spain.  Referring  to  the  motto 
of  the  family  here  given,  I  may  add  that  the 
motto  on  Sebastian's  picture  is  "Spes  mea  in 
Deo  est." 

Mention  is  made  on  page  31  of  a  portrait 
of  Sebastian  Cabot,  till  recently  attributed  to 
Holbein,  painted  in  England  when  Cabot  was 
a  very  old  man,  of  which  a  copy  taken  in  1763 
now  hangs  in  the  Dura!  Palace  in  Venice.  At 
a  meeting  of  the  French  Ceographical  Society, 
April  16,  1869,  M.  D'Avezac  stated  that  M.  Val- 
cntinelli,  of  Venice,  had  recently  sent  to  him  a 
photograph  copy  of  a  portrait  of  John  Cabot, 
and  one  of  his  son  Sebastian  Cabot,  at  the  age 
of  twenty  years,  after  the  picture  of  Grizellini, 
belonging  to  the  gallery  of  the  Ducal  Palace. 
He  proceeded  to  say  that  some  guarantee  for 
the  authenticity  of  the  picture  of  Sebastian  was 
afforded  by  some  traces  of  resemblance  between 
it  and  the  well-known  portrait  of  him  by  Hol- 
bein at  the  age  of  eighty-five  years  (Bulletin  de  la 
Soc.  de  Giographie,  5  ser.  to.  17,  p.  406).  The 
existence  of  a  portrait  of  Sebastian  Cabot  taken 
at  so  early  an  age,  before  he  left  Venice  to  live 
in  England,  would  be  an  interesting  fact  if  au- 
thentic. An  authentic  picture  of  John  Cabot,  the 
real  discoverer  of  North  America,  would  have 
even  higher  claims  to  our  regard.  Prefi.\ed  to  a 
Memoir  of  "Giovanni  Cabotto,"  by  Carlo  Bar- 
rera  Pezzi,  published  at  Venice  in  1S81,  which 
has  just  come  under  my  notice,  is  a  medallion 
portrait,  inscribed  "  Giovanni  Cabotto  Venezi- 
ano."  It  is  not  referred  to  by  the  author  in 
the  book  in  which  it  is  inserted. 


NOTE.  —  Henri  Harrisse's  fean  et  Sibastieii  Cabot,  leur  origine  et  leurs  voyages,  has  been  published 
since  this  chapter  was  completed. 


e  published, 

ind  London 
nd  coloniza- 
npts  in  this 
icovery  were 
iociated  sev- 
rity.' 


son  Sebastian, 
in  France,  but 
eft  posterity  is 
children  while 
ig  to  the  motto 
f  add  that  the 
"Spes  mea  in 

;l  of  a  portrait 
y  attributed   to 
len   Cabot  was 
,•  taken  in  1763 
in  Venice.     At 
iphical  Society, 
ed  that  M.  Val- 
■  sent  to  him  a 
of  John  Cabot, 
ibot,  at  the  age 
■e  of  Grizellini, 
Ducal   Palace, 
guarantee  for 
Sebastian  was 
iblance  between 
of  him  by  Hol- 
(BiilUlin  de  la 
p.  406).    The 
lan  Cabot  taken 
Venice  to  live 
ting  fact  if  au- 
John  Cabot,  the 
ca,  would  have 
Prefi.xed  to  a 
by  Carlo  Bar- 
in  1S81,  which 
is  a  merlallion 
abotto  Venezi- 
the   author  in 


been  published 


CHAPTER    II. 

HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE. 

BY  THE   REV.  EDWARD   EVERETT   HALE,  D.D., 

Mtusachuuttt  .       n-ir  '  Society. 

THE  English  voyagers  had  nc  nine  to  content  themselves  with  ad- 
venture in  those  more  rugged  regions  to  which  the  Cabots  had 
introduced  them.  Whether  in  pear-^  or  war,  their  relations  with  Spain 
were  growing  closer  and  closer  all  tUrough  the  sixteenth  century.  Sebas- 
tian Cabot,  in  fact,  soon  passe  into  the  service  of  the  Spanish  Crown. 
Indeed,  if  we  had  no  other  mcinorial  of  the  intimacy  between  English 
and  Spanish  navigators,  we  could  still  trace  it  in  our  language,  which  has 
derived  many  of  its  maritime  words  from  Spanish  originals.  The  seamen 
of  England  found  their  way  everywhere,  and  soon  acquainted  themselves 
with  the  coasts  of  the  West  India  Islands  and  the  Spanish  main.  There 
exists,  indeed,  in  the  English  archives  a  letter  written  as  early  as  15 18 
by  the  Treasurer-General  of  the  West  Indies  to  Queen  Katherine,  the  un- 
happy wife  of  Henry  VIII.,  in  which  he  describes  to  her  the  peculiarities 
of  his  island  home.  He  sends  to  her  a  cloak  of  feathers  such  as  were  worn 
by  native  princesses.  From  that  time  forward,  allusions  to  the  new  dis- 
coveries appear  in  English  literature  and  in  the  history  of  English  trade.* 
Still,  it  would  be  fair  to  say,  that,  for  thirty  years  after  the  discovery  of 
America,  that  continent  attracted  as  little  attention  in  England  as  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Antarctic  continent,  forty  years  ago,  has  attracted  in  America 
up  to  this  time. 

It  belongs  to  another  chapter  to  trace  the  gradual  steps  by  which  the 
English  fisheries  developed  England's  knowledge  of  America.  The  in- 
stincts of  trade  led  men  farther  south,  in  a  series  of  voyages  which  will 
be  briefly  traced  in  this  chapter.  One  of  the  earliest  of  them,  which  may 
be  taken  as  typical,  is  that  of  William  Hawkins,  of  Plymouth.  Not  content 
with  the  short  voyages  commonly  made  to  the  known  coasts  of  Europe, 
Hawkins  "  armed  out  a  tall  and  goodly  ship  of  his  own,"  in  which  he 
made  three  voyages  to  Brazil,  and  skirted,  after  the  fashion  of  the  time, 
the  African  coast.     He  carried  thither  negroes  whom  he  had  taken  on  the 

[ '  See  Editorial  Note,  A,  .it  end  of  chapter  vi.  of  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 


6o 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA. 


;,i. 


coast  of  Guinea.  He  deserves  tlic  credit,  therefore,  such  as  it  is,  of  begin- 
ning that  African  slave-*^\.Jc  in  which  England  was  engaged  for  nearly 
three  centuries. 

The  second  of  these  voyages  seems  to  have  been  made  as  early  as 
1530.  He  brought  to  England,  from  the  coast  of  Brazil,  a  savage 
king,  whose  ornaments,  apparel,  behavior,  and  gestures  were  very  strange 
to  the  English  king  and  his  nobility.  These  three  voyages  were  so  suc- 
cessful, that  a  number  of  Southampton  merchants  followed  them  up,  at 
least  as  late  as  1 540. 

It  was,  however,  William  Hawkins's  son  John  who  was  knighted  by 
Queen  Elizabeth  for  his  success  in  the  slave-trade,  and  in  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  wealth  which  his  voyages  brought  into  England.  Engaging 
several  of  his  friends,  some  of  whom  were  noblemen,  in  the  adventure, 
John  Hawkins  sailed  with  a  fleet  of  three  ships  and  one  hundred  men  for 
the  coast  of  Guinea,  in  October,  1562.  He  took  —  partly  by  the  sword, 
and  partly  by  other  means  —  three  hundred  or  more  negroes,  whom  he 
carried  to  San  Domingo,  then  called  Hispaniola,  and  sold  profitably.  In 
his  own  ships  he  brought  home  hides,  ginger,  sugar,  and  some  pearls. 
He  sent  two  other  ships  with  hides  and  other  commodities  to  Spain. 
These  were  seized  by  the  Spanish  Government,  and  it  is  curious  that 
Hawkins  should  not  have  known  that  they  would  be.  His  ignorance 
seems  to  show  that  his  adventure  was  substantially  a  novelty  in  that  time. 
He  himself  arrived  in  England  again  in  September,  1563.  Notwithstand- 
ing the  loss  of  half  his  profits  in  Spain,  the  voyage  brought  much  gain 
to  himself  and  the  other  adventurers. 

Thus  encouraged,  Hawkins  sailed  again,  the  next  year,  with  four  ships, 
of  which  the  largest  was  the  "  Jesus,"  of  Lubec,  of  seven  hundred  tons ; 
the  smallest  was  the  "  Swallow,"  of  only  thirty  tons.  He  had  a  hundred 
and  seventy  men;  and,  as  in  all  such  voyages,  the  ships  were  armed. 
Passing  down  the  coast  of  Guinea,  they  spent  December  and  January  in 
picking  up  their  wretched  freight,  and  lost  by  sickness  and  in  fights  with 
the  negroes  many  of  their  men.  On  the  29th  of  January,  1565,  they  had 
taken  in  their  living  cargo,  and  then  they  crossed  to  the  West  Indies.  On 
the  voyage  they  were  becalmed  for  twenty-one  days.  But  they  arrived  at 
the  Island  of  Dominica,  then  in  possession  of  savages,  on  the  9th  of 
March.  From  that  period  till  the  31st  of  May,  they  were  trading  on  the 
Spanish  coasts,  and  then  returned  to  England,  touching  at  various  points 
in  the  West  Indies.  They  passed  along  the  whole  coast  of  Florida,  and 
they  are  the  first  Englishmen  who  give  us  in  detail  any  account  of 
Florida.! 


1  In  this  narrative  is  an  account  of  tobacco 
twenty  years  before  that  luxury  was  introduced 
into  England  by  Ralph  Lane.  The  account  is 
in  these  words  (the  grammar  is  defective,  but 
the  copy  is  accurate):  "The  Floridians,  when 
they  travel,  have  a  kinde  of  herbe  dryed,  which 


with  a  cane  and  an  earthen  cup  in  the  end,  with 
fire,  and  the  dried  herbs  put  together,  do  sucke 
thoro  the  cane  the  smoke  thereof,  which  smoke 
satisfieth  their  hunger,  and  therewith  they  live 
foure  or  five  days  without  meat  or  drinke,  and 
this  all  the  Frenchmen  vsed  for  this  purpose: 


of  begin- 
ur  nearly 

early  as 
a  savage 
y  strange 
c  so  siic- 
:m  up,  at 

ghted  by 
vnowledg- 
Engaging 
idventtire, 
d  men  for 
he  sword, 
whom  he 
tably.  In 
Tie  pearls, 
to  Spain, 
rious  that 
ignorance 
that  time, 
withstand- 
niich  gain 

four  ships, 
ired  tons ; 
hundred 
re  armed, 
anuary  in 
ghts  with 
they  had 
idies.  On 
arrived  at 
le  9th  of 
ng  on  the 
ous  points 
orida,  and 
ccount   of 


the  end,  with 
her,  do  sucke 
which  smoke 
rith  they  live 
r  drinke,  and 
his  purpose: 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE. 


6r 


It  was  Hawkins's  great  good  fortune  to  come  to  the  relief  of  the  strug- 
gling colony  of  Laudonniiire,  then   in  the   second  year  of  its  wretched 
history.     From  his  narrative  we  learn  that  the  settlers  had  made  twenty 
hogsheads  of  wine  in  a  single  summer  from  the  native  grapes,  which  is 
perhaps   more   than   has   been   done  there   since  in  the  same  period  of 
time.*    The  wretched 
colonists  owed  every- 
thing to  the  kindness 
of  Hawkins.    He  left 
them    a   vessel    in 
which  to  return  to 
France  ;  and  they  had 
made   all  their  prep- 
arations so   to  do, 
when    they  were    re- 
lieved —  for  their  ul- 
timate destruction,  as 
it    proved  —  by    the 
arrival  of  a  squadron 
under  Ribault.'^   Haw- 
kins returned  to  Eng- 
land  after   a   voyage 
sufficiently    prosper- 
ous, which  had  lasted 
eleven  months.      He 
had  lost  twenty  per- 
sons  in   all ;    but  he 
had    brought    home 
gold,   silver,  pearls, 
and   other  jewels   in 
great  store. 

His  account  of 
Florida  is  much  more 
careful  than  what  he 
gives  of  any  of  the 
West  India  Islands. 
From  his  own  words 
it    is    clear    that    he 


yet  do  they  holde  opinion  withall  that  it  causeth 
water  and  fleanie  to  void  from  their  stomacks." 
It  is  a  little  curious  that  he  should  thus  connect 
tobacco  with  Florida,  as  if  he  had  not  observed 
its  use  in  the  West  Indies.  It  had,  indeed,  been 
used  in  Southern  Europe  before  tnis  time. 

1  A  recently  discovered  letter  of  Winthrop 
shows  that  the  Massachusetts  colonists  made 
wine  of  their  grapes  in  the  first  summer.    The 


appetite  for  such  wine  does  not  seem  peri- 
lous. 

*  [The  story  of  this  French  colony  is  told  in 
Vol.  II.  — Ed.] 

°  [This  cut  follows  a  photograph  of  the  bas. 
relief  which  is  given  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's 
edition  of  the  Haiukins  Voyages.  Another  en- 
graving of  it  is  given  in  Harper's  Magazine,  Jan- 
uary, 1883,  p.  221.  —  Ed.] 


i' 


'W. 


'^^tirSl^jS-  -^--,-i-!«Sjf:^iS',:^"^  ■  ^,".,-;„^ 


WSBSSi 


62 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I  .' 


iJl! 


■:>!. 


i 


thoiipht  it  tnip;lit  be  of  use  to  F-npland,  and  that  he  wanted  to  draw  atten- 
tion to  it  as  a  place  open  to  colonization.  Like  so  many  otiier  explorers, 
from  I'once  dc  I. eon  down  to  our  own  times,  h(;  was  surprised  that  a  country, 
which  is  so  attractive  to  the  eye,  should  be  left  so  nearly  without  inhabitants. 
It  seems  to  have  been  more  densely  peopled  when  I'once  de  Leon  landed 
there  in  15 13  than  it  was  at  the  beyinninj;  of  this  century.  To  such  interest 
or  enthusiasm  of  Hawkins  do  we  owe  an  account  of  Florida,  in  its  native 
condition,  more  full  than  we  have  of  any  other  of  our  States,  cxceptin^j 
New  Mexico,  at  a  period  so  early  in  our  history. 

Resides  tobacco,  he  specifies  the  abundance  of  sorrel,  —  which  ^rcw  as 
abundantly  as  grass,  —  of  maize,  of  mill,  and  of  grapes,  which  "  taste  much 
like  our  luiglish  grapes."  He  describes  the  community  building  of  the 
southern  tribes,  as  made  "  like  a  great  barne,  in  strength  not  inferiour  to 
ours,"  with  stanchions  and  rafters  of  whole  trees,  and  covered  with  palmetto 
leaves.  There  was  one  small  room  for  the  king  and  queen,  but  no  other 
subdiv  isions.  In  the  midst  of  the  great  hall  a  fire  was  kept  all  night.  The 
houses,  indeed,  were  only  used  at  night. 

In  a  country  of  such  a  climate  and  soil,  with  "  marvellous  store  of  deer 
and  divers  other  beasts,  and  fowl  and  fish  sufficient,"  Hawkins  naturally 
thought  that  "  a  man  might  live,"  as  he  says  quaintly.  Maize,  he  says, 
"maketh  good  savory  bread,  and  cakes  as  fine  as  flower."  The  first  account 
to  be  found  in  luiglish  literature  of  the  "  hasty  pudding"  of  the  American 
larder,  the  "  mush"  of  the  Pennsylvanians,'  is  in  Hawkins's  narrative.  "  It 
maketh  good  meal,  beaten,  and  sodden  with  water,  and  eateth  like  pap 
wherewith  we  feed  children."  The  Krenchmen,  fond  by  nature  of  soup, 
had  made  another  use  of  it,  not  wholly  forgotten  at  this  day.  "  It  maketh 
also  good  beverage,  sodden  in  water  and  nourishable;  whicn  liie  French- 
men did  use  to  drink  of  in  the  morning,  and  it  assuaged  their  thirst  so  that 
they  had  no  need  to  drink  all  the  day  after."  It  was,  he  says,  because  the 
French  had  been  too  lazy  to  plant  maize  for  themselves  that  their  colony 
came  to  such  wretched  destitution.  To  obtain  maize,  they  had  nKuJe  war 
against  the  so-called  savages  who  had  raised  it,  and  this  aggression  had 
naturally  reacted  against  them. 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  in  all  these  early  narratives  of  the  slave- 
trade  there  is  no  intimation  that  it  involved  cruelty  or  any  form  of  wrong. 
Hawkins  sailed  in  the  ship  "  Jesus,"  with  faith  as  sincere  as  if  he  had  sailed 
on  a  crusade.  His  sailing  orders  to  his  four  ships  close  with  words  which 
remind  one  of  Cromwell :  "  Serve  God  daily ;  love  one  another ;  preserve 
your  victuals;  beware  of  fire;  and  keep  good  company."  By  "serve 
God,"  it  is  meant  that  the  ship's  company  shall  join  in  religious  services 
morning  and  evening ;  and  this  these  slave-traders  regularly  did.  In  one 
of  their  incursions  on  the  Guinea  coast  they  were  almost  destroyed  by  the 


"  Thy  name  is  hasty  pudding :  how  I  blush 
To  hear  the  Pennsylvanians  call  thee  mush  I " 

—  Barlow  :  //astj/  Puddiii£. 


HAWKINS  ANli   DRAKE. 


•3 


native  negroes,  as  they  well  deserved  to  be.  Hawkins  narrates  the  adven- 
ture with  this  comment:  "  (iod,  who  worketh  all  thin|{s  for  the  best,  would 
not  have  it  so,  and  by  him  we  escaped  without  danger.  His  name  be 
praised  for  it !  "  And  a^ain,  when  they  were  nearly  starved,  becalmed  in 
mid-ocean :  "  Almighty  (jod,  who  never  suHereth  his  elect  to  perish,  sent 
us  the  ordinary  breeze."  ' 

The  success  of  the  second  voyage  was  such  that  a  coat-of-arms  was 
granted  to  H.iwkins.  Transl.ited  from  the  jargon  of  heraldry,  the  grant 
means  that  he  might  bear  on  his  black  shield  a  golden  lion  walking  over 
the  waves.  Above  the  lion  were  three  golden  coins.  For  a  crest  he  was 
to  have  a  figure  of  half  a  Moor,  "  bound,  and  a  captive,"  with  golden 
amulets  on  his  arms  and  ears.  No  disgrace  attached  to  the  capturing 
of  Africans  and  selling  them  for  money.  That  the  Heralds'  Office  might 
give  to  the  transaction  the  sanctions  of  Christianity,  it  directed  Hawkins, 
five  years  after,  to  add  in  one  corner  of  the  shield  the  pilgrim's  scallop- 
shell  in  gold,  between  two  palmer's  staves,  as  if  to  intimate  that  the  African 
slave-trade  was  the  true  crusade  of  the  reign  of  IClizabeth. 

.So  successful  was  this  cxpetlition,  that  Hawkins  started  on  a  third,  with 
five  shi|)s,  in  October,  1 567.  He  commanded  his  old  ship,  the  "Jesus,"  and 
Francis  Drake,  afterward  so  celebrated,  commanded  the  "  Judith,"  a  little 
vessel  of  fifty  tons.  They  took  four  or  five  hundred  negroes,  and  crossed 
to  Dominica  again,  but  were  more  than  seven  weeks  on  the  passage.  As 
before,  they  passed  along  the  Spanish  main,  where  they  found  the  Spaniards 
had  been  cautioned  against  them.  They  absolutely  stormed  the  town  of 
Rio  de  la  Hacha  before  they  could  obtain  permission  to  trade.  In  all  cases, 
although  the  .Spanish  officers  had  been  instructed  to  oppose  their  trade, 
they  found  that  negroes  were  so  much  in  demand  that  the  planters  dealt 
with  them  eagerly.  After  a  repulse  at  Cartagena,  they  crossed  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico  towards  Florida,  but  were  finally  compelled,  by  two  severe  tem- 
pests, to  run  to  San  Juan  d'  Ulua,  the  port  of  Me.xico,  for  repairs  and  sup- 
plies. Here  they  claimed  the  privileges  of  allies  of  King  Philip,  and  were 
at  first  well  enough  received.  Hawkins  takes  to  himself  credit  that  he  did 
not  seize  twelve  ships  which  he  found  there,  with  ;^200,ooo  of  silver  on 
board.  The  local  officers  sent  to  the  City  of  Me.xico,  about  two  hundred 
miles  inland,  for  instructions.  The  next  day  a  fleet  from  Spain,  of  twelve 
ships,  arrived  in  the  offing.  Hawkins,  fearing  the  anger  of  his  Queen,  he 
says,  let  them  come  into  harbor,  having  made  a  compact  with  the  Govern- 

'  One  huntlrecl  and  forty  years  later,  Daniel  pericnces  he  enumerates  and  repents  his  "  mani- 

I)e   Foe,  a  devoted   Christian   man,  wrote  his  fold  sins  and  wickedness."     But  among  these, 

celebr.itcd  biography  of  Robinson  Crusoe,  who,  although  he  regrets  his  own  folly  in  risking  so 

when  he  had  been  long  living  in  Brazil  as  a  much  in  the  pursuit  of  wealth,  it  is  never  inti- 

planter,  met  his  critical  shipwreck  in  a  voyage  mated  that  there  is  anything  wrong  in  dragging 

to  the  African  coast  for  slaves.     The  romance  these   wretched   negroes  unwilling  from    their 

is  intended  by  its  author  to  be  what  we  call  a  homes  :    so    slow   had    h     .    the   development 

religious  novel.     The  religious  experiences  of  of  the  spirit  of  humani'  the  sixteenth  and 

the  hero  are  those  t.   which  De  Foe  aUached  even  the  seventeentli  ce-         .  and  so  ill  defined 

most  importance.    In  the  relation  of  these  ex-  were  the  rights  of  man  I 


M 


(I't 


lO'i 


M 


hi! 


I 


'  II 


64 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ment  that  neither  side  should  make  war  agninst  the  other.  The  fleet  entered, 
and  for  three  days  all  was  amity  and  courtesy.  But  on  the  fourth  day,  from 
the  ,>hore  and  from  the  ships,  the  five  English  vessels  were  attacked  furi- 
ously, and  in  that  little  harbor  a  naval  action  ensued,  of  which  the  result 
was  the  flight  of  the  "  Minion"  and  the  "Judith"  alone,  and  the  capture 
or  destruction  of  the  other  English  vessels.  So  crowded  was  the  "  Minion," 
that  a  hundred  of  the  fugitives  preferred  to  land,  rather  than  to  tempt  the 
perils  of  the  sea  in  her.  They  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Inquisition,  and 
their  sufferings  were  horrible.  The  others,  after  a  long  and  stormy  passage, 
arrived  in  England  on  the  25th  of  January,  1568/69. 

It  is  a  real  misfortune  for  our  early  history  that  no  reliance  can  be 
placed  on  the  fragmentary  stories  of  the  few  survivors  who  were  left  by 
Hawkins  on  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  One  or  two  there  were  who, 
after  years  of  captivity,  told  their  wretched  story  at  home.  But  it  is  so 
disfigured  by  every  form  of  lie,  that  the  most  ingenious  reconstructer  of 
history  faiis  to  distil  from  it  even  a  drop  of  the  truth.  The  routes  which 
they  pursued  cannot  be  t.aced,  the  etymology  of  geography  gains  nothing 
from  their  nomenclature,  and,  in  a  word,  the  whole  story  has  to  be  con- 
signed to  the  realm  of  fable.*  Such  a  narrative  as  these  men  mi^ht  have 
told  would  be  our  best  guide  for  what  has  been  well  called  by  Mr.  Haven 
"the  mythical  century"  of  American  history. 

In  this  voyage  of  Hawkins  the  Earls  of  Pembroke  and  of  Leicester 
were  among  the  adventurers. 

If  Hawkins's  account  of  the  perfidy  of  the  Spaniards  at  San  Juan  d'Ulua 
be  true, — and  it  has  never  been  contradicted, — the  Spanish  Crown  that  day 
brought  down  a  storm  of  misery  and  rapine  from  which  it  never  fairly  re- 
covered. The  accursed  doctrine  of  the  Inquisition,  that  no  faith  was  to  be 
kept  with  heretics,  proved  a  dangerous  doctrine  lor  Spain  when  the  heretics 
were  such  men  as  Hawkins,  Cavendish,  and  Drake.  On  that  day  Francis 
Drake  learned  his  lesson  of  Spanish  treachery ;  and  he  learned  it  so  well 
that  he  determined  on  his  revenge.  That  revenge  he  took  so  thoroughly, 
that  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  he  is  spoken  of  in  all  Spanish  annals 
as  "  The  Dragon."  ^ 

Hawkins  gives  no  account  of  Drake's  special  service  in  the  "  Judith," — 
the  smallest  vessel  in  the  unfortunate  squadron,  and  one  of  the  two  which 
returned  to  England ;  nor  has  Drake  himself  left  any  which  has  been  dis- 
covered ;  nor  have  his  biographers.  Clearly  his  ill-fortune  did  not  check  his 
eagerness  for  attack ;  and  from  that  time  forward  Spain  had  at  least  one 
determined  enemy  in  England. 

He  had  made  two  voyages  to  the  West  Indies  in  1570  and  in  1571,  of 
which  little  is  known.     For  a  fifth  voyage,  which  he  calls  the  third  of  im- 


^'i  W 


1  [Sec  the  note  on  Ingram's  and  Hortop's 
narratives  in  the  criticil  part  of  chap.  vi.  Since 
that  ch.ipter  was  in  type,  Dr.  De  Costa  has  exam- 
ined anew  the  story  of  Ingram's  journey,  and 
has  printed  Ingram's  relation,  from  a  manuscript 


in  the  Bodleian,  in  the  Magazine  of  American 
History,  March,  1S83.  — Ed.] 

'^  By  a  play  upon  his  name,  — "  Dracus," 
or  "  Draco."  See  the  curious  coincidence  of 
"  Caput  Draconis,"  mentioned  in  a  later  note. 


A 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE. 


65 


f  Leicester 


portance,  he  fitted  out  a  little  squadron  of  only  two  vessels,  the  "Pasha"  and 
the  "  Swan,"  and  sailed  in  1572,  with  no  pretence  of  trade,  simply  to  attack 
and  ravage  the 
Spanish  main. 
He  specially 
assigns  as  his 
motive  for  this 
enterprise  his 
desire  to  inflict  i 

vengeance  for  injuries  done  him  at  Rio  de  Hacha  in  1565  and  in  1566,  and,  in 
particular,  that  he  might  retaliate  on  Henriques,  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  for  his 
treachery  at  San  Juan  d'  Ulua.  It  sec  ms  that  he  had  vainly  sought  amends 
at  the  Court  of  Spain,  and  that  the  Queen's  diplomacy  had  been  equally 
ineffective.  The  little  squadron,  enlarged  by  a  third  vessel  which  joined 
them  after  sailing,  attacked  Nombre  de  Dios,  then  the  granary  of  the  West 
Indies,  but  with  small  success.  They  then  insulted  the  port  of  Cartagena, 
and  afterward,  having  made  an  alliance  with  the  Cimaronnes,  since  and 
now  known  as  Maroons, — a  tribe  of  savages  and  self-freed  Africans,  —  they 
marched  across  the  isthmus,  and  Drake  obtained  his  first  sight  of  that 
Pacific  Oceaii  which  he  was  afterward  to  explore.  "  Vehemently  trans- 
ported with  desire  to  navigate  that  sea,  he  fell  upon  his  knees  and  implored 
the  divine  assistance  that  he  might  at  some  time  sail  thither  and  make  a 
perfect  discovery  of  the  same."  The  place  from  which  Drake  saw  it  was 
probably  near  the  spot  where  Balboa  "  thanked  God  for  that  great  dis- 
covery," and  that  he  had  been  first  of  Christian  men  to  behold  that  sea. 
His  discovery  was  made  in  15 13,  sixty  years  before  Drake  renewed  it.^ 

The  narrative  which  we  cite  is  in  the  words  of  the  historian  Camden. 
Camden  tells  us  also  that  Drake  had  "  gotten  together  a  pretty  sum  of 
money "  in  this  expedition,  and,  satisfied  for  the  moment,  he  remained  in 
England.  He  engaged  himself  in  assisting,  at  sea,  in  the  reduction  of 
Ireland.  But  he  had  by  no  means  done  with  the  Spaniards,  and  at  the 
end  of  1577,  sailing  on  the  15th  of  November,  he  left  Plymouth  on  the 
celebrated  voyage  in  which  he  was  to  sail  round  the  world.  The  squadron 
consisted  of  the  "Pelican,"  of  one  hundred  tons,  the  "Elizabeth,"  of  eighty, 
the  "  Swan,"  of  fifty,  and  the  "  Marigold  "  and  "  Christopher,"  of  thirty  and 
of  fifteen  tons.  Of  these  vessels  the  "  Pelican  "  was  the  only  one  which  com- 
pleted the  great  adventure.  Her  armament  was  twenty  guns  of  brass  and 
iron.  She  had  others  in  her  hold.  So  well  had  Drake  profited  by  earlier 
expeditions,  that  his  equipment  was  complete,  and  even  luxurious.  He 
carried  pinnaces  in  parts,  to  be  put  together  when  needed.  He  had 
"  expert  musicians,  rich  furniture,  all  the  vessels  for  the  table,  yea,  many 
even  of  the  cook-room,  being  of  pure  silver."  In  every  detail  he  was  pre- 
pared to  show  the  magnificence  and  the  civilization  of  his  own  country. 

The  crew  were  shipped  and  the  expedition  sailed,  with  the  pretence  of  a 

1  Cortes  was  never  "  silent  upon  a  peak  in  Darien,"  except  in  Keats's  poem. 
VOL.  in.  — 9. 


:\li  h 


1 IV 

'A: 


66 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


i     M' ' 


I,. 


V   < 


voyage  to  Egypt.  This  was  to  blind  the  Spanish  envoys,  in  concealment  of 
the  real  object  of  the  e.xpedidon,  as  similar  expeditions  since  have  been 
veiled.  But  it  is  clear  enough  that  the  partners  in  the  enterprise  and  the 
men  they  shipped  knew  very  well  whither  they  were  faring. 

After  one  rebuff,  the  fleet  finally  left  England  on  the  13th  of  December, 
1577,  and,  with  occasional  pauses  to  refit  at  the  Cape  de  Verde  and  at  dif- 
ferent points  not  frequented  by  the  Portuguese  or  Spaniards  on  the  Bra- 
zilian coast  and  the  coast  south  of  Brazil,  they  arrived  at  Port  St.  Julian  on 
the  19th  of  June,  in  the  beginning  of  the  southern  winter.  Here  they  spent 
two  months,  not  sailing  again  until  the  17th  of  August,  when  they  essayed 
the  passage  of  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  While  at  Port  St.  Julian  Drake 
found,  or  professed  to  find,  evidences  of  the  treachery  of  Doughty,  one 
of  the  gentlemen  in  whom  at  first  he  had  most  confided.  Doughty  was 
tried  before  a  jury  of  twelve,  found  guilty,  and  beheaded.  They  all  re- 
membered that  Magellan  had  had  a  similar  experience  in  the  same  harbor 
fifty-seven  years  before.  Indeed  they  found  the  gibbet  on  which,  as  they 
supposed,  John  of  Cartagena  had  been  hanged  by  Magellan,  with  his 
mouldering  bones  below.  The  Spaniards  said  that  Drake  himself  acted 
as  Doughty's  executioner.  Fletcher  says,  "  he  who  acted  in  the  room  of 
provost  marshal."     It  is  hard  to  see  how  the  Spaniards  should  know. 

After  a  series  of  stormy  adventures,  they  found  themselves  safe  in  the 
Pacific  on  the  28th  of  October.  After  really  passing  the  straits,  they  had 
been  driven  far  south  by  tempests,  and  on  the  extreme  point  of  Tierra  del 
Fuego  Drake  had  landed.  On  a  grassy  point  he  fell  upon  the  ground  at 
length,  and  extended  his  arms  as  widely  as  possible,  as  if  to  grasp  the 
southern  end  of  the  hemisphere,  —  in  memory,  perhaps,  of  Caesar's  taking 
possession  of  England.  The  "  Pelican  "  was  the  only  vessel  now  under  his 
command.  The  others  had  either  been  lost  or  had  deserted  him ;  and 
though  he  sought  for  his  consorts  all  the  way  on  his  voyage  northward,  he 
sought  in  vain. 

From  Drake's  own  pen  we  have  no  narrative  of  this  remarkable  voyage. 
His  chaplain,  Fletcher,^  gives  a  good  account  of  Patagonia  and  of  the 
natives,  from  the  observations  made  in  Port  St.  Julian  and  in  their  after 
experiences  as  they  passed  the  straits.  The  Englishmen  corrected  at  once 
the  Spanish  fable  regarding  the  marvellous  height  of  these  men.  They 
corrected  errors  which  they  supposed  the  Spaniards  had  intentionally  pub- 
lished in  the  charts.  It  is  supposed  that  Drake  sighted  the  Falkland 
Islands,  which  had  been  discovered  by  Davis  a  few  years  before.  Drake 
gave  the  name  of  Elizabeth  Islands,  or  the  Elizabethides,  to  the  whole 
group  of  Tierra  del  Fuego  and  its  neighbors. 

In  their  voyage  north  they  touched  for  supplies  at  a  great  island,  which 
the   Spaniards   called  ho ;    and   afterward  at  Valparaiso,  where  they 

plundered  a  great  shij.  ..^ned  the  "Captain  of  the  South,"  which  they  found 
at  anchor  there.     Fletcher  describes  all  such  plunder  with  a  clumsy  raillery, 


1  TAe  World  Encompased. 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE. 


67 


:ealment  of 

have  been 

ise  and  the 

December, 
and  at  dif- 
n  the  Bra- 
t.  Julian  on 
they  spent 
ley  essayed 
ilian  Drake 
ughty,  one 
3Ughty  was 
liey  all  re- 
ame  harbor 
ch,  as  they 
n,  with  his 
mself  acted 
he  room  of 
now. 

safe  in  the 
:s,  they  had 
f  Tierra  del 
:  ground  at 
grasp  the 
sar's  taking 
V  under  his 
him;  and 
rthward,  he 


-     ] 


as  if  a  Spaniard's  plunder  were  always  fair  game.  To  Drake  it  was  indeed 
repayment  for  San  Juan  d'  Ulua.  Farther  north,  they  entered  the  bay 
of  "  Cyppo ;  "  and  in  another  bay,  still  farther  north,  they  set  up  the  pin- 
nace which  they  had  in  parts  on  board  their  vessel.  In  this  pinnace 
Drake  sailed  south  a  day  to  look  for  his  consorts;  but  he  was  driven 
back  by  adverse  winds.  After 
a  stay  of  a  month  here,  which 
added  nothing  to  our  knowl- 
edge of  the  geography  of  the 
country,  they  sailed  again. 
"  Cyppo "  is  probably  the 
Copiapo  of  to-day. 

Pausing  for  plunder,  or  for 
water,  or  fresh  provisions,  from 
time  to  time,  they  ran  in,  on 
the  7th  of  February,  to  the 
port  of  Arica,  where  they 
spoiled  the  vessels  they  found, 
generally  confining  their  plun- 
der to  silver,  gold,  and  jewels, 
and  such  stores  as  they  needed 
for  immediate  use.  At  Callao 
they  found  no  news  of  their 
comrades ;  but  they  did  find 
news  from  I'^urope,  —  the 
death  of  the  kings  of  Portugal,  of  France,  of  Morocco,  and  of  Fez,  and  of 
the  Pope  of  Rome.  From  one  vessel  they  took  fifteen  hundred  bars  of 
Silver,  and  learning  that  a  treasure-ship  had  sailed  a  fortnight  before,  went 
rapidly  in  pursuit  of  her. 

They  overtook  her  on  the  ist  of  March,  and  captured  her.  As  part 
of  her  cargo,  she  had  on  board  "  a  certain  quantity  of  jewels  and  precious 
stones,"  thirteen  chests  of  silver  reals,  eighty  pounds  weight  of  gold, 
twenty-si.x  tons  of  uncoined  silver,  two  very  fair  gilt  silver  drinking-bovvls, 
"and  the  like  trifles,  —  valued  in  all  about  three  hundred  and  sixty  thou- 
sand pezoo-,"  —  as  Fletcher  says  in  his  clumsy  pleasantry.  The  ships  lay 
together  six  days,  then  Drake  "  gave  the  master  a  little  linen  and  the  like 
for  his  commodities,"  and  let  him  and  his  ship  go.  Her  name,  long 
remembered,  was  the  "  Cacafuego."  The  Spanish  Government  estimated 
the  loss  at  a  million  and  a  half  of  ducats.     A  ducat  was  about  two  dollars. 

Drake  now  determined  to  give  up  the  risk  of  returning  by  the  way  he 
came,  and  to  go  home  by  the  north  or  by  crossing  the  Pacific.     He  aban- 


ZALTIERl'S   MAP,    1 5  66. 


>  This  sketch  follows  .-i  drawing  by  Kohl  in  5.  Tigna  fl. 

his  manuscript  in  the  American  Antiquarian  So  6.  P.  Tontonteac. 

ciety's  Library.     This  is  the  key  :  —  7.  Y.  delle  Perle. 

1.  Mare  Septentrionalc.        3.  Quivira  prov.  8.  Y.  di  Cedri. 

2.  Terra  incognita.  4.  C.  Nevada. 


9.  Giapan. 

10.  Marc  di  Mangi. 

11.  Chinan  Golfo. 

12.  Parte  di  Asia. 


68 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   Hlf'OrtY   Cr    AMERICA. 


i:  'ii 


1 


■i^i  i\i 


doned  the  hope  of  joining  his  consorts,  who  had,  chough  he  did  not  know 
it,  no  thought  of  joining  him.  On  the  i6th  of  March  he  touched  at  the 
Island  of  Caines,  where  he  experienced  a  terrible  earthquake;  on  the  isth 
of  March  at  Guatulco,  in  Mexico,  where  he  took  some  fresh  provisions ; 

/.  and  sailing  the 

next  day,  struck 
northward  on 
the  voyage  in 
which  he  dis- 
covered the 
coast  of  Oregon 
and  of  that  part 
of  California 
which  now  be- 
longs to  the 
United  States. 

A  certain 
doubt  hangs 
over  .he  orig- 
inal discovery 
of  the  eastern 
coast  of  this 
nation.  There 
is  no  doubt  that 

the  coast  of  Oregon  was  discovered  to  j."j.irope  by  the  greatest  seaman  of 
Queen  Elizabeth's  reign.^ 

Taking  as  plunder  a  potful  of  silver  reals,  —  the  pot,  says  Fletcher,  "  as 
big  as  a  bushel  "  —  and  some  other  booty,  Drake  sailed  west,  then  north- 
vest  and  nor'i\  "  lourteen  hundred  leagues  in  all."  This,  according  to  the 
account  of  Fi; f/o.r,  his  chaplain,  brought  them  to  the  3d  of  June,^  when 
they  were  in  north  latitude  42".  On  the  night  of  that  day,  the  weather 
(which  had  been  very  hot)  became  bitterly  cold ;  the  ropes  of  the  ship 
were  stiff  with  ice,  and  sleet  fell  instead  of  rain.  This  cold  weather  con- 
tinued for  days.     On  the  fifth  they  ran  in  to  a  shore  which  they  then  first 


MAP   OF   PAULO   DE   FURLANO,    ^574.^ 


1  Furl.ino  is  said  to  have  received  this  map 
from  a  Sp.iniard,  Don  Diego  Hermano  de  Toledo, 
in  1 574.  The  slietch  is  made  from  the  drawing  in 
Kohl's  manuscript  in  the  American  Antiquarian 
Society's  Library.     The  key  is  as  follows  :  — 


Marc  incognito. 

Strctto  di  Anian. 

Quivir. 

("lolfo  di  Anian. 

Anian  rcgnum. 


6.  Quisau. 

7.  Mangi  Prov. 

8.  Mare  de  M-tngi. 

9.  Isola  di  Giapan. 
10.  Y.  di  Cedri. 


'•*  [It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that  the 
Portuguese,  wlio  had  made  their  way  to  the 
Moluccis  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  in  1512, — 
a  yeaj  before  lialboa  disclosed  the  great  sea  to 


the  Spaniards, —  claim  that  in  the  very  year 
(1520)  when  Magellan  was  finding  a  passage  by 
the  straits,  .and  Cortes  was  exploring  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico  in  the  vain  endeavor  to  find  another, 
their  ships  from  the  Moluccas  crossed  the  ocean 
eastward  and  struck  the  coast  of  California.  It 
is  also  represented  that  the  expedition  con- 
ducted by  Cabrillo,  a  Portuguese  in  the  King  of 
Spain's  service,  went  up  to  44°  in  1542-43.  This 
phase  of  the  subject  is  more  particularly  exam- 
ined in  Vol.  II.  —  Ed.] 

'  It  should  be  remembered  that  all  these 
dates  are  of  old  style,  and  correspond  to  dates 
ten  days  later  now. 


f^.' 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE. 


69 


"i.    . 


not  know 
led  at  the 
n  the  isth 
rovisions ; 
sailing  the 
iay,  struck 
hward  on 
/oyage    in 
;h  he  dis- 
:red     the 
;  of  Oregon 
jf  that  part 
alifornia 
h  now  be- 
js   to   the 
ed  States. 
.    certain 
bt   hangs 
.he    orig- 
[   discovery 
;he    eastern 
st  of  this 
3n.      There 
5  doubt  that 

seaman  of 

etcher,  "  as 
len  north- 
ding  to  the 
une,^  when 
le  weather 
of  the  ship 
sather  con- 
y  then  first 

the  very  year 
g  a  passage  by 
ring  the  Gulf 
o  liiul  another, 
isscd  the  ocean 
California.  It 
xi)cdition  con- 
in  the  King  of 
IS42-43'  This 
icularly  exam- 

that  all   these 
ipond  to  dates 


descried,  and  anchored  in  a  bad  bay,  which  was  the  best  roadste  d  hey 
could  find.  But  the  moment  the  gale  lulled,  "thick  stinking  fcgs"  of  vied 
down  on  them;  they  could  not  abide  there;  and  from  this  plac  '  th-> 
turned  south,  and  ran  along  the  coas^-.  They  found  it  "  low  and  reasv  .dbw 
plain."     Every  hill  was  covered  with  snow,  though  it  was  in  June. 

In  the  latitude  of  38^  30',  they  came  to  a  "  convenient  and  fit  harbour." 
Another  narrator  says,  "  It  pleased  God  to  send  us  into  a  fair  and  good 
bay,  with  a  good  wind  to  enter  the  same."  They  entered,  and  remained 
in  it  till  the  23d  of  July.  During  all  this  time  they  were  visited  with  the 
"  like  nipping  colds."  They  would  have  been  glad  to  keep  their  beds,  and 
if  they  were  not  at  work,  would  have  worn  their  winter  clothes.  For  a 
fortnight  together  they  could  take  no  observations  of  sun  or  star.  When 
they  met  the  natives,  they  found  them  shivering  even  under  their  furs ; 
and  the  "  ground  was  without  greenness "  and  the  trees  without  leaves 
in  June  and  July. 

The  day  after  they  entered  this  harbor  an  Indian  came  out  to  them  in 
a  canoe.  He  made  tokens  of  respect  and  submission.  He  threw  into  the 
ship  a  little  basket  made  of  rushes  containing  an  herb  called  tobdh? 
Drake  wished  to  recompense  him,  but  he  would  take  nothing  but  a  hat,- 
which  was  thrown  into  the  water.  The  company  of  the  "  Pelican  "  sup- 
posed then  and  always  that  the  natives  considered  and  reverenced  them 
as  gods.  In  preparation  for  repairing  the  ship,  Drake  landed  his  stores. 
A  large  company  of  Indians  approached  as  he  landed,  and  frierully  rch- 
tions  were  maintained  between  them  and  the  Englishmen  during  the  .hole 


1  [It  is  a  question  how  far  north  Drake  went. 
Up  to  the  middle  nf  the  last  century,  the  writers, 
except  Davis  in  his  World's  Uydrographkal 
Disccn.-ery\'3.\\A  perhaps  Sir  William  Monson,  had 
fixed  his  northing  at  43°,  —  these  two  e.xcep- 
tions  placing  it  at  48°,  and  this  last  opinion  has 
been  followed  by  Burney,  Barrow,  and  the  writer 
of  the  Life  of  Diake  in  the  1750  edition  of  the 
liioi^raphia  Britaniika.  Greenhow,  Oregon  and 
California,  2d  edition,  p.  74,  doubts  the  later 
view.  Drake's  aim  w.is  to  find  the  westerly  end 
of  what  was  for  a  long  time  the  conjectural 
•if  Straits  of  Anian,  or  the  northern  passage  to  the 

';5  Atlantic,  which,  ever  since  C^^rtereal,  in  1500, 

h.id  found  what  he  supposed  the  easterly  end 
of  Euch  a  passage  in  Hudson's  Straits,  had  been 
a  dream  of  n.-'igators  and  geographers.  An 
examination  of  the  unstable  views  which  wire 
held  regarding  the  shape  and  inlets  of  the  west- 
ern coast  of  North  America,  from  the  time  of 
Cortes'  first  expedition  north,  belongs  to  an- 
other volume  of  this  work.  A  notion  of  the 
continuity  of  Asir.  and  America,  which  was  tem- 
porarily dispelled  by  Balboa's  discovery  of  the 
Pacific  in  1513,  was  revived  twenty  years  later 
by  a  certain  school  of  geographers,  and  con- 
tinued to  be  hold  by  .some  for  thirty  or  forty 
years.     Before  Drake's  time  it  had  given  place 


to  views  which  more  dis*  nc^ly  prefigu'rl  the 
Straits  of  Behring,  not  jwt  to  be  de'.:imliied 
for  a  hundred  and  fifty  years.  '^  :f  earUi  con- 
jectural propinquity  of  A'-i.-.  ica  an.:  Asia  at 
the  north  —  as  shown  ir  .-  maps  of  Muiister, 
Mercator,  and  others — .  ,,  giving  place  to  a 
more  minute  configurativ.--.,  as  s'lovn  in  the 
maps  of  Zaltieri  and  Pi. ';■.;  o,  ol  wliich  out- 
lines are  given  in  the  text,  indie:  .''11;.^  the  kind 
of  view  which  w.as  pi-cvaiiing  rt;.;.iiding  this 
n  them  part  of  the  Pacir  which  i>rake  was 
bafHed  in  his  attempt  to  explore.  It  is  curi- 
ous to  observe,  moi>.over,  that  Mercator  in  his 
n.ap  in  gore!!,  daied  1541,  maiks  the  region 
later  to  be  called  Kew  Albion  as  h.iving  the 
star  Caput  Draconis  in  the  zenith,  —  almost  in 
strange  anticipation  of  its  bc'iig  the  spot  where 
the  English  "  dragon  "  was  first  to  c.vntcst  Span- 
ish supremacy  on  the  North  .Vmerican  conti- 
nent. Spain  had  as  yet  had  no  sharer  of  this 
northern  new  world.  —  Ed.] 

2  In  the  narrative  in  H.nkluvt  fohhh  is  al- 
ways called  tobacco.  But  Fletcher  .\ird  Drake's 
nephew  in  The  Wc;  Id  Encompassed  call  it  to/mk 
or  tahiih ;  and  tiiey  knew  tobacco  and  its  n,-".me 
perfectly  well.  They  sjieak  of  it  as  an  herb  new 
to  them.  There  is  no  evidence  thtt  the  natives 
smoked  foidA. 


JH 


Jf< 


70 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I    I     1 


I  'I 


\  H 


m 


f ' 


ih 


of  their  stay.  Drake  received  them  cautiously  but  kindly.  He  set  up 
tents,  and  built  a  fort  for  his  defence.  The  natives,  watching  the  English 
with  amazement,  still  regarded  them  as  gods.  One  is  templed  to  connect 
this  superstition  with  the  direct  claim  which  Alarcon  had  made  of  a  divine 
origin,  in  presence  of  these  tribes,  a  generation  before,  though  at  a  point 
five  hundred  miles  away.  Fletcher's  description  of  their  houses  is  pre- 
cisely like  the  Spaniard's  account  of  the  winter  houses  of  the  tribes  he 
met.  "  Those  houiics  are  digged  round  within  the  earth,  and  have  from  the 
uppermost  brimmes  of  the  circle  clefts  of  wood  set  up,  and  joined  close 
together  at  the  top  like  our  spires  on  the  steeple  of  a  church ;  which,  being 
covered  with  earth,  suffer  no  water  to  enter,  and  aie  very  warm;  the  door 
in  the  most  part  of  them  performs  the  office  also  of  a  chimney  to  let  out 
the  smoke ;  it 's  made  in  bigness  and  fashion  like  to  an  ordinary  scuttle  in 
a  ship,  and  standing  slopewise."  ^ 

At  the  end  of  two  days  an  immense  assembly,  called  together  from  all 
parts  of  the  country,  gathered  to  see  the  strangers.  They  brought  with 
them  feathers  and  bags  of  io6d/i  for  presents  or  for  sacrifices.  Arrived  at 
the  top  of  the  hill,  their  chief  made  a  long  address,  wearying  his  English 
hearers  and  himself  When  he  had  concluded,  the  rest,  bowing  their  bodies 
in  a  dreamy  manner  "  and  long  producing  of  the  same,"  cried  "  Oh  !"  giving 
their  consent  to  all  that  had  been  spoken.  This  reminds  one  of  the  "  hu  " 
of  the  Indians  of  the  Tizon.  The  women,  meanwhile,  tore  their  cheeks 
with  their  nai!^  and  flung  themselves  on  the  ground,  as  if  for  a  personal 
bloody  sacrifice.  Drake  met  this  worship,  not  as  Alarcon  had  done,  but 
by  calling  his  company  to  prayer.  The  men  lifted  their  eyes  and  hands  to 
heaven  to  signify  that  God  was  above,  and  besought  God  "  to  open  their 
blinded  eyes  to  the  knowledge  of  him  and  of  Jesus  Christ  the  salvation  of 
the  Gentiles."  Through  these  prayers,  the  singing  of  psalms,  and  reading 
certain  chapters  of  the  Bible,  Fletcher,  who  was  the  chaplain,  says  they  sat 
very  attentively.  They  observed  every  pause,  and  cried  "  Oh !  "  with  one 
voice,  greatly  enjoying  our  exercises.  They  thus  showed  a  more  catholic 
spirit  than  the  whites  had  shown,  who  were  wearied  by  the  length  of  the 
address  of  the  savages.  Drake  made  them  presents,  which  at  the  depart- 
ure of  the  English  they  returned,  saying  that  they  were  sufficiently  rewarded 
by  their  visit. 

The  fame  of  this  visit  extended  so  far,  that  at  the  end  of  three  days 
more,  on  the  26th  of  June,  a  larger  company  assembled.  This  time  the 
king  himself,  with  a  body-guard  of  one  hundred  warriors,  was  with  them. 
They  called  him  their  Ht'o/i.  He  approached  the  English,  preceded  by  a 
mace-bearer,  who  carried  two  feather  crowns,  with  three  chains  of  bone 
of  marvellous  length,  often  doubled.     Such  chains  were  of  the  highest  esti- 


*  Alarcon's  account  is  in  these  words.  He 
spe.iks  of  the  winter  houses  of  which  Nargar- 
chato  informed  him  "  He  told  me  that  these 
houses  were  of  wood  i  overed  with  earth  on  the 
outside,  and   plastered  with  clay  within ;   that 


they  were  in  form  of  a  round  ronni.''  The 
reader  should  remember  that  Fletcher  allude; 
to  the  architectural  device,  still  to  be  seen  in 
old  New-England  churches,  where  the  roof  rises 
on  all  sides  to  a  spire  in  the  middle. 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE. 


71 


mation,  and  only  a  few  persons  were  permitted  to  wear  them.  The  number 
of  chains,  indeed,  marked  the  rank  of  the  highest  nobility,  some  of  whom 
wore  as  many  as  twenty.  Next  to  the  mace-bearer  came  the  king  himself. 
On  his  head  was  a  knit  crown  somewhat  like  those  which  were  borne  before 
him.  He  wore  a  coat  of  the  skins  of  conies  coming  to  his  waist.  His  guards 
wore  similar  coats,  and  some  of  them  wore  cauls  upon  their  heads,  covered 
with  a  certain  vegetable  down,  almost  sacred,  and  used  only  by  the  highest 
ranks.  The  common  people  followed,  naked,  but  with  feathers,^  every  one 
pleasing  himself  with  his  own  device.  The  last  part  of  the  company  were 
women  and  children.  Each  woman  brought  a  well-made  basket  of  rushes. 
Some  of  those  were  so  tight  that  they  would  hold  water.  They  were 
adorned  with  pearl  shells  and  with  bits  of  the  bone  chains.  In  the  baskets 
they  had  bags  of  tob&h  and  roots  called  petdh,  which  they  ate  cooked  or 
raw.     Drake  meanwhile  held  his  men  in  military  array. 

The  macc-bearcr  then  pronounced  aloud  a  long  speech,  which  was  dic- 
tated to  him  in  a  low  voice  by  another.  All  parties,  except  the  children, 
approached  the  fort,  and  the  mace-bearer  began  a  song,  with  a  dance  to 
the  time,  in  which  all  the  men  joined.  The  women  danced  without  singing. 
Drake  saw  that  they  were  peaceable,  and  permitted  them  to  enter  his 
palisade.  The  women  showed  signs  of  the  wounds  which  they  had  made 
before  coming,  by  way  of  preparing  for  the  solemnity. 

At  the  request  of  the  chief,  Drake  then  sat  down.  The  king  and  others 
made  to  him  several  orations,  or,  "  indeed,  supplications,  that  he  would 
take  province  and  kingdom  into  his  hand,  and  become  theiT  king  and 
patron."  With  one  consent  they  sang  a  song,  placed  one  of  the  crowns 
upon  his  head,  hung  their  chains  upon  his  neck,  and  honored  him  as 
their  Hioh. 

Drake  did  not  think  he  should  refuse  this  gift.  "  In  the  name  and  to 
the  use  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  he  took  the  sceptre,  crown,  and  dignity  of  the 
country  into  his  hand."  He  only  wished,  says  the  historian,  that  he  could 
as  easily  transport  the  riches  and  treasures  wherewith  in  the  upland  it 
abounds,  to  the  enriching  of  her  kingdom  at  home.  Had  Drake  had  any 
real  knowledge  of  the  golden  gravel  over  which  the  streams  of  the  upland 
flowed,  it  may  well  be  that  the  history  of  California  would  have  been 
changed. 

From  this  time,  through  several  week'-  while  Drake  remained  there,  the 
multitude  also  remained.  At  first  they  brought  offerings  every  three  days 
as  sacrifices,  until  they  learned  that  this  displeased  their  English  king. 
Like  other  sovereigns  who  have  had  much  to  do  with  this  race,  he  found 
that  he  had  to  feed  his  red  retainers.  But  he  had  mussels,  seals,  "  and  such 
like,"  in  quantity  sufficient  for  their  rations. 

Drake  made  a  journey  into  the  country.  He  saw  "  infinite  company  "  of 
fat  deer,  in  a  herd  of  thousands.     He  found  a  multitude  of  strange  "  conies  " 

>  The  fondness  for  feathers  is  observed  by  later  voyagers  j  cf .  La  Perouse. 


u 


1*1 ! 


I  i 


i 


} 


) 


m 


h 


%y 


'l| 


^i  i 


72 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


in  large  numbers,  with  long  tails,  and  with  a  bag  under  the  chin  in  which 
to  carry  food  cither  for  future  supply  or  for  their  children. 

Drake  erected  on  the  shore  a  post,  on  which  he  placed  a  plate  of  brass. 
Here  he  engraved  the  Queen's  name,  the  date  of  his  landing,  the  gift  of  the 
country  by  the  people,  and  left  her  Majesty's  portrait  and  arms.  The  last 
were  not  designed  by  his  artists,  as  some  historians  have  carelessly  sup- 
posed, but  were  on  a  silver  piece,  of  sixpence,  "  showing  through  a  hole 
made  of  purpose  in  the  plate." 

When  the  people  saw  that  Drake  could  not  remain,  they  could  not  con- 
ceal their  grief.  At  last  they  stole  on  the  ICnglish  unawares  with  a  sacrifice 
which  "  they  set  on  fire,"  thus  burning  a  chain  and  bunch  of  feathers.  The 
English  could  not  dissuade  them  till  they  fell  to  prayers  and  singing  of 
psalms,  when  the  sad  natives  let  their  fire  go  out,  and  left  the  sacrifice 
unconsumcd.  On  the  23d  of  July  the  friends  parted,  the  English  for  the 
shores  of  Asia,  the  savages  to  the  hills,  where  they  built  fires  as  long  as  the 
"  Pelican  "  was  in  sight.  Thus  did  England  take  possession  of  the  region 
which,  after  near  three  hundred  years,  proved  to  be  the  richest  gold-bearing 
country  in  the  world.  Drake  gave  to  the  country  the  name  of  New  Albion, 
and  it  bore  that  name  on  the  maps  for  centuries.  He  called  it  so  "  for  two 
causes :  in  respect  of  the  white  banks  and  clifis  which  lie  towards  the  sea ; 
and  the  other  because  it  might  have  some  affinity  with  our  country  in 
name."  Curiously  enough,  the  original  narrative  says,  "There  is  no  part 
of  earth  here  to  be  taken  up  wherein  there  is  not  some  speciall  likelihood 
of  gold  or  silver."  ^ 

From  the  time  when  the  Government's  ships  crept  along  the  coast  to 
Cape  Mendocino,  and  then  turned,  unwilling,  to  their  long  voyage  to  Asia, 
observations  on  that  coast  were  doubtless  repeated  by  navigators.  The 
line  of  coast  took  difTferent  courses  and  different  names  accordingly.  But 
it  is  well-nigh  certain  that  from  the  time  of  Drake  until  1770  the  California 
now  a  part  of  the  United  States  had  no  European  inhabitants.  The  part 
of  California  which  is  in  Mexico  was  first  settled  by  Jesuit  missions,  whose 
first  successes  date  from  the  year  1697. 

Drake  returned  to  England  by  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  and 
arrived  at  Plymouth  in  triumph  on  the  26th  of  September,  1580.  He 
had  given  the  name  Nova  Albion  to  the  western  coast  of  North  America 
thus  discovered;  he  had  taken  possession  for  his  sovereign,  Elizabeth, 
with  better  color  of  right  than  most  discoverers  could  urge.  But  under  this 
title  the  Queen  never  claimed,  nor  her  successors  indeed,  until,  after  three 
centuries,  Drake's  voyage  may  have  been  sometimes  cited  as  a  vague  or 
shadowy  introduction  to  any  rights  by  which  England  claimed  the  mouth 
of  the  Columbia  River  and  the  region  northward.^ 

^  So   in  Shelvocke's  journal  of  his  voyage  to  the  sun,  appears  as  if  intermixed  with  gold 

in  1719.     "The  soil  aboiit  Puerto  Seguro,  ,ind  dust." 

very  likely   in  most  of  the  valleys,  is  a  rich  '•*  [The  Spanish  ininister,  indeed,  protested 

black  mould,  which,  as  you  turn  it  up  fresh  against  Drake's  piracies  and  his  sailing  in  those 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE. 


73 


in  which 

of  brass, 
ift  of  the 
The  last 
ssly  sup- 
h  a  hole 

not  con- 
i  sacrifice 
L;rs.  The 
inging  of 
:  sacrifice 
,h  for  the 
)ng  as  the 
:hc  region 
Id-bcaring 
w  Albion, 

"  for  two 
5  the  sea ; 
;ountry  in 
is  no  part 
likelihood 

le  coast  to 
to  Asia, 

t)rs.  The 
gly.  But 
California 
The  part 

jns,  whose 

-lope,  and 
80.  He 
America 
Elizabeth, 

under  this 

iftcr  three 
vague  or 

the  mouth 

ed  with  gold 

ed,  protested 
iling  in  those 


The  name  Nova  Albion  was  generally  applied  on  the  maps  to  the  more 
nor.!  -!y  region,  the  Oregon  of  our  geography.  But  the  name  Calikor- 
NIA  held  its  place  for  the  whole  region  known  to  us  as  the  State  of  Cali- 
fornia, as  well  as  for  the  peninsula  and  the  gulf.  The  distinction  between 
Upper  and  Lower  California  is  still  observed. 

Drake's  reception  at  home  was  an  enthusiastic  one,  by  a  populace  always 
anxious  for  a  hero.  It  was  tempered  somewhat  by  the  cautious  feelings  of 
some,  who  regarded  with  no  favorable  eye  the  policy  of  private  reprisals 
upon  another  nation  in  time  of  peace.  The  Queen  had  no  such  compunc- 
tions. She  received  him  with  undisguised  favor,  dined  with  him  on  board 
his  ship,  and  made  him  a  knight.  She  directed  that  the  vessel  which  had 
borne  her  authority  about  the  world  should  be  carefully  preserved ;  and 
when  the  ship  was  finally  broken  up,  John  Davis,  the  Arctic  navigator, 
caused  a  chair  to  be  madt  of  the  timbers,  which  is  now  one  of  the  relir.s 
of  interest  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  and  within  whose  seat  Abraham  Cowley 
wrote  one  of  his  well-known  poems. 

At  length,  in  1585,  Queen  Elizabeth  determined  on  open  hostility,  and 
giving  Drake  his  first  royal  commission,  and  an  ample  fleet  and  land  force, 
he  started  on  his  successful  expedition  to  the  Spanish  main,  when  town 
after  town  fell  into  his  hands,  and  the  Spanish  settlements  experienced 
most  poignantly  ravages  similar  to  those  which  they  had  so  abundantly  for 
nearly  a  century  inflicted  upon  the  natives  of  those  regions.  Of  his  subse- 
quent exploits  in  European  waters  this  is  no  place  for  the  recital;  but 
in  1595  he  prevailed  upon  Elizabeth  to  put  him,  in  connection  with  his 
old  patron  and  companion,  Sir  John  Hawkins,  once  more  in  command 
of  another  expedition  to  Spanish  America.  They  sailed  from  Plymouth 
in  August,  with  the  purpose  of  seizing  Nombre  de  Dios,  and  then  of 
marching  his  twenty-five  hundred  troops  to  Panama  to  capture  the  trea- 
sure which  took  that  route  from  Peru  on  its  way  to  Spain.  The  expedi- 
tion was  a  melancholy  failure.  The  Spaniards  were  forewarned.  Porto 
Rico  successfully  resisted  the  English  in  the  first  place,  and  the  attack 
on  Panama  was  abortive. 

Hawkins  died,  o\'ercome  by  the  reverses;  and  Drake,  struck  with  a 
fever  of  mortification,  sank  beneath  the  fatal  influences  of  the  climate,  and 
died  on  board  his  ship  early  in  the  following  year.  His  remains  were  placed 
in  a  leaden  casket  and  sunk  off  Puerto  Cabello,  and  there  was  no  failure  of 
suspicions  that  he  had  been  the  victim  of  foul  play.  There  are  those  in 
the  English  nation  who  indulge  the  hope  that  the  casket  may  yet  be 
recovered,  and  that  the  remains  of  the  great  English  "  Dragon "  may  yet 
rest  beneath  the  pavement  of  Westminster  Abbey, 

waters  ;  but  the  English  Government  made  a  session.  Cf.  Camden's  History  of  Elizabeth, 
declaration  denying  such  prescriptive  right  to  1688,  p.  225;  Purchas,  iv.  1180,  Deane's  edi- 
the  Spaniards,  unless  it  was  enforced  by  pos-    tion  of  Hakluyt's  Discourse,  236.— Ed.] 

VOL.    III. —  10. 


r  I 


74 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


:  i.  'M 


ill. 


'        ! 


mm 


CRITICAL    ESSAY    ON    DRAKK'S    BAY. 

'X'HE  question  where  was  the  "  convenient  and  fit  harbor,"  tlie  "  fair  and  good  bay," 
■'■  which  Drake  entered  on  tlie  I'acitic  coast,  and  where  he  careened  and  repaired  the 
'•  Pelican,"  is  still  undecided,  after  much  discussion  by  the  Californian  geographers,  who 
have  now  their  capital  in  tlie  cuy  of  San  Francisco,  —  on  tliat  matcldess  land-locked 
harbor  which  is  entered  by  tlie  narrow  passage  known  as  the  "(iolden  Gate."  The 
authorities  are  not  many,  and  are  not  quite  in  accord. 

The  narrative  of  Fletcher,  which  has  been  followed  In  the  text,  gives  the  latitude  of 
this  bay  as  38°  30'  north.  But  the  briefer  narrative  in  Ilakluyt '  says:  "  We  came  within 
thirty-eight  degrees  towardes  the  line;  in  which  hcij^ht  it  pleased  (lod  to  '-end  us  into 
a  faire  and  good  bay,  with  a  good  wind  to  enter  the  same."  Here  is  a  difference  of  half  a 
degree.  But  the  te.\t  in  Hakluyt  is  supported  by  a  manuscript  marginal  note  on  what 
seems  to  be  the  original  drawing  of  Dudley's  map,  and  which  is  preserved  in  Munich, 
where  the  language  (Italian)  is  :  "  This  map  begins  with  the  port  of  New  Albion,  in 
longitude  237°  and  latitude  38",  discovered  by  the  Englishman  Drake  in  1579  or  there- 
about, as  above,  —  a  convenient  place  to  water  and  to  collect  other 
refreshment."  The  manuscript  has  a  note,  which  the  engraving  has 
not,  "  Porto  bonissimo."  Uut  on  the  coast  farther  north,  where  the 
same  author  speaks  of  the  cold,  he  says  :  "  Dr.ike  returned  to  38,^ 
degrees,  and  the  weather  was  tempei'ate,  and  he  called  it  New  Al- 
bion." Til'?  Arcano  del  Mare,  in  which  these  maps  are  printed,  was 
not  published  till  1646.  Uut  Dudley,  the  author,  was  active  in  mari- 
time affairs  in  England  in  all  the  last  ten  years  of  the  si.xteenth 
century.  He  was  the  son  of  Elizabeth's  Earl  nf  Leicester ; 
he  was  brother-in-law  of  Cavendish,  administered  on  his  estate, 
and  must  have  seen  his  chart.'''  Hakluyt  had  wished  to  publish 
his  narrative  of  Drake  in  his  edition  of  1589  ;  but 
this  account  by  Pretty  was  not  regularly  embodied 
by  Hakluyt  in  his  great  work  till  1600.*  The  IVorld 
Encompassed  was  not  printed  until  1628,  but  is 
from  Fletcher's  contemporary  notes.  Dudley  him- 
self prepared  an  expedition  to  the  South  Seas. 
He  may  be  spoken  of  as  a  valuable  contemporary 
authority.  The  English  Government  did  not  pub- 
lish such  discoveries.  But  Cavendish  would  have 
had  Drake's  charts. 

Now  the  opening  of  the  Golden  Gate  is  in 
latitude  37°  46' :  it  exactly  corresponds  with  "  with- 
in 38°  N."  of  one  account,  but  it  lacks  44'  of  the 
38°  30'  of  the  other  two.  The  discrepancy  is  not  so  important  when  we  find  that  ir.  38°  30' 
there  is  no  harbor  and  no  bay,  good  or  bad.  The  voyager  must  come  down  the  coast  as 
far  as  38°  15'  to  find  Bodega  Bay,  which  has,  accordingly,  been  assigned  by  some  conjec- 
tures as  Sir  Francis'  resting-place.  Just  south  of  this,  near  the  line  of  38°,  is  an  open 
roadstead  which  has  some  advocates  in  this  discussion.     Between  this  bay  and  the  Golden 


MODERN   MAP.' 


'  "  The  course  which  .Sir  Francis  Drake  held 
to  California,"  etc. 

'■^  [Mr.  Hale  has  written  of  Dudley  and  his 
atlas  in  the  American  Antiquarian  Society's  Pro- 
ceedings, October  21,  1873.     Cf.  also  the  chap- 


ter on  "  New  England  "  in  the  present  volume. 
-ED.] 

'  See  Editorial  Notes  following  this  chapter. 

<  This  sketch  will  indicate  the  relative  posi 
tions  of  the  several  bays. 


HAWKINS   AND    DRAKE. 


75 


i)0(\  hay," 
paired  tlu* 
ihers,  who 
iiul-locked 
e."      'I'lif 

latitude  of 
ime  within 
id  us  into 
:e  of  half  a 
e  on  what 
n  Municli, 
Albion,  in 
J  or  therc- 
)llect  other 
graving  has 
,  where  the 
ned  to  3«.J 
it  New  Al- 
irinted,  was 
ive  in  mari- 
le  sixteenth 
;  Leicester ; 
n  his  estate, 
to  publish 
1 589  ;  but 
embodied 
The  World 
628,  but  is 
udley  him- 
outh  Seas. 
)ntemporary 
lid  not  pub- 
would  have 

Gate  is  in 
with  "  with- 
44'  of  the 
at  ir,  3«°  3°' 
the  coast  as 
ome  conjec- 
is  an  open 
the  Golden 

Esent  volume. 

this  chapter, 
relative  posi 


Gate,  the  point  of  Los  Reyes  nms  out  southwest.     East  of  this,  and  northwest  of  the 

(]o!den   Gate,  Is  another  open  roadstead,  lacing  the  .south,  wliich   for  many  years,  ionj; 

before  the  discovery  of  Californian  gold,  had  been  known  as  Jack's  bay,  or  Sir  Francis 

Drake's   Hay.      One  of   these  four   bays 

is  chosen  by  one  or  another  geographer     ( c  ,r^»n.eLuci.na 

as  the  fair  and  good  harbor  into  which 

a  special  providence  drove  Drake  l)y  a 

f.ivorable  wind. 

In  this  discussion,  the  map  of  Dudley, 
whose  information  was  nearly  at  first-hand, 
plays  an  important  part.    His  representation 
of  Drake's  bay  —  a  sort  of  bottle-shaped 
harbor  —  so  far  resembles  the  double  bay  of 
San  ['"rancisco,  that  it  would  probably  decide 
the  (|uestion,  but  that,  unfortunately,  he  gives 
two  such  bays.     His  two  maps,  also,  do  not  very 
closely  resemble  each  other.     It  becomes  neces- 
sary to  suppose  that  one  of  his  bays  was  th.it  which 
we  know  as   liodega  Bay,  or  that  both  are  drawn 
from  the  imagination.     The  map  of  Hondius  gives  a 
chart  of    Drake's   bay,*  which    has,   unfortunately,   no 
representation   to   any  bay  on   the  coast,  and  is  purely 
imaginary. 

The  discussion  is  complicated  from  the  fact,  that,  if 
Drake  entered  San  Francisco  Bay,  the  English  Govem- 
nuiit  kept  its  secret  so  well  that  they  forgot  it  themselves. 
What  is  curious  is,  that  for  two  centuries  the  Spaniards 
were  seeking  at  intervals  for  "  Port  St.  Francisco,"  and  did 
not  find  it.  In  1603,  Viscaino  put  into  a  bay  which  he 
called  Port  St.  Francisco ;  but  it  is  urged  *  that  Viscaino 
really  entered  the  Bay  of  Monterey.  The  Spaniards  by  this 
time  were  eagerly  seeking  a  bay  of  refuge  for  their  Asiatic 
squadrons.*  Tliey  knew  that  Drake  had  repaired  a  vessel 
somewhere.  Viscaino  passed  "Port  S*.  P'rancisco  "  in  a 
gale,  nnd  returned  into  it,  according  to  the  narrative.  It 
was  not  until  1769  that  a  land  party  of  Franciscan  monks 
finally  discovered   to   Spain   the  magnificent  Bay  of   San 

Francisco.  One  theory  is  that  no  one  ever  discovered  it  before  ;  but  a  contemporary 
manuscript  account  of  the  discovery,  preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  says  distinctly 
that  this  famous  port,  according  to  the  signs  given  by  history,  is  called  San  Francisco. 
It  is  distant  from  St.  Diego  two  hundred  leagues,  and  is  to  be  found  in  38^°.  "  They  say 
it  is  the  best  bay  they  have  discovered  ;    and  while  it  might  shelter  all  the  navies  in 


VISCAINO  S   MAP.' 


1  [See  a  later  page.  —  En] 

2  Colonel  John  U.  Washburn,  in  a  very  care- 
ful paper  in  the  Aiiu-r.  Antiij.  Soc.  Proc,  no. 
58,  1872,  suspects  from  Torquemada's  account 
(1615,  published  at  Seville),  as  cited  in  the  Eng- 
lish version  of  Father  Venegas's  History  of  Cali- 
fornia (Field,  Indian  Pihlio^raphv,  1,599,  i>6oo), 
that  the  port  visited  by  Viscaino  was  Jack's  Bay, 
as  indeed  the  original  .Spanish  of  Venegas  (iii. 
Ill)  distinctly  says.  Cf.  also  John  T.Doyle's 
paper,  with  an  introduction  by  Colonel  Wash- 
burn in  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  October,  1873. 


'  [They  had  learned  by  this  time  to  .avoid  the 
head  winds  that  swept  westerly  from  Acapulco 
lo  Manila,  by  stretching  northeastwardly  on  the 
return  voyage,  making  the  coast  above  San  ?"ran- 
cisco,  and  so  to  follow  the  shore  south.  Cf.  the 
Key  to  a  section  of  Molineaux's  map  in  the  Edi- 
torial Notes  following  this  chapter.  —  Ed.] 

♦  Sketch  from  Carta  de  los  rcconocimcntos 
hechos  en  1602  por  el  Capitan  Sebastian  Vizcaino 
formada  por  los  Pianos  que  hizo  el  misno  durante 
su  comision,  in  an  atlas  in  the  State  Department 
at  Washington. 


V 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0    ^^  Ki 

■u  lU   ■2.2 
US.    12.0 


I.I 


m 
u 


lllii  iJ4 1^ 


^ 


HiotDgraphic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WEUTM,N.Y.  145M 

(716)  t72-4S03 


^6  NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


il    'i 


C»AST  or  NOVA  ALBION,  FROM   DUDLEY'S  ARCANO   DEL  MARE. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE. 


77 


Europe,  it  is  entered  by  a  straiglit  of  three  leagues,  and  surrounded  with  mountains  which 
malce  the  waters  tranquil." 

The  reader  must  understand  that  all  the  maps  had  a  port  of  Sir  Francis,  or  a  Puerto 
San  Francisco,  or  some  similar  name.    One  English  map  bravely  says,'  "  Port  Sr.  Francis 
Drake,  tiot  St.  Francisco,"  for  the  bay  discovered  in  1770. 

So  soon  as  this  discovery  was  known  in  England,  Captain 
Burney  claimed  it  as  Drake's  bay  ;  in  America,  Davidson,  in 
the  Coast  Pilot,  and  Mr.  Greenhow  give  the  same  decision. 

Probably  the  early  maps  must  be  take.i  as  the  best  and 
decisive  authorities. 

The  reader  has  before  him  Dudley's  two  maps.  Of  these, 
Dudley  says  that  California  was  drawn  by  an  English  pilot.  In 
his  text  describing  the  shore,  lu-  goes  no  further  than  Cape  St. 
Lucas,  and  then  crosses  to  California,  which  suggests  that  he  is 
following  Cavendish,  who  tool-  this  course,  and  who  was  Dud- 
ley's near  kinsman.    On  the  margin  in  the  manuscript  of  Dudley's 


JEFFERVS    SKETCH. 


HOT. 


map  at  Munich,  he  calls  Drake's  bay 
"  Porto  bonissimo,"  "the  best  of  har- 
bors," —  an  expression  which  certainly 
does  not  belong  to  Jack's  Bay.  In 
both  maps,  also,  it  is  represented  as 
the  southern  of  the  two  deep  bays,  of 
which  the  northern  appears  to  corre- 
spond to  Bodega  Bay,  and  the  southern 
to  San  Francisco  Bay.  On  the  larger 
of  the  two  maps  Drake's  bay  is  placed 
in  the  same  relation  to  Monterey  as 
is  held  by  San  Francisco. 

In  the  curious  "new  map"  men- 
tioned by  Shakespeare  in  "  Twelfth 
Night,"  ■•'  the  spot  where  Drake  landed 
is  indicated.  The  names,  as  one  reads 
southward  from  the  parallel  of  40°,  are 
C.  Roxo,  Sierra  de  los  Pescadores, — 
Tierra  de  Paxaros  R.  Grande,  which 
seems   to  be   Drake's   harbor,  —  Rio 

Hermoso,  C.  Frio,  Sierra  Nevada,  C.  Blanco,  Cicuic,  Playa,  Tiguer.  Cicuic  and  Tiguer 
are  evidently  borrowed  from  Cicey^  and  Tiguex  of  Coronado's  narrative.  The  same 
position  is  given  to  Tiguex  in  Hondius's  map.     Of  this  the  scale  is  so  small  that  Drake's 


DinJLEY'S  CARTA   PRIMA.* 


1  Saycr  and  Bennett,  1774.  [I  find  this 
twenty  years  earlier,  as  shown  in  the  annexed 
sketch  from  Jefferys'  Chart  of  California,  Neio 
AMoH,  etc.,  ly^^.    Key;  — 

I.  C.  das  Navadas,  or  Snowy  Cape. 
Piinta  dc  los  Keys, 
Lcs  Farollones. 
Isles  of  St.  James. 

Port  S^  Francis  Drake,  1578,  not  St.  Fran- 
cisco. 
6.  Pto.  de  Anno  Novo.  —  Ed.) 
3  "  He  does  smile  his  face  Into  more  lines 
than  are  in  the  new  map,  with  the  augmentation 
of  the  Indies."  —  Act  Hi.  sc.  2.     [The  map  re- 
ferred to  is  Molineaux'  map  of  1600,  and  it  has 
been  disputed  that  it  was  the  map  alluded  to  by 


Shal  ("liieare.  See  chap,  vi..  Editorial  Note,  F. 
A  section  showing  the  point  referred  to  in  the 
text  is  given  further  on.  —En.] 

1  [This  is  a  section  from  a  marginal  nu,>  on 
the  "Carta  Prima"  of  Dudley's  Arcana  del 
Mare,  vol.  i.  lib.  2,  p.  19.     Key;  — 

1.  C.  Arboledo. 

2.  Ensa  Larga. 

3.  P?  di  Don  Gasper. 

4.  R.  Saiado. 

5.  IN  dell  Nuovo  Albion  scoperto  dal  Drago 

Cr  Inglesc. 

6.  Enseada.  9.  C.  S.  Barbera. 

7.  V°.  di  Anonaebo.        10.  C.  S.  Agostino. 

8.  P?  di  Moneerei.         11.  Quivira  R? 

12.  Nuova  Albione. — Ed.] 


)m 


I 


78 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


Bay  could  not  be  determined  from  it,  were  It  not  for  the  issuing  of  the  dotted  line  showing 
his  homeward  traclc. 

The  Spanish  geographersi  are  at  woric  on  this  subject,  with  full  undersUnding  of  the 
points 'involved  in  the  problem.  It  will  not  be  long,  probably,  before  the  question  is 
decided.  This  writer  does  not  hesitate  to  say  that  he  believes  it  will  prove  that  Drake 
repaired  his  ship  in  San  Francisco  Day,  and  that  this  bay  took  its  name  not  indirectly 
from  Francis  of  Assisi,  but  from  the  bold  English  explorer  who  had  struck  terror  to  all 
the  western  coast  of  New  Spain.' 


EDITORIAL    NOTES 


OM  THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 


'ii 


!!(> 


/i 


'ii' 


'C'OR  the  authoritative  accounts  of  William 
-^  Hawkins's  Brazilian  voyages,  we  must  go 
to  Hakluyt's  third  volume,  as  published  in  1600. 
In  it  likewise  we  shall  find  the  account  of  the 
West  Indian  voyages  of  Sir  John  Hawkins  in 
1563,  1564,  and  1567-68.  We  may  also  read 
them  in  the  usual  compilations  drawn  from  Ilak- 
luyt,  among  the  latest  of  which  is  The  Eliza- 
helkaii  Seamen  of  Payne,  who  remarks  that 
"  nothing  which  Englishmen  had  done  in  con- 
nection with  America  previous  to  those  voyages 
had  any  result  worth  recording."  Ixiwndes,  in 
his  BiMioxra/iher's  Manual,  gives  an  edition,  in 
1 569  (London),  of  John  Hawkins's  True  Declara- 
tion of  the   Troublesome  Voyages  to  the  Partes  of 


Guynea  and  the  West  Indies ;  but  Sabin  (/?iV- 
tionary,  viii.  157)  thinks  it  was  only  printed  in 
Hakluyt. 

Fox  Browne,  in  his  English  Afercliants,  chap, 
viii.,  shows  the  relations  which  Hawkins  in  his 
day  established  with  British  commerce. 

The  Observations  of  Sir  Kichard  Hawkins, 
Knight,  in  his  Vojage  jnto  the  South  Sea,  Anno 
Domini  1593,  was  printed  in  lx)ndon  in  1622,* 
and  was  reprinted  in  1S47  by  the  Hakluyt  So- 
ciety, under  the  editing  of  Captain  C.  K.  D. 
Bcthunc.  The  book  gives  us  some  useful  notes 
upon  the  aborigines  of  Florida  and  the  regions 
farther  south. 

The  most  convenient  embodiment,  however. 


I  [The  coast-survey  authorities  have  usually  favored  San  Francisco.  This  was  the  opinion  of  Alexander 
Forbes  in  his  California,  iS^g,  where  he  gives  (-  127)  an  interesting  view  of  the  hay  before  commerce  had 
marked  it.  Dr.  Stillman,  in  the  (h>trland  Monthly  (October,  1868,  March,  1869),  and  later  in  his  Seeking  thi 
Golden  Fleece  (p.  295),  has  advocated  San  Francisco.  S.  G.  Drake,  in  the  American  Historical  Record, 
August,  1874,  took  the  same  view. 

Greenhow,  in  the  second  edition  (1845)  of  his  Oregon  and  California,  p.  74,  docs  not  think  the  question  can 
be  definitely  settled  be'wecn  San  I'rancisco  and  Bodega. 

There  have  been  many  disputes  over  jack's  Bay,  —  the  Sir  Francis  Drake  Bay  of  the  maps.  Soul6  and 
the  writers  of  the  Annals  of  San  Francisco  accept  it  as  the  spot ;  so  does  Kohl.  Professor  J.  D.  Whitney 
{Encyclofddia  Britannica,  art.  "California  ")  says  the  evidence  points  strongly  to  Jack's  Bay. 

Vancouver  seems  to  have  rcporte<l  the  story  of  the  Spaniards  calling  it  Sir  Francis  Drake's  Bay.  Captain 
Beechey  thought  it  too  exposed  to  have  deserved  Drake's  description  ;  and  it  has  been  held  he  could  not  have 
graved  his  ship  in  it.  I^  is  claimed,  however,  that  Limantour's  Bay,  which  opens  through  an  ir.let  westwardly 
from  Jack's  Bay,  answers  the  required  conditions  of  water  and  shelter.  —  Ed.] 

'  There  are  copies  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  and  in  the  New  York  State,  Harvard,  Lenox,  and  Carter 
Brown  (ii.  263)  libraries.  Cf.  Sabin's,  Dictionary,  vol.  viii.  no.  30,957  ;  Fijld's  Indian  Bibliography,  no.  667. 
Hawkins's  voyage  is  also  included  in  Purchas's  Pilgrimes;  and  Charles  Kingsley  in  his  Westward  Hti 
pictures  vividly  the  spirit  of  Hawkins's  day.    Cf.  also  Bumey's  History  of  Voyages  in  tht  South  Seas. 


HAWKINS   AND   DRAKE. 


79 


i>{  the  ancient  records  and  of  modem  criticisms 
u|)on  all  the  exploits  of  the  Hawkinses  is  in  the 
volume  of  the  Ilakluyt  Society  for  1878,  —  Thi 
Hau'kins'  ypyiti^es  during  the  Keigns  of  Htnry 
VIII.,  Queen  Eliuihelh,  and  Jamts 
/.,  edited,  with  an  IntrcKluction,  by 
the  careful  hand  of  Clements  R. 
Markham.  Here  we  have  not  only 
what  Hakluyt  has  preserved  for  us, 
')ut  the  Obtervalions  of  1622,  and 
other  journals  and  narratives. 

For  Drake  the  material  is  more 
abundant.      Regarding  his  famous 
voyage  round  the  world  in  1 577-80, 
the  earliest  statement  in  print  is  one 
said  to  be  by  Francis  Pretty,  and 
called    The  famous    Voyant  of  Sir 
Frauds   Drake  into  the  South  Sea 
.  .  .  ief:uK  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  1577.*    Hak- 
luyt  had   this,  and   says  in   effect,  in  the   In- 
troduction of  his  1589  edition,  that  the  friends 
of  Drake  who  did  not  wish  their  publications 
forcstallec',  had  wished  him  to  omit  it.     Hak- 
luyt, however,  seems  to  have  privately  printed 
it,  in  six  pages,  and  these,  without  pagination, 
are   found  in  some,   if  not   all,  copies  of  the 
1589    volume,    inserted    after    page   643.*      It 


finally  publicly  appeared  in  his  third  volume 
of  the  1598-1600  edition.  A  more  authoritative 
publication,  however,  was  The  World  Eueom- 
passed  by  Sir  Frauds  Drake,  (arefuily  Collected  out 


A   GKETCH   OF   HONDlUS's   MAP.^ 

of  the  notes  of  Master  Francis  Fletcher,  Preacher 
in  this  imployment,  and  divers  others  hisfoltinoers, 
Ix>ndon,  1638.*  It  was  reprinted  in  1635,^  and 
made  part  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  rei-ii'ed  in  1653.* 
It  was  again  reprinted  by  the  Ilakluyt  Society  in 
1855,  with  an  Introduction  by  W.  S.  W.  Vaux. 
This  and  other  accounts  of  the  voyage  have  also 
found  a  place  in  ihc  general  collections  of  Hak- 
luyt, Harris,  and  the  Oxford  Voyages.^ 


4- 

5- 


I  It  is  reprinted  by  Vaux,  later  nirntioned. 

*  They  are  in  the  Harvard  College,  Carter-Brown,  and  Charles  Deane  copies,  not  to  name  others. 

'  A  sketch  "'  a  part  of  Hondius's  map  of  the  world,  oil  which  Drake's  route  is  marked  ;  it  is  taken  from  a 
fac-^>imilc  in  the  Ilakluyt  Society's  edition  ol    The  World  Encompassed. 

Key :  —  i .   Nova  Albion,  sic  a  Francisco  Draco,  1 5  79,  dicta  qui  bis  ab  incolis  codem  die  diademate  rcdimitus, 
candcm  Kci;inx  Anglix  cnnseoravit. 
2.    Hie  pr«  inijcnti  frigore  in  Austrum  rcverti  coactus  est  lat.  43  die  5  Junii. 
Cozones.  6.    I.  dc  passao.  q.    Damantcs. 

[Drake's  Bay].  7.   California.  10.    Marc  Vermeo. 

TiRues.  X.    San  MiRUcl.  n.   .S.Thomas. 

*  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  21  ;  Stevens's  ffuggcts,  no.  021 ;  Sabin's  Dictionary,  no.  2o,.S|;^.  .S.  G.  Drake 
bought  a  copy  '.n  Boston  in  1844  for  54.  It  was  priced  by  Vaux  in  iSsi  at  as  many  {munds,  and  is  worth  much 
more  now.  The  later  editions  are  worth  somewhat  less.  S.  G.  Tinke  (Genealngicil  A'cgisfer,'i.  i2C>)Kivcsa 
(lartial  list  of  those  who  accompanied  Drake,  being  about  one-third  of  his  one  himdred  and  sixty-four  men. 
.Among  the  fullest  of  the  modern  narratives  are  those  in  Barrow's  Li/c  of  Drake,  and  in  Kroude's  F.nglanJ, 
vol.  xi.  chap.  20.  [But  Mr.  Froudc  has  used  his  valu.iblc  authorities  carelessly.  He  de|)ends  in  part  ii|Nm 
some  reports  of  Spanish  officers,  which  exist  in  manuscript  in  Spain,  and  upon  some  which  are  in  England, 
bniiight  home  by  English  cruisers.  One  of  the  most  interesting,  which  should  still  be  in  the  national  library 
in  Madrid,  I  found  in  ■SS2  had  been  cut  from  the  volume  and  carried  away.  —  E.  E.  H.] 

'  C    ier-Brou'H  Catalogue,  ii.  423. 

'  Ibid.,  ii.  731. 

'  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii.,  or  quarto  edition,  vol.  iv. ;  Harris,  vol.  i. ;  Oxford,  vol.  ii.  Hakluyt  also  gives  the  rela- 
tion of  Nuna  da  Silva,  a  Portuguese  pilot  whom  Drake  had  cipturetl,  and  who  made  his  report  to  the  Viceroy 
of  Sjain,  and  John  Winter's  account  of  his  companionship  with  Drake.  Vaux  collates  his  text  with  a  manu- 
script preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  which  may  have  been  the  collection  of  Fletcher's  notes  which  the  com- 
piler of  The  World  Encompassed  used.  Several  narratives  arc  also  in  the  Callender  collection  of  /  '••rages, 
I'Minburgh,  1766.  There  are  German  versions  in  Gottfried  and  Vander  Aa  (1727,  vol,  xviii.),  C'omeliiis  Claesz 
(1598,  1603),  etc.  Appended  to  the  Begin  en  I'oortgangh  (1645  and  1646)  of  lsa.ic  Commelin.  of  Amsterdam, 
is  sometimes  a  Dutch  narrative  of  the  voyages  of  Candish,  Drake,  and  Hawkins,  "described  by  one  of  the 
licit,"  and  with  an  imprint  of  1644,  which  is  vcr>'  rare.  Frederic  Miiller  says,  in  his  Books  on  America,  1S72 
(1111.  1,871),  that  he  had  never  seen  but  the  one  then  described,  a  ..!  another,  sold  to  Stevens  in  1S67, 

A  French  edition,  />■  Voyage  de  Francois  Drack  alentour  dii  Monde,  was  originally  issued  in  Fans  in  i^M, 
and  is  now  scarce,  and  sometimes  priced  at  300  francs.  There  were  other  editions,  with  additions,  in  1627  (Sabin, 
vol.  v.  no.  20,845),  '''.T?  '641, 1690.  Bohn's  Ijnt-Mdfs,  p.  668,  The  Dedicatory  Epistle  is  signed  F.  de  Lorren- 
court,  Leclerc,  Bibliotheca  Americana,  no,  2.74^,  The  title  of  the  later  edition  runs  :  Li  Voyage  cnrieux  faict 
autour  du  Monde,  etc.     Mullei's  Books  on  America  (1877),  no.  973.    [This  curious  bock  affects  in  the  dedica- 


'!i 


i 


V,'] 


\ 


8o 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


;  R. 


The  report  of  Da  Silva  mentions  that  Drake  84)  that  Hondius  may  have  used  Drake's  own 

ca;>tured   some   (tea-charts  from  the   Spaniards  charts  in  this  little  marginal  sketch,  while  the 

during  this  voyage  J  and  Kohl  (CiiAj/ijfwci/    ^  main  map  has  "little  to  do  with  Drake's  own 

Miips  in  I/akliiyt,  p.  82)   supposes  that    l^r  charts."     Hondius,  however,  is  thought  to  have 


Drake  had  with  him  the  maps  of  Mcrca-  "'>-v 
tor  and  Ortclius.     After  Drake's  return,  »w  1 

Hondius  made  a  map  of  ihe  world,  in  which  he 
tracked  both  the  routes  of  Drake  and  Caven- 
dish i  and  of  that  portion  showing  New  Albion, 


Ijeen  living  in   England  at  this 

time.     Mollneaiix   is   known   to 

have  used  Drake's  reports  and 

|)erhaps   his  map,  in  making 

his  map|>cmondc  uf  1600,  of 


-v. 


PORirS   NOV.K   ALItlOVIS.* 

as  well  as  of  his  little  plan  of  Drake's   Hay, 
sketches  are  given  herewith.    Kohl  thinks  (page 


which 
an  out- 
line sketch 
of  a  part  of 
the  Pacific  coast 
is      annexed. 
This  is  the  map 
mentioned   by 
Mr.  Hale  assu|v 
posed  to  be  re- 
ferred  to  by 
Shakespeare. 

For  Drake's 
expedition  of 
1585-S6,  wchave 

the  original  account  in  Latin,  printed  at  I.«yden 
in  1 588,  —  Exfalitio  Frmicisci  Druki,  —  which 
should  be  accompanied  by  four  large  fold'.ig 
maps;    namely,    of    Cartagena,   .St.   Augustine, 


FROM 
MOI,INKAUX'.S 
MAI',  lOoO.* 


tion  til  \k  an  original  narrative:  "  I  dedicate  it  to  you,  Munsicur,  because  you  gave  it  to  nie,  telling  nie  that  you 
received  it  from  one  of  your  subjects  of  L'ourtomcr,  who  liad  made  the  voyage  with  this  gcntler.ian."  On 
exaniinatiim,  huwcvcr,  it  |)rovcs  that  the  narrative  is  a  rough  translatiiin,  not  very  accurate,  and  generally 
"bridged  from  that  in  Ilakluyt :  generally,  but  not  always ;  for  in  a  few  instances  details  of  local  color  are 
.idili'd,  which  I  think  inipurtant,  and  which  ap|>car,  so  far  as  I  know,  in  no  other  narrative.  With  no  appa- 
rent purpose  but  to  make  the  book  bigger,  a  second  |)art  is  addc<l,  entitled  Secunde  Parlie  dcs  Singt/arilex 
rcmartjuees  mix  hUs  rt  lerrts  fermcs  liu  Muly  cl  ties  Indes  Orieiiliiles :  par  I'llliistrc  Seigneur  el  Chevalier 
Francois  Dracli,  Admiral  d'Ang/e/erre,  It  is  a  Ixitch  of  travels  in  Africa,  the  Indian  Ocean,  and  America, 
in  places  niostly  which  Drake  never  saw.  —  E.  E.  II.] 

>  This  is  an  outline  sketch  of  the  map  of  Drake's  Day  given  in  the  margin  of  Ilondius's  map,  but  which  is 
omitted  in  the  reproduction  of  that  map  in  the  Ilakluyt  Society's  c<lition  of  The  World  Enc^mifassed.  The 
map  is  rare,  and  our  sketch  follows  another  belonging  to  Mr.  Charles  Dcaiic. 

Key: — 1.  A  group  of  lndi.in  houses.  3.  Portus  Nova;  Albionis. 

2.  Place  of  the  ship.  4.  A  group  of  the  English  conferring  with  the  natives. 

A  fac-similc  of  the  original  engraving  is  given  in  Gay's  Pofuiar  History  of  Ihe  United  States,  ii.  577. 
It  has  a  Latin  legend  beneath  it,  which  reads:  "The  inhabitants  of  Nova  Albion  lament  the  departure  of 
Drake,  now  twice  crowned,  and  by  ficquent  s,icrifice3  lacerate  themselves."  A  curious  picture  representing 
die  crowning  of  Drake  is  in  the  if>7i  edition  of  Montanus,  p.  215. 

A  writer  in  the  San  Francisco  Evening  Bulletin,  Oct.  5,  1878,  says  that  the  island  in  the  sketch  is  mis- 
placed, if  llodcga  Day  is  intended,  being  below  the  peninsula ;  but  that,  viewed  from  the  position  assigned  to 
Drake's  ship,  it  seems  to  \x  outside,  as  drawn.    He  maintains  that  this  bay  answers  all  the  other  conditions  of 
Fletcher's  description,  and  that  Hondius's  sketch  is  confirmed  by  Dudley's  map. 
■i  The  Key  :  — 

1.  Nova  Albion. 

2.  Cabo  Mendocino.   "  It  appeareth  by  the  discoverie  of  Francis  Gaulle,  a  Spaniard,  in  the  year  1584,  that 

the  sea  bctwccne  the  wes  part  of  America  and  the  east  of  Asia  (which  hath  bene  ordinarily  set  out 
as  a  straight,  and  named  i  1  most  maps  the  Streight  of  .Anian)  is  above  1,200  leagues  wide  at  the  lati- 
tude of  38",  and  that  the  listance  betweene  Cape  Mendocino  and  Cape  California,  which  many  maps 
and  sea-charts  make  to  be  1,200  or  1,300  leagues,  is  scarce  so  much  as  600."  [This  legend  is  in 
the  right-hand  upper  r.>mer  of  the  map.  Ci.ili  (or  Gaulle),  in  returning  from  China  in  1583,  had 
struck  the  California  coast  at  37"  30'.  Ilis  account  appeared  in  Linschoten,  and  so  was  rendered 
in  the  English  translation  of  Linschoten,  159S,  and  is  given  in  Hakluyt,  vol,  iii.  (1600)  p.  442.] 

3.  R.  Grande.  6.  C.  Blanco.  9.  U.  San  Lorenzo.  12.  f .  Francisco. 

4.  C.  San  Francisco.  7.  C.  Illanco.  10.  California.  13.  New  Mexico. 

5.  Kio  Grande.  8.  B.  Ilcrmosa.  11.  K.Grande.  14.  Cibola. 


HAWKINS  AND   DRAKE. 


•t 


' 


il  ■■ 


SIR   FRANCIS   DRAKE. 


*  A  fac-simile  of  a  copperplate  cngravinR  in  II.  Ilullan'i's  Heroolo^a,  Araheim,  1620,  p.  105, —  L  bmk 
now  mre.  There  is  a  copy  in  ilarvaril  College  Ulirary.  Cf .  aUo  Mugazini-  of  Ameruan  History,  March,  1883. 
There  is  another  head  by  lloubrakcn  in  his  Mirier  ot  heads,  London,  iSij,  p.  47. 

A  library,  which  is  said  to  have  liecn  begun  by  Drake  and  kept  up  by  his  descendants  at  Nutwell 
Cou-t,  Lympstone,  Devon,  was  recently  sold  in  London.  Cf.  l-onJon  Times,  March  16,  iS8v  There  were 
books  in  the  sale  pertaining  to  America,  which  were  pulilishcd  early  enough  tu  have  been  cullcctcd  by  Drake 
himself  ;  but  the  rarest  of  the  Americana,  of  interest  to  tlu'  students  of  this  i>cri<Kl,  must  rather  have  been  the 
accumulation  of  the  younger  Francis  Drake,  the  chronicler  of  his  uncle's  exploits.  .'»onie  of  the  rare  books 
mentioned  in  other  chapters  of  this  history  are  notetl  as  bringing  the  following  prices :  Rich's  Neves  from 
Virginia,  X93;  Whitaker's  Good  Neii'ts  from  Virginia,  JCrp,  later  priced  by  Quaritch  at  ^105;  Hahot's 
New  foumt  /ami  of  Virginia,  X300,  later  advertised  by  (Juaritcli  for  i.'335  ;  Rosier"s  True  Kelalion,  X301, 
later  marked  t)»  Quaritch  at  X335  ;  Declaration  of  the  State  of  the  Colonie  anit  Affairs  in  Virginia,  £^(> ;  De 
la  Warre's  Relation,  JE26  lu. ;  Good  Sfted  to  Virginia.  Jiyo;  Ilamor's  True  Disiourse,  JL.<y^\  Nftv  Life 
of  Virginia,  £18  y,  later  priced  by  Quaritch  at  X23  ;  True  Declaration  of  the  Estat  of  the  Cohnit  of  Vir- 
ginia,  £80,  later  priced  by  Quaritch  at  X96, 
VOL.   III. —  II. 


8f 


NARKATIVK    AM)   CKITICAI,    HISTORY   OK   AMliKKA. 


San  Doiningii  iiiul  S.  Jac(|ueii  ((iuin'-a).'  An 
Knglinli  (rani)latii>n  liy  Thiiinj!!  C'atcs  .ippcarc:! 
in  Uinilon  the  next  year  (15H9)  ax  //  Mummane 
ami  Iruf  Discourst  of  Sir  /•'raniii  Dnit/s  H'fsf 
/hJiiIH  I'ihiu'c,  ivhtreiH  wtre  taktn  lh(  drums  0/ 
SI.JiigK,  Xiiiilo  /fi'm'-.f^i;  Ciirtiii;tnn,  aiiJ  Sainl 
Attgustmc.^  This  lirxt  edition  HccniM  to  have 
1>ccn  without  niaps ;  hut  a  m-coiuI  edition  o(  the 
■tame  year  is  simictinK's  found  with  copivsi  uf  the 
I^-ydcn  III' IIS,  liesides  a  hfth,  a  ma|ipeiiiondi.', 
Hhowing  "The  famous  West  Indian  Voyadge," 
which  did  not  appear  in  the  Ix'ydcn  edition.' 
The  llulh  Ciilali'xuf,  ii.  44 j,  notes  a  third  edition 
for  the  same  year.* 

In  1H55,  I^iiiin  Uicour  edited  at  Paris  a 
French  manuscript  u|><in  this  1585-H6  ex|H:(li- 
lion,  which  li  preserved  in  the  National  Library 
at  Paris.* 

The  expedition  in  15S7,  by  Pralce  and  Norris, 
against  the  .Spaniards  in  Kuroi>c,  does  nut  fall 
within  our  present  scheme.* 

Of  Drake's  last  voyage  in  1 595-96  wc  have 
his  log-b<iok,  printed  for  the  first  time  in 
Kunstmann's  /itiliifckiinf;  Amd  ikiis  in  1S59.  A 
manuscript  account,  by  Thomas  .Maynar'Je,  is 
preserved  in  the  British  Museum,  which,  with 


a  .Spanish  account,  "  Francis  Draquc  y  Juan 
Ac<|uines,"'  was  prin'.ed  by  the  llakluyt  Soiicly 
in  1849,  under  the  editing  of  \V.  I).  C'ooley. 

Henry  Savile's  LiMf  0/  Spanitk  /.its,  giving 
the  earliest  Knglish  account  in  print,  was  issued 
in  London  in  1596  [CurUr-Hrimm  Ciifii/ixitf,vn\. 
i.  no.  50K),  and  was  a'lo  included  in  llikluyl'ii 
third  volume  in  i(icx).'' 

Tide  —  Mfmoirr  hibtwi;ritpkiqu(  (1K67),  p. 
300  —  says  that  llakluyt  lent  his  account,  two 
years  U-forc  he  published  it,  to  the  Dutch  his' 
torian  Van  Meteren,  who  printed  a  Dutch  ver- 
sion of  it  at  Amsterdam  in  159S.* 

A  kinsman  of  Drake  published  at  London, 
in  1626,  .y/r  Francif  Drake  rn'h'fj :  ni/Zini;  ufon 
this  dull  or  ffftmitutit-  <}/•(  lo  follow  his  noblr  sUfs 
for  f;old  and  silvtr,  by  this  mtmoritbU  relation  of 
the  rare  otcurrences  (nex'er  yet  declared  10  the 
world)  III  a  third  V'oyaj^e  made  by  him  lo  the 
West  /tidies  in  the  yeares '■;  2  and 'jy,  faithfully 
taken  out  of  the  reforle  of  Christofer  Ceely,  Ki- 
lls //ixon,  and  others ;  reriewed  by  Sir  Fr. 
Drake  himself,  and  set  forth  by  Sir  Fr.  Drake, 
his  nei>he^i<y  This  edition  was  reissued  in  1628, 
with  the  errata  corrected."  It  was  again  reissued 
in  1653,  in  the  first  collected  edition  of  Drake's 


1     ! 


I> 


•  tarter-Brown  Catalogue,  i.  374  ;  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  10 ;  Leclerc,  Bibliolheca  Americana  ( J05  francs) ; 
Hulh  Catalogw,  ii.  441.  Leclerc,  no.  3,744,  prices  the  maps  alune  at  400  francs;  and  Quaritch,  in  1K77, 
advertised  them  fur  .£50.  The  Lenox  Library  has  a  cupy  with  the  four  maps,  and  a  second  copy  with  different 
vignedes  on  the  title. 

'''  Qiiaritch  prices  a  copy  at  .£10  loj. ;  Stevens,  Nuggets,  puts  one  at  X.\  ty.  6d.  ilakluyt's  third  volume 
(i6oo)k<vcs  the  narrative.  In  some  copies  of  Ilakluyt's  volume  of  I5S<)  tl  ere  is  found,  before  page  644,  a 
bro,idsidc,  giving  a  journal  from  Drake's  log-book,  .*<fpt.  14, 15S5,  lo  July  jj,  i^,i(}.  (.Sabin,  vi.  541.)  It  was  on 
this  voyai;c  that  Drake  on  his  return  visited  the  new  svltlenieiit  In  Virginia,  as  mentioned  in  chap.  iv.  of  the 
present  volume. 

8  Oiiaritch,  in  1877,  claimed  that  only  three  copies  of  this  map  were  known,  and  only  four  or  five  cr/nplete 
sets  of  the  >.'her  four  are  known.  The  niappemoncic  is  in  the  (ircnvillc  copy,  and  was  in  a  copy  po^.iCs.sed  by 
Kodd,  the  London  dealer,  fifty  years  ago.  Ilaptista  II.  (or  lloazio)  seems  to  have  been  the  designer  or  engraver. 
There  is  also  a  copy  of  this  fifth  map  in  the  Lenox  Library. 

'*  The  Hiiii  Calal'giie  al&u  gives  all  live  inaps  to  the  first  edition  (52  pages);  says  the  errata  are  corrected 
'n  the  !  ccond  c<  ition,  and  die  words  "  with  gcugiaphical  iiiapiies,"  etc.,  arc  left  out  of  the  title;  while  for  the 
third  edition  (copy  in  the  King's  Library,  in  the  lirltish  Museum)  a  smaller  ty|>e  is  used,  contracting  it  to  ;7 
pages.  .'\n  cditiin  of  1596  is  sometimes  cited,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  such  exists.  Lowndes  mentions  a  somewhat 
doubtful  I-'ren  :h  edition  of  the  same  year. 

6  Kohn's  Lowndes,  p.  Wk). 

«  Hare  mention  mav,  however,  be  made  of  the  English  accounts,  A  true  coffie  of  a  Discourse,  London, 
itSfl,  which  has  Ixrcn  repriiitetl  by  Collier,  and  Robert  Leng's  Sir  Frauds  Drake's  valuable  Service  done 
against  the  S/'aniards,  in  tif!  Camden  .'Society's  Miscellanies,  vol.  v.,  and  t'le  l.atin  account  printed  at  Frank- 
fort, 1590,  and  a  (icrman  one  at  Munich,  the  same  year.  .Stevens's  Bibliolheca  Uistorica  (1870),  no.  597; 
llohn's  Lowndes,  p.  668. 

'  This  n.iniK  is  the  ?panis),  rendering  of  John  Hawkins;  and  Dra-iue  and  Aquines  figure  also  in  Torres' 
Kelacion  de  los  serviciosde  Solomayor,  Madrid,  1610.     Rich  ( iSy),  no.  156. 

•  Mr.  J.  P.  C'llier  printed  a  small  (one  hundred  copies)  facsimile  edition  of  the  1596  book;  but  most  of  the 
copies  were  destroyed  by  fire.  A  full  Krlatiou  of  this  voyage,  dated  1652,  was  included  in  the  1653  edition  of 
.S'(>  Francis  Drake  Knived,  and  is  sometimes  found  separately  ;  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  753. 

'•»  There  were  other  Dutch  editions  in  1643  (called  by  Muller  the  best ;  cf.  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  521, 
for  Journalcn  van  drie  I'oyagien)  and  1644.  A  Cierman  account  was  added  in  1598  to  the  narrsitive  of  Can- 
dish's  voyages,  printed  at  Amsterdam.  Carlei-Brown  Catalogue,  i.  no.  520.  The  rendering  in  De  Dry,  part 
viii..  Is  incorrect  and  incomplete. 

i«  Rich  (1S32),  no.  204.  ti  8.<. ;  Sunderland,  ii.  4.052 !  ""'b,  ii.  p.  444;  Carter-Brown,  vol.  ii.  no.  312. 
There  is  a  copy  in  Charles  Deane's  collection.     It  is  worth  X6  or  £t. 

tl  The  Crenville  Catalogue  errs  in  making  this  the  first  edition.  Huth,  ii.  444  j  Brinley,  i.  49 ;  Carter 
Brown,  ii.  332. 


Ii* 


HAWKINS   ANU   DRAKE. 


»3 


CAVKNIJISH.' 


voyages,  under  the  title,  Sir  Francis  Drake  re- 
vived :  four  set'eral  voyat^es  .  .  .  (olltcted  out  of 
the  notes  of  the  said  Sir  Francis  Drake,  Master 
Philip  A'ichtls,  Master  Francis  Fletcher,  .  .  . 
carefully  compared  together:^ 

In  1595  a  Life  of  Drake  by  C.  FitzGeffrcy 
was  published  In  London.'  Fuller,  in  his  Ifoly 
and  Prophane  State  (1642),  gives  a  characteristic 


seventeenth-century  estimate  of  Drake,  and  he 
knew  some  of  Drake's  kin. 

Samuel  Clarke's  Life  and  Death  of  Drake 
was  published  in  London  in  1671.*  Robert 
Burton's  English  Hero,  long  a  popular  book, 
and  passing  through  many  editions,  was  first 
published  in  16S7  and  1695,  and  was  trans- 
lated into  German  and  other  foreign  tongues. 


'  Follows  a  copper|>late  cns;raving  in  H.  Holland's  Heroologia,  Amheim,  1620,  p.  89. 
''<  .Sunderland,  vol.  il.  no.  4,05] ;  Huth,  ii.  444 ;  Carter-Urown,  vol.  IL  no.  75J.    There  is  also  a  copy  in 
Harvard  College  Library. 

'  Rcprinte<l  in  1S19,  at  the  Lee  Priory  prw-i,  by  Sir  Kperton  Ilrvdgc*, 

*  Satiin  (Dictionary,  iv.  1.1,445)  '^Vs  the  title  differs  in  some  copies.     Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  l,os6. 


-I 


» 


f 


)\ 


84 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


'■^t 


Dr.  Johnton'i  Lift  of  Drakr  hat  hin  peculiar 
'*4vor.  Of  the  later  biographies,  Harrow's  leemt 
to  unite  beat  the  various  details  of  Drake's 
career.' 

The  voyanes  of  Candish,  or  Cavendish,  can 
be  followed  in  the  I.atin  and  CuTinan  of  De  Dry's 
eighth  part  of  hiH  Ureat  l'oy,igts  (\ yjf)),  and  in 
an  abridged  form  in  IluUius'  part  vi.  There 
Is  no  separate  English  edition  of  the  account  of 


the  1586-88  voyage,  written  by  Francis  Trelty, 
who  look  part  in  it;  but  besides  the  teal  in  llak- 
luyl's  third  volume  (it  had  been  briefly  given  In 
the  15M9  edition),  it  can  be  found  in  the  later 
collections  of  Callender  (1766),  Harris  (vol.  i.), 
and  Kerr  (vol.  a.) ;  cf.  S.  Collibcr's  Co/ummi 
A'oj/ratii,  or  a  Critual  llittory  0/  EHgliik  Sea 
Affairs,  I^ndon,  1727.  It  was  later  reprinted 
in  Dutch,  Amsterdam,  1598,  and  in  1617.' 


i^l 


SIR    FRANCIS   DRAKE.' 


'    '.' 


y\ 


1  For  a  Drake  bibliography  we  must  Ro  to  .'iabin's  Didionary,  v.  20,827,  etc.,  and  Bohn's  Lowndes. 
Stevens  (Historhal  Colltdions,  vol.  i.  no.  202)  notes  a  collection  of  copies  from  manuscripts  in  public  deposi- 
taries in  England  which  had  been  brouKht  together  as  materials  for  writing  a  memoir  of  Drake,  As  a  Devonshire 
hero,  Drake  figures  in  the  local  litemlure  of  Plymouth  and  its  neighborhood. 

2  Cf.  Journalen  van  ilrU  V'oyagien,  which  covers  both  Drake  and  Cavendish's  expeditions,  and  Commelin's 
Begin  tnd*  Vixirtgang,  and  the  collection  of  Gottfried  and  Vander  Aa  (1727).  Thomas  Lcxige,  the  Eliza- 
bethan dramatist,  accompanied  Candish  in  his  voyage  of  circumnavigation,  and  translated  upon  it,  from  the 
.'Spanish,  his  Margarite  of  America,  published  in  London  in  1596.  Sabin's  Dieti0nary,x.^i,j6^;  Bohn's 
Lowndes,  p.  1,383. 

•  This  portrait,  said  to  follow  the  thre<W)uartcrs  likeness  in  Vaughan's  print  (of  which  there  is  a  copy  In 
the  Lenox  Lilwary),  is  a  fac-simile  of  a  cut  in  the  title  of  Sir  Francis  Drake  rcx<ived,  issued  in  London  in  1626, 
by  his  nephew,  Sir  I-'rancis  Drake,  Baronet ;  cf.  Carter-Brown  CUaiogue,  ii.  133.  Another  likeness  of  a  little 
later  date  will  be  observed  in  the  fac-simile  of  the  Virginia  Farrar  map,  given  in  connection  with  Professor 
Keen's  paper  on  "  Plowden's  Grant,"  in  the  present  volume.  There  are  other  portraits  on  the  title  of  Dc  Bry, 
part"  viii.  (1599)  and  xi.  (1610),  and  in  Ilulsius,  part  vi.  (1603),  and  on  the  folding  map  in  part  xvi.  (1619); 
d.  akj  I  J  Voy<ige  Curieux,  Paris,  1641. 

Some  new  light  has  been  thrown  upon  Drake  by  a  namesake.  Dr.  Drake,  in  the  Archeeological  Journal, 
1873  ;  and  Mr.  Walter  Herries  Pollock  says  the  .'atest  word  in  the  National  Revinv,  May,  1883.  Two  other  testi- 
monies to  the  alleged  change  of  the  name  of  .San  Francisco  Bay  (see  p.  77)  may  be  found  among  the  contribu- 
tions of  the  middle  of  the  last  century  to  the  history  of  the  Pacific  coast  geography.  The  map  published  by  the 
Imperial  Academy  of  St.  Petersburg  in  1754  and  1773  says,  "  Port  de  Francois  Drake,  fausement  appell6  de  St. 
Francois."  J.  Green,  in  his  Remarks  in  support  of  the  new  Chart  of  North  and  South  America,  London, 
i753>  saysi  "The  French  geographers  within  this  century  have  converted  Port  Sir  Francois  Drake  into  Pott 
San  Francisco." 


i} 


CHAPTER    III. 

EXPLORATIONS  TO  THE  NORTH-WEST. 

MV  CHARLES  C.  SMITH. 

Trtannr  k/  I**  .iktua<kmull$  Huttritml  Suklf. 


TWV.  fresh  spirit  of  maritime  atlvcnturc  which  marked  the  last  decade 
of  the  fifteenth  century  and  the  first  quarter  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
owed  its  orijjin  to  mistaken  theories  as  to  the  distance  between  tlie  west  of 
Europe  and  the  east  of  Asia.  Cohimbus  beheved  that  the  land  whicli  he 
first  discovered  wan  an  island  on  the  coast  of  Japan ;  and  he  seems  never  t«) 
have  relinquished  this  idea.  The  contemporary  neo^jraphers  all  cherished 
the  same  mistake ;  and  the  early  maps  give  a  much  better  representation  of 
the  coast-line  of  Asia  than  they  do  of  the  shores  of  North  America.'  It  is 
a  curious  fact  that  the  true  position  and  form  of  South  America  were  fa- 
miliar to  cartographers  long  before  there  was  any  exact  knowledge  of  the 
northern  half  of  the  continent.  North  America  was  regarded  as  an  island 
or  a  collection  of  islands,  through  which  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  find 
a  short  passage  to  Zipang-.i  and  Cathay, — the  modern  Japan  and  China.'-' 
Gradually  these  mistakes  yielded  to  more  correct  views ;  but  it  was  still  be- 
lieved that  a  feasible  passage  existed  around  the  northern  shore  of  the  new 
continent.  This  belief  was  the  inspiring  motive  of  all  the  early  north- 
western explorations,  and  it  lingered  almost  to  our  own  time,  long  after 
every  one  knew  that  such  a  passage  would  be  of  no  practical  use.  At 
length  the  problem  has  been  solved ;  but  the  introduction  of  new  methotls 
of  ocean  and  land  trade  and  travel  has  deprived  it  of  all  but  a  purely  scien- 
tific and  geographical  interest.  Meanwhile  the  search  for  a  northwest  pas- 
sage has  developed  an  heroic  endurance  and  a  perseverance  in  surmounting 
obstacles  scarcely  paralleled  anywhere  else,  and  has  added  largely  to  the 
stores  of  human  knowledge. 

At  the  head  of  the  long  list  of  explorers  for  a  northwest  passage  stand 
the  names  of  the  Cabots;  but  the  intricate  questions  as  t-  the  measure  of 
just  fame  to  be  assigned  to  father  and  son  have  been  fully  treated  in  another 
chapter  of  this  work,^  and  neither  John  nor  Sebastian  penetrated  the  more 

»  [Cf.  map  given  on  page  ii.  —  Ed. J 

*  [Cf ■  the  Lenox  Globe  and  other  delineations,  in  chap.  vL  —  Ed.] 

I  [Chap.  L,  by  Charles  Deane.  —  £o.] 


I    ' 


:( 


In    ,        ,        i 


mA 


86 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAI.    HISTORY   OF    AMKRICA. 


■( 


northern  watcrH  with  which  our  inquiry  ia  mainly  concerned.  It  in 
enough  now  to  recall  their  names  us  the  leaders  in  an  enterprise  in  which 
for  nearly  three  centuries  Kn^land  took  a  foremost  part,  and  that  so  early 
as  1497  John  Cabot  set  sail  in  the  hope  of  this  jjreat  discovery.  Within 
the  next  half  century  he  was  followed  by  his  son  Sebastian,  the  Cortereals, 
C'articr,  and  I  lore,  not  one  of  whom  sought  to  reach  a  \\\^h  northern  lati- 
tude. It  was  not  until  I'Vobisher  sailed  on  his  first  voyage  that  the  real 
northivest  e.xplorations  can  be  said  fairly  to  have  be(;un.  Since  that  time 
more  than  <me  hundred  voyages  and  land  journeys  have  bren  undertaken 
in  this  vain  (|uest. 

In  two  of  the  northwestern  voyages  of  Martin  Frobishcr  the  discovery 
of  a  short  way  to  the  South  Sea  was  only  a  secondary  object.  The  adven- 
turers  at  whose  cost  they  were  undertaken  looked  mainly  to  the  profit  from  a 
successful  search  for  gold,  though  they  were  not  unmindful  of  the  advantages 
to  be  gained  by  shortening  the  distance  to  the  Spice  Islands  of  the  Kast. 
In  the  bitter  quarrel  between  Krobisher  and  Michael  Lok,  after  the  third 
voyage,  it  was  charged  that  I'robisher  had  neglected  this  part  of  the 
undertaking.  Hut  it  was  natviral  that  Lok,  who  had  no  doubt  lost  heavily 
by  the  voyages,  should  be  angry  with  I-'robisher,  and  endeavor  to  make  the 
most  of  any  failure  on  his  part  to  carry  out  the  whole  plan;  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  believe  that  Frobishcr  wilfully  neglected  the  interests  or  the  wishes 
of  his  employers,  however  much  they  may  have  been  disappointed.  The 
whole  amount  subscribed  for  the  three  voyages  was  upward  of  twenty  thou- 
sand pounds,  and  of  this  sum  Lok  subscribed,  for  himself  and  his  children, 
nearly  one  fourth.  Among  the  subscribers  were  (jueen  IClizabeth,  who 
invested  four  thousand  pounds,  Lord  Hurleigh,  the  Larl  and  Countess  of 
Warwick,  the  Karl  of  Leicester,  the  Karl  anil  Countess  of  Pembroke,  Sir 
Philip  Sidney,  Sir  Thomas  Grcsham,  Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  and  others 
scarcely  less  conspicuous  in  that  generation. 

Frobishcr's  first  expedition  consisted  of  two  small  vessels,  the  "  Gabriel " 
anil  the  "  Michael,"  one  of  twenty-five  tons  and  the  other  of  twenty  tons, 
and  a  pinnace  of  ten  tons.  They  set  sail  from  IJlackwall  on  the  15th  of 
June,  1576,  but  it  was  not  until  the  ist  of  July  that  they  were  clear  of  the 
coa.st  of  Kngland.  Not  long  after  coming  in  sight  of  Friesland,  h"robisher 
parted  company  with  the  pinnace,  in  which  were  four  men,  who  were  never 
seen  again ;  and  about  the  same  time  the  "  Michael "  slippcc*  away  without 
any  warning,  and  returned  to  Kngland.  Nevertheless,  Frobishcr  pressed 
on,  and  on  the  21st  he  entered  the  opening  now  known  as  Frobisher's 
Strait  or  Bay,  "having  upon  eyther  hande  a  great  mayne  or  continent; 
and  that  land  uppon  hys  right  hande  as  hcc  sayled  westward,  he  judged 
to  be  the  contincntc  of  Asia,  and  there  to  bee  devided  from  the  firme  of 
America,  which  lyeth  uppon  the  leftc  hande  over  against  the  same."  *  Into 
this  bay,  as  it  is  now  known  to  be,  he  sailed  about  sixty  leagues,  capturing 
one  of  the  natives,  whom  he  carried  to  Kngland.    The  land,  Meta  Incognita, 


*  Collinson's  TArtf  I'oyages  of  Martin  fiMiisker,  p.  72;  Hakluyt's  t'oyages  (ed.  1600),  iii.  58. 


IIXI'LOKATIONS  TO  THE   Nt)KTH-\VEST. 


»7 


he  took  |>oMcn<«ion  of  in  the  name  of  tijc  Queen  of  England,  commanding 
his  company,  "  if  by  anyc  possible  mcancs  they  could  i,'et  ashore,  to  bring 
him  whatsoever  thinj;  they  could  first  find,  whether  it  were  living  or  dead, 
Btocke  or  st«)ne.  in  token  of  Christian  possession."  •  Some  of  the  men 
returned  to  him 
with  flowers,  some 
with  green  grass, 
"  and  one  brought 
a  peece  of  black 
stone,  much  lyke 
to  a  seacole  in 
coloure,  which  by 
the  waight  seemed 
to  be  some  kinde 
of  mcttall  or  myn- 
erail."  Frobisher 
reached  Kngland 
on  his  return  in 
the  following  Oc- 
tober, and  on  his 
arrival  presented 
the  stone  to  one 
of  his  friends,  an 
adventurer  in  the 
voyage.  The  wife 
of  this  gentleman 
accidentally  threw 
it  into  the  fire, 
where  it  remained 
for  some  time, 
wlien  it  was  taken 
o'Jt  and  quenched 

in  vinegar.  It  then  appeared  of  a  bright  gold  color,  and  on  being  sub- 
mitted to  a  goldfindcr  in  London,  was  said  to  be  rich  in  gold ;  and  large 
profits  were  promised  if  the  ore  was  sufficiently  abundant. 

With  this  report,  there  was  little  difficulty  in  providing  means  for  a 
second  voyage.  The  new  expedition  consisted  of  a  "  tall  ship  of  her 
Majesty's,"  named  the  "  Aydc,"  of  two  hundred  tons,  and  of  two  smaller 
vessels,  with  the  same  names  as  those  in  the  former  voyage,  but  now  said 
to  be  of  thirty  tons  each.  They  were  manned  in  all  by  one  hundred  and 
twenty  men,  to  which  number  Frobisher  was  limited  by  his  orders.  After 
some  delay,  he  sailed  from  Harwich  on  the  31st  of  May,  1577.  By  his 
orders  he  was  directed  to  proceed  at  once  to  the  place  where  the  mineral 

*  CoUinson's  Thrte  Voyages  of  Martin  Frobisher,  p.  73;  Haklu)-t's  Voyages,  HL  59. 

•  This  cut  follows  the  engraving  in  the  Ilakluyt  Society's  edition  of  Frobishet's  Voyages. 


'r(U)^iiy/^cf^{/^ 


88 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


!    I 


; 


f 


M 


was  found,  and  set  the  miners  at  work.  There  he  was  to  leave  the  "  Ayde," 
and  then  to  sail  tc  another  place  visited  on  his  first  voyage,  where  a  further 
attempt  at  mining  was  to  be  made,  and  where  one  of  the  small  barks  was  to 
be  left.  With  the  remaining  bark  he  was  to  sail  fifty  or  a  hundred  leagues 
farther  west,  to  make  "  certayne  that  you  are  entred  into  the  South  Sea ; 
and  in  yo'  passage  to  learne  all  that  you  can,  and  not  to  tarye  so  longe 
from  the  '  Ayde '  and  worckm^^n  but  that  you  bee  able  to  retorne  homewards 
w'**  the  shippes  iii  due  tyme."  If  the  mines  should  prove  less  productive 
than  it  was  hoped  they  would  be,  he  was  to  "  proceade  towards  the  discov- 
ering of  Cathaya  w*"*  the  t^vo  barcks,  and  returne  the  '  Ayde '  for  England 
agaync."'  Frobisher  had  his  first  sight  of  Friesland  on  the  4th  of  July; 
and  he  reached  Milford  Ha"en,  in  Wales,  on  his  return  voyage,  about  the 
23d  of  Septomber.  During  this  period  of  a  little  more  than  two  months,  his 
energies  were  mainly  devoted  to  procuring  ore,  of  which,  in  twenty  days, 
he  obtained  nearly  two  hundred  tons ;  but  he  also  made  as  careful  an  exam- 
ination as  was  practicable  of  the  region  previously  visited  by  him,  and 
added  something  to  the  stock  of  geographical  knowledge.  Two  of  the 
natives  were  captured,  and  were  carried  to  England  to  be  educated  as 
interpreters. 

Frobisher's  third  voyage  was  planned  on  a  much  larger  scale  than  any 
other  which  h  .lerto  had  been  sent  to  the  Arctic  regions,  and  he  was  placed 
in  command  of  fifteen  vessels.  They  were  all  collected  at  Hai'wich  by  the 
27th  of  May,  1578;  and  after  receiving  their  instructions  from  F/obisher, 
they  sailed  together  on  the  31st.  On  the  2d  of  July  they  reached  the  mouth 
of  Frobisher's  Bay ;  but  after  entering  it  a  short  distance,  they  found  it  so 
choked  with  ice  that  it  was  impossible  to  proceed.  One  of  the  vessels  was 
soon  sunk  by  the  ice,  and  all  suffered  more  or  less.  After  beating  about  for 
several  days,  they  entered  a  strait,  supposed  at  first  to  lead  to  their  desired 
goal,  but  which  was,  in  fact,  what  is  now  known  as  Hudson's  Strait,  the  en- 
trance to  the  great  bay  which  bears  his  name,  "  havyng  alwayes  a  fayre 
continente  uppon  their  starreboorde  syde,  and  a  continuance  still  of  an  open 
sea  before  them."  According  to  Best,  one  of  the  captains,  and  an  historian 
of  the  expedition,  Frobisher  was  probably  one  of  the  first  to  discover  the 
mistake,  though  he  persuaded  his  followers  that  they  were  in  the  right 
course  and  the  known  straits.  "  Howbeit,"  he  adds,  "  I  suppose  he  rather 
dissembled  his  opinion  therein  than  otherwyse,  meaning  by  that  poiicie 
(being  hymself  ledde  with  an  honorable  desire  of  further  discoverie)  to 
enduce  y«  fleete  to  follow  him,  to  see  a  further  proofe  of  that  place.  And, 
as  some  of  the  company  reported,  he  hath  since  confessed,  that,  if  it  had 
not  bin  for  the  charge  and  care  he  had  of  y«  fleete  and  fraughted  shippes, 
he  both  would  and  could  have  gone  through  to  the  South  Sea,  called  Mare 
del  Sur,  and  dissolved  the  long  doubt  of  the  passage  which  we  seeke  to  find 
to  the  rich  countrey  of  Cataya."^    Toward  the  latter  part  of  July  it  was 

'  Collinson's  Three  Vayagei  of  Martin  Frobisher,^.  119. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  242 ;  Hakluyt's  Vovaees,  iii.  80. 


EXPLORATIONS   TO   THE   NORTH-WEST. 


89 


determined  not  to  nroceed  any  farther,  and  after  many  difficulties  and 
dangers  theyretir  d  to  Meta  Incognita.  It  had  been  their  intention  to 
erect  a  house  here,  and  to  leave  a  considerable  party  to  spend  the  winter. 
But  after  a  full  consideration  it  was  decided  that  this  plan  was  impracticable, 
and  it  was  relinquished.  A  house  of  lime  and  stone  was,  however,  built 
on  the  Countess  of  VVanvick's  Island,  in  which  numerous  articles  were 
deposited.  On  the  last  day  of  August  the  fleet,  having  completed  their 
loading  with  more  than  thirteen  hundred  tons  of  ore,  sailed  for  England, 
where  they  arrived  at  various  times  about  the  1st  of  October,  and  with  the 
loss  of  not  more  than  forty  men  in  all.  The  ore  proved  to  be  of  very 
little  value,  and  the  adventurers  lost  a  large  part  of  what  they  had  sub- 
scribed.' 

Of  the  voyages  of  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  who  is  often  included  among 
the  northwest  e.xplorers,  little  need  be  said  here ;  for  though  he  wrote  an 
elaborate  Discourse  of  a  Discovery  for  a  new  Pas::age  to  Cataia,  to  stimulate 
the  search  for  a  northwest  passage,  the  voyage  in  which  he  lost  his  life  was 
not  extended  beyond  the  coasts  of  Newfoundland.* 

Next  in  importance  to  the  three  voyages  of  Frobisher  are  the  three  voy- 
ages of  Captain  John  Davis,  who  has  been  immortalized  by  the  magnifi- 


cent strait  which  bears  his  name,  and  which  was  discovered  on  his  first 
voyage.  On  this  voyage  he  sailed  from  Dartmouth  on  the  7th  of  June, 
1585,  with  two  vessels, — the  *'  Sunshine,"  of  fifty  tons,  manned  by  twenty- 
three  persons,  and  the  "  Moonshine,"  of  thirty-fi  jg  tons,  with  seventeen 
men.  But  it  was  not  until  three  weeks  later  that  he  was  able  to  take  his 
final  departure  from  the  Scilly  Islands ;  and  he  arrived  at  Dartmouth,  on 
his  return,  on  the  30th  of  September.  In  this  brief  period  he  made  some 
important  discoveries,  and  sailed  as  far  north  as  66°  40',  and  westward 
farther  than  any  one  had  yet  penetrated,  "  finding  no  hindrance."  He  nat- 
urally concluded  that  he  had  already  discovered  the  desired  passage,  and 
that  it  was  only  necessary  to  press  forward  in  order  to  insure  entire  success. 
But  he  was  compelled  by  stress  of  weather  to  put  back,  and  he  reached 
England  shortly  afterward.  On  his  second  voyage  his  little  fleet  was  in- 
creased by  the  addition  of  the  "  Mermaid,"  of  one  hundred  tons,  and  the 


'  In  his  first  expedition  to  seek  for  traces  of 
Sir  John  Franklin,  1860-1862,  our  countryman, 
Captain  Charles  F.  Hall,  obtained  and  brought 
honae  numerous  relics  of  Frobishcr's  voyages. 
Some  of  these  were  sent  to  England,  and  others 
are  deposited  in  the  National  Museum  at  Wash- 
ington. See  Hall's  Arctic  Researches,  passim; 
VOL.    HI. —  12. 


CoUinson's  Three  Voyages,  I'tc,  Appendix;  and 
the  Semi-Aniiual  Keport  of  the  Council  of  the 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  October,  1882. 

'•'  [See  Dr.  De  Costa's  chapter,  and  Gilbert's 
map  and  comments  in  Editorial  Note  A,  suh 
anno  1 576,  at  the  end,  and  also  the  notes  at  the 
end  of  Mr.  Henry's  chapter.  —  Eu.] 


i 


hi 


90 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


frM 


vA 


^S/y^y-^^ 


"  North  Star,"  a  pinnace  of  ten  tons.    He  sailed  from  Dartmouth  on  the  7th 
of  May,  1586,  and  for  a  time  everything  promised  well;   but  at  the  end 

of  July  the  crew  of  his  largest  vessel 
became    iliscontented,  and    returned 
with  her  to  England.    Meanwhile,  the 
"  Sunshine  "  and  the  pinnace  had  been 
sent  to  make  discoveries  to  the  east- 
ward of  Greenland.     I'lit,  in  nowise 
disheartened  by  these  circumstances, 
Davis    determined   to   prosecute    his 
enterprise  in  the  "Moonshine."     He 
reached,   however,  not  quite  so   far 
north  as  in  his  previous  voyage,  and 
apparently  about  as  fai  west,  and  ar- 
rived home  early  in  October,  —  "  not 
ha\  itig  done  so  much  as  he  did  in  his 
first  voyage,"  is  the  judgment  of  one 
of  his  successors  in  Arctic  navigation.^ 
On  his  third  voyage  he  sailed 
from  Dartmouth,  on  the  19th 
of  May,  1587,  with  three  ves- 
sels, —  the    "  Elizabeth,"    the 
"  Sunshine,"  and  a  smaller  ves- 
sel, the  "  Helen," — and  arrived 
at  the  same  port,  on  his  return, 
the    15th    of    September.       His 
course  was  in  the  track  which  he  had 
previously  followed;    but   he   added 
little  to  the  knowledge  he  had  already 
gained,  and  having  been  inadequately 
provided    for    a    long    voyage,    was 
obliged   to   sail   for  home  when   he 
thought  "  the  passage  is  most  prob- 
able, the  exec  ition  easie."  ^ 

It  is  a  matter  for  surprise,  in  view 


FROM  THE  MOLINEAUX  GLOBE,  1592.' 

*  [This  globe  is  now  in  the  Middle  Temple. 
(See  Editorial  Note  E,  at  the  end  of  Dr.  De 
Costa's  chapter.)  This  is  thought  to  have  been 
made,  in  part  at  least,  from  Davis's  charts,  which 
are  now  lost.  Kohl's  Catalogue  0/  Maps  in  Hak- 
luyt,  p.  23.  The  sketch  is  to  be  interpreted 
thus : — 

7.  Gilbert's  Sound. 

8.  Easter  Point. 

9.  Regin.  Eli.  forland. 

10.  Fretum  Davis. 

11.  Mare  Conglelatum. 


1.  Grocland. 

2.  Hope  Sanderson. 

3.  London  cost. 
4-  ^'   rchant  Yle. 
5.  1/avies  island. 


«3- 
14. 

IS- 
16. 

»7- 
18. 

19- 

20. 
21. 


Sandrson's  tour. 

Mont  Ralegh. 

E.  Cumberland  isles. 

E.  Warwicke's  forland. 

L.  Lumley's  inlet. 

A  furious  overfall. 

Terre  de  Labrador. 

Dorgeo. 

I.  de  Arel.  (?) 


—  Ed.] 


'6.  Challer's  Cape.        12.  C.  Bedford. 


'•I  Northwest  Fox,  \t.  42. 
'  Letter  to  Mr.  Sanderson,  in  Hakluyt's  Voy- 
ages, iii.  114. 


!' 


EXPLORATIONS    TO   THE   NORTH-WEST. 


91 


of  the  sanguine  expectations  of  Davis,  that  an  interval  of  nearly  fifteen  years 
elapsed  between  his  return  from  his  third  voyage  and  the  sailing  of  the  next 
expedition.  This  was  sent  out  at  the  cost  of  the  East  India  Company, 
and  consisted  of  two  small  ves- 
sels, —  the  "  Discovery,"  under 
the  command  of  Captain  George 
Waymouth,  and  the  "  God- 
speed," under  John  Drew.  Way- 
mouth  sailed  from  the  Thames 
on  the  2d  of  May,  1602,  under 
a  contract  which  provided  that 
he  should  sail  directly  toward 
the  coast  of  Greenland  and  the 
sea  described  as  Fretum  Davis, 
and  that  thence  he  should  pro- 
ceed by  those  seas,  "or  as  he 
shall  find  the  passadge  best  to 
lye  towards  the  parts  or  king- 
dom of  Cataya  or  China,  or  the 
backe  side  of  America,  w'''out 
geveng  ouer  the  proceedinge  on 
his  course  soe  longe  as  he  shall  finde  those  seas  or  any  pte  thereof  navi- 
gable, and  any  possibilitie  to  make  way  or  passadge  through  them."^     In 

spite  of  these  specific 
/,  r~^S5~"A  directions,  the  voyage 
J^j  was  not  productive  of 
any  important  results, 
though  it  is  probable 
that  he  sighted  land  to  the  north  of  Hudson's  Strait;  and  Luke  Fox 
appears  to  have  been  right  when  he  says  that  Waymouth  "  neither  discov- 
ered nor  named  any  thing  more  than  Davis,  nor  had  any  sight  of  Groen- 
land,  nor  was  so  farre  north ;  nor  can  I  conceive  he  hath  added  anything 
more  to  this  designe.  Yet  these  two,  Davis  and  he,  did  (I  conceive), 
light  Hudson  into  his  straights."  ^    Waymouth  himself  ascribed  his  failure 


FROM   MOLINEAUX'S   MAP,    160O.' 


'  (It  is  claimed  that  Davis,  who  was  in  Eng- 
land, June,  1600,  to  February,  1601,  probably 
furnished  the  plot,  and  there  is  manifest  an 
endeavor  in  it  to  reconcile  the  old  Zeno  map. 
Davis's  discoveries  are  correctly  placed,  but  Fro- 
bisher's  are  on  the  wrong  side  of  the  Straits.  It 
needs  the  following  key :  — 

1.  A  furious  overfall. 

2.  Warwick's  forelande. 

3.  E.  Cumberland  Inlet. 

4.  Estotiland. 

5.  M.  Rawghley. 

6.  Saunderson's  towe. 

7.  C.Bedford. 


8.  Fretum  Davis. 

9.  Desolation. 

10.  Warwick's  Forlande  {repeated). 

11.  Meta  incognita. 

12.  Mr.  Forbusher's  straights. 

13.  Reg.  E.  Foreland. 

14.  Freyland. 

15.  Gronlande. 

See  Editorial  Note  F,  at  the  end  of  Dr.  De 
Costa's  chapter.  —  Ed.] 

*  Rundall's  Narratives  of  Voyages  towards  t/u 
Northwest,  p.  62. 

*  Northwest  Fox,  p.  50. 


)    \ 


i1 


I 


w  \\ 


92 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


',.1 


+•<!' 


to  a  mutiny  which  occurred  in  the  latter  part  of  July,  and  which  compelled 
him  to  return  to  Dartmouth,  where  he  arrived  on  the  5th  of  August.  An 
inquiry  into  the  causes  of  the  failure  was  begun  shortly  afterward,  but  no 
evidence  has  been  found  to  show  how  it  terminated. 

Three  voyages  were  undertaken  not  long  afterward  by  the  Danes,  in 
which  James  Hall  was  the  chief  pilot ;  and  one  by  the  English,  under  the 
command  of  John  Knight,  in  a  pinnace  of  forty  tons,  sent  out  by  the  East 
India  and  Muscovy  companies.  But  each  of  these  voyages  had  for  its  jhief 
object  the  discovery  of  gold  and  silvr  mines,  and  though  they  all  seem  to 
have  followed  in  the  track  of  F"robisher,  they  added  little  or  nothing  to  the 
knowledge  of  Arctic  geography,  and  contributed  nothing  toward  the  solu- 
tion of  the  problem  of  a  northwest  passage.  The  first  of  these  expeditions, 
in  which  both  Hall  and  Knight  were  employed,  consisted  of  two  small  ships 
and  a  pinnace,  and  sailed  from  Copenhagen  on  the  2d  of  May,  1605,  After 
coasting  along  the  western  shore  of  Davis  Strait  as  far  north  as  69°,  the 
ships  reached  Elsinore  on  their  return  early  in  August.  The  next  year 
a  fleet  of  four  ships  and  a  pinnace  was  sent  out,  with  Hall  as  pilot-major. 
They  sailed  iiom  Elsinore  on  the  29th  of  May,  but  were  prevented  by  the 
ice  and  stormy  weather  from  reaching  as  far  north  as  before,  and  after 
much  delay  they  returned  to  Copenhagen  on  the  4th  of  October.  In  1607 
Hall  accompanied  a  third  expedition,  consisting  of  two  vessels,  which  was 
equally  unproductive  of  results.  When  they  had  reached  no  farther  than 
Cape  Farewell,  on  the  southern  coast  of  Greenland,  they  were  compelled 
to  return,  from  causes  which  are  variously  stated,  but  which  were  probably 
complicated  by  a  mutinous  spirit  in  the  crew. 

In  the  same  year  with  Hall's  second  voyage.  Knight  sailed  from  Graves- 
end,  on  the  1 8th  of  April.  Two  months  afterward  he  made  land  on  the 
coast  of  Labrador ;  and  the  captain  and  five  men  went  on  shore  to  find  a 
convenient  place  for  repairing  their  vessel.  Leaving  two  men  with  their 
boat,  the  captain  and  three  men  went  to  the  highest  part  of  the  island. 
They  did  not  return  that  day,  and  on  the  following  day  the  state  of  the 
ice  was  such  that  it  was  impossible  to  reach  them,  and  they  were  never 
heard  from  afterward.  The  pinnace  then  went  to  Newfoundland  to  repair ; 
and  after  encountering  many  perils,  reached  Dartmouth  on  the  24th  of  De- 
cember. Hall  made  a  fourth  voyage,  in  1612,  in  two  small  vessels  fitted 
out  by  some  merchant-adventurers  in  London.  In  this  voyage  he  was 
mortally  wounded  in  an  encounter  with  the  Esquimaux  on  the  coast  of 
Labrador.  His  death  destroyed  all  hope  of  a  successful  prosecution  of 
the  enterprise,  and  shortly  afterward  the  vessels  returned  to  England. 

Henry  Hudson  had  already  acquired  a  considerable  reputation  as  a  bold 
and  skilful  navigator,  and  had  made  three  noteworthy  voyages  of  discovery 
when  he  embarked  on  his  voyage  for  northwest  exploration.  On  the  17th 
of  April,  1610,  he  sailed  from  Gravesend  in  the  "  Discovery,"  a  vessel  of 
only  fifty-five  tons,  provisioned  for  six  months ;  and  on  the  9th  of  June 
he  arrived  off  Frobisher's  Strait.     He  then  sailed  southwesterly,  and  enter- 


EXPLORATIONS   TO   THE    NORTH-WEST. 


93 


of 
of 


ing  the  strait  which  bears  his  name,  passed  through  its  entire  length,  naming 
numerous  islands  and  headlands,  and  finally,  on  the  3d  of  August,  saw  before 
him  the  open  waters  of  Hudson's  Bay.  Three  months  were  spent  in  exam- 
ining its  shores,  and  on  the  loth  of  November  his  vessel  was  frozen  in. 
She  was  not  released  until  the  i8th  of  June  in  the  following  year,  and  six 
days  afterward  a  mutiny  occurred.  Hudson  and  his  son,  with  six  of  the 
crew  who  were  either  sick  or  unfit  for  work,  were  forced  into  a  shallop, 
where  they  were  voluntarily  joined  by  the  carpenter ;  and  then  the  frail 
boat  was  cut  loose,  and  the  mutineers  set  sail  for  home,  leaving  their  late 
master  and  his  companions  to  the  mercy  of  the  waves  or  death  by  starva- 
tion. They  were  never  seen  or  heard  of  again ;  but  after  encountering 
great  perils  and  privations,  the  mutineers  finally  made  land  in  Galway  Bay, 
on  the  coast  of  Ireland.  Hudson's  own  account  of  the  voyage  terminates 
with  his  entrance  into  the  bay  discovered  by  him.  For  the  later  e.xplor- 
ations  and  for  the  tragic  end  of  the  great  navigator's  brilliant  career,  we  are 
forced  to  trust  to  the  narrative  of  one  of  his  men,  Abacuk  Pricket.  If  we 
may  believe  the  story  told  by  him,  he  had  no  part  in  the  mutiny ;  but  no 
one  can  read  his  narrative  without  sharing  the  suspicion  of  Fox :  "  Well, 
Pricket,  I  am  in  great  doubt  of  thy  fidelity  to  Master  Hudson."  * 

Two  years  after  Hudson  sailed  on  his  last  voyage,  a  new  expedition  was 
sent  to  the  northwest  under  the  command  of  Sir  Thomas  Button.  It  con- 
sisted of  two  ships,  the  "  Resolution  "  and  the  "  Discovery,"  and  was  pro- 
visioned for  eighteen  months.  "  Concerning  this  voyage,"  says  Luke  Fox, 
"  there  cannot  bee  much  expected  from  me,  seing  that  I  have  met  with 
none  of  the  Journalls  thereof.  It  appeareth  that  they  have  been  concealed, 
for  what  reasons  I  know  not."  *  Button  sailed  from  England  in  the  begin- 
ning of  May,  and  entering  Hudson's  Strait,  crossed  the  Bay  to  the  southern 
point  of  Southampton  Island,  which  he  named  Carey's  Swan's  Nest.  He 
then  kept  on  toward  the  western  side  of  the  Bay,  to  which  he  gave  the  sig- 
nificant name  "  Hope's  Check,"  and  coasting  along  the  shore  he  discovered 
the  important  river  which  he  called  Port  Nelson,  and  which  is  now  known  as 
Nelson's  River.  Here  he  wintered,  "  and  kept  three  fires  all  the  Winter,  but 
lost  many  men,  and  yet  was  supplied  with  great  store  of  white  Partridges 
and  other  Fowle,"  says  Fox.^  On  the  breaking  up  of  the  ice  he  made  a 
thorough  exploration  of  the  bay  and  of  Southampton  Island,  and  finally 
returned  to  England  in  the  autumn,  having  accomplished  enough  to  give 
him  a  foremost  rank  among  Arctic  navigators. 

A  little  less  than  a  year  and  a  half  after  Button's  r  jrn,  Robert  Bylot 
and  William  Baffin  embarked  on  the  first  of  the  two  voyages  commonly 
associated  with  their  names.  They  sailed  from  the  Scilly  Islands  on  Good 
Friday,  April  7,  161 5,  in  the  "  Discovery',"  a  ship  of  about  fifty-five  tons,  in 
which  Bylot  had  already  made  three  voyages  to  the  northwest.     Following 


'  Northwest  Fox,  p.  117.     The  documents  relating  to  Hudson's  fourth  voyage  are  in  Purchas's 
Pilgrimes,  iii.  596-610,  and  in  Asher's  Henry  Hudson,  the  Navigator,  pp.  93-138. 

*  Northwest  Fox,  pp.  117,  118.  •  Ibid.,  p.  118. 


94 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMEriCA, 


a  course  already  familiar  to  him,  they  passed  through  Hudson's  Stiait,  and 
ascended  what  is  now  known  as  Fox  Channel.     Here  and  at  the  western 
p.  end  of  Hudson's  Strait  they  spent  about  three 

TyO^iUldT^t   ^^fl^    weeks,  and  then  sailed  for  home,  where  they  ar- 
•'•'  rived  in  the  early  part  of  September.     Their 

next  voyage  was  one  of  far  greater  interest  and  importance,  and  ranks 
among  the  most  famous  of  the  Arctic  voyages.     They  sailed  again  in  the 


•'  VM 


J*     ' 


SIR  THOMAS  SMITH.* 


"  Discovery,"  leaving  Gravesend  on  the  26th  of  March,  1616,  with  a  com- 
pany numbering  in  all  seventeen  persons ;  and  coasting  along  the  western 
shore  of  Greenland  and  through  Davis  Strait,  they  visited  and  explored 


•  Passe's  engraving  is  very  rare.  It  is  also 
reproduced  by  Markham,  in  whose  Introduction 
ure  accounts  of  Smith,  Sir  Dudley  Digges,  Sir 


John  Wolstenholme,  and  other  eminent  patrons 
of  Arctic  exploration  in  that  day.  See  Belknap's 
American  Biography,  ii.  9. 


EXPLORATIONS   TO  THE    NORTH-WEST. 


95 


both  shores  of  the  great  sea  which  has  ever  since  borne  the  name  of 
Baffin's  Hay.  Here  they  discovered  and  named  the  important  channels 
known  as  Lancaster  Sound  and  Jones  Sound,  beside  numerous  smaller 
bodii.  >  of  water  and  numerous  islands  since  become  familiar  to  Arctic 
voyagers.  All  this  was  accomplished  in  a  short  season,  and  on  the  30th 
of  August  they  cast  anchor  at  Dover  on  their  return. 

Fifteen  years  elapsed,  during  which  no  important  attempt  was  made 
toward  the  discovery  of  a  northwest  passage;  but  in  1631  two  voyages 
were  undertaken,  to  one  of  which  we  owe  the  quaint,  gossippy  narrative 
entitled  Nortlnvest  Fox,  or  Fox  from  the  Northwest  Passage.  Luke  Fo.\, 
its  author,  was  a  Yorkshireman,  of  keen  sense  and  great  perseverance, 
as  well  as  a  skilful  navigator.  He  had  long  been  interested  in  northwest 
explorations;  and,  according  to  his  own  account,  he  wished  to  go  as  mate 
with  Knight  twenty-five  years  before.  At  length  he  succeeded  in  interest- 
ing a  number  of  London  merchants  and  other  persons  in  the  enterprise, 
and  on  the  5ch  of  May,  1631,  he  set  sail  from  Deptford  in  the  "Charles," 
a  pinnace  of  seventy  tons,  victualled  for  eighteen  months.  He  searched 
the  western  part  of  Hudson's  Bay,  discovered  the  strait  and  shore  known 
as  Sir  Thomas  Roe's  Welcome,  sailed  up  Fox  Channel  to  a  point  within 
the  Arctic  Circle,  and  satisfied  himself,  by  a  careful  observation  of  the 
tides,  of  the  existence  of  the  long-sought  passage,  but  failed  to  discover 
it.  On  his  return  he  cast  anchor  in  the  Downs  on  the  31st  of  Octo- 
ber, "  not  having  lost  one  Man,  nor  Boy,  nor  Soule,  nor  any  manner 
of  Tackling,  having  beene  forth  neere  six  moneths.  All  glory  be  to 
God ! "  1 

On  the  same  day  on  which  Fox  began  his  voyage,  Captain  Thomas 
James  sailed  from  the  Severn  in  a  new  vessel  of  seventy  tons,  named  the 
"  Maria,"  manned  by  twenty-two  persons,  and,  like  Fox's  vessel,  vict- 
ualled for  eighteen  months.  On  his  outward  voyage  he  encountered 
many  perils,  and  on  more  than  one  occasion  his  vessel  barely  escaped 
shipwreck.  His  explorations  were  confined  to  the  waters  of  Hudson's 
Bay,  and  more  particularly  to  its  southeastern  part,  where  he  wintered  on 
Charlton  Island.  Here  he  built  a  house  in  which  the  ship's  company  lived 
from  December  until  June,  enduring  as  best  they  might  all  the  horrors 
of  an  Arctic  winter  on  an  island  only  a  little  north  of  the  latitude  of  Lon- 
don. On  the  2d  of  July  they  again  set  sail,  but  were  so  hampered  by  ice 
that  their  progress  was  very  slow,  and  in  the  latter  part  of  August 
James,  with  the  unanimous  concurrence  of  his  officers,  determined  to 
return  home.  He  arrived  at  Bristol  on  the  22d  of  October,  1632,  ha^  ing 
added  almost  nothing  to  the  knowledge  gained  by  Fox  in  a  third  of  the 
time. 

Both  voyages  were  substantially  failures,  and  their  want  of  success 
nearly  put  an  end  to  northwestern  explorations.  It  was  more  than  a 
hundred  years  before  the  matter  was  again  taken  up  in  any  deliberate 

'  Northwest  Fox,  p.  244 


1.1  " 


\\ 


\k 


6   '««!    H 


LM 


96 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ill 


and  efficient  manner.  But  in  the  long  list  of  Arctic  navigators  there  are 
no  greater  names  than  those  of  Frobisher,  Davis,  Hudson,  and  Baffin. 
VN'ith  means  utterly  disproportioncd,  as  it  now  seems,  to  the  task  which 


A  PART  OF  James's  map.* 

they  undertook,  these  men  ac- 
complished results  which  have 
called  forth  the  admiration  of 
more  than  one  of  their  successors.  They  did  not  find  the  new  and  more 
direct  way  to  Cathay  which  they  sought  for;  but  they  dispelled  m£.ny 
geographical  illusions,  and  every  fresh  advance  in  our  knowledge  of  the 


I  [This  is  the  southwest  corner  of  a  folding 
map,  i6x  12  inches,  entitled  "The  Piatt  of  Sayl- 
ing  for  the  discoverye  of  a  passage  into  the 
South  Sea,  1631, 1632,"  which  belongs  to  James's 
Strnti);e  and  Dangerous  Voyage,  Luudon,  1633.  Mr. 
Charles  Deane  has  two  copies,  both  with  photo 
graphic  fac-similes  of  the  map  made  from  the 


copy  now  in  the  Barlow  Libr".ry,  New  York.  The 
Harvard  College  copy  is  defective.  The  map  has 
a  portrait  of  James,  "aetatis  sua;,  40."  (Cf.  Sa- 
\i\W^  Dictionary,  ix.  35,711;  Carter-Brown  Cata- 
loi^ue,  ii.  no.  400.  Quaritch  priced  :t  in  1872,  £'i(>.) 
The  narrative  was  reprinted  in  1740,  and  is  in 
the  Collections  of  Churchill  and  Harris.  —  Ed.] 


EXPLORATIONS   TO  THE   NORTH-WEST. 


97 


Arctic  regions  has  only  confirmed  the  accuracy  of  their  statements.  The 
story  of  these  later  explorations  belongs  to  another  part  of  this  History; 
and  we  shall  there  see  an  energy  and  perseverance  and  an  heroic  endur- 
ance of  hardship  for  the  solution  of  great  geographical  problems  not 
unworthy  of  the  men  whose  voyages  have  been  here  narrated. 


v-RITlCAL  ESSAY  ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 

A  COMPLETE  bibliography  of  the  northwest  explorations  is  apart  from  our  present 
purpose.'  The  principal  works  used  in  the  preparation  of  the  preceding  narrative 
were  almost  all  of  them  written  by  the  men  who  were  the  chief  actors  in  the  scenes  and 
incidents  described,  or  are  based  on  the  original  journals  of  those  men.  Their  general  ac- 
curacy and  trustworthiness  have  never  been  ch:illenged,  and  with  some  unimportant  excep- 
tions the  statements  of  the  early  navigators  have  been  confirmed  by  their  successors.  The 
men  who  first  encountered  the  perils  of  those  unknown  seas  were  men  of  plain,  straight- 
forward character,  who  told  in  simple  and  unpretentious  words  what  they  saw  and  did. 
Some  rectifications  of  their  opinions  and  descriptions  have,  it  is  true,  become  necessary; 
in  part  through  the  imperfections  of  the  early  astronomical  instruments,  and  in  part  through 
the  difiiculty,  often  very  great,  of  deciding  what  was  land  and  what  water,  even  from  the 
most  careful  observation.  As  a  general  rule,  the  early  latitudes  are  given  too  high  from 
the  first  of  these  causes  ;  but  the  longitudes  are  substantially  correct. 

Of  the  works  which  are  mainly  compilations,  the  undisputed  pre-eminence  belongs  to 
Hakluyt's  Voyages  and  Purchas's  Pilgrimes.  Hakluyt  was  an  enthusiast  with  regard  to 
western  discoveries,  and  he  spared  neither  time  nor  labor  to  obtain  trustworthy  information 
with  regard  to  the  voyages  in  which  he  took  so  deep  an  interest.  His  narratives  of  the 
';iy  voyages,  so  far  as  we  have  the  means  of  verifying  them,  follow  with  almost  entire 
accuracy  the  original  documents,  though  in  a  few  instances  he  has  abbreviated  his  originals, 
apparently  from  motives  of  economy  and  the  want  of  space.  In  these  instances,  however, 
the  republication  of  the  narratives  by  the  Hakluyt  Society,  with  the  learned  annotations  of 
their  thoroughly  competent  editors,  places  before  the  reader  an  exact  copy  of  the  originals. 
Purchas  is  an  authority  of  less  importance  than  Hakluyt,  but  a  similar  remark  will  apply 
to  his  accounts  of  the  early  voyages,  though  they  are  more  abridged  than  Hakluyt's.  Luke 
Fox  prefixed  to  his  quaint  and  fascinating  narrative  of  his  own  voyage  an  account  of  what 
had  been  done  by  his  predecessors,  and  this  must  be  classed  among  the  best  authorities. 
Of  the  later  compilations  the  Chronological  History"^  of  Sir  John  Barrow,  so  far  as  it 


*  (The  reader  may  consult  the  following,  which 
has  a  parallel  English  text :  Die  Literatur  uber 
die  Polar-regionem  der  Erde.  Von  J.  Chavanne, 
A.  Karpf,  F.  Kilter  v.  Le  Monnier.  Herausg. 
von  dcr  K.  K.  geographischen  Gesellschaft  in 
Wien.     Wien,  1878,  xiv.-|-333  pp.,  Svo. 

This  book  shows  6,61 7  titles,  including  papers 
from  serials  and  periodicals.  It  is  far  from 
judicionsty  compiled, however;  containing  much 
that  is  irrelevant,  and  not  a  little  that  indicates 
Ihe  compilers'  ignorance  of  the  books  in  hand, 
as  when  they  were  entrapped  from  the  title 
into  including  Dibdin's  Northern  Tour  and  other 
VOL.  III.  —  13. 


works  equally  foreign  to  the  subject.  One 
of  the  best  collections  of  Arctic  literature  in 
this  country  is  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library 
at  Providence ;  and  this,  putting  strict  limits 
to  the  subject  and  not  including  papers  of  a 
periodic  character,  shows  a  list  of  between  six 
and  seven  hundred  titles.  Letter  of  John  R. 
Bartlelt.  —  Ed.] 

*  A  Chronological  History  of  Voyages  into  the 
Arctic  Regions  ;  undertaken  chiefly  for  the  Purpose 
of  discovering  a  Northeast,  Northwest,  or  Polar 
Passage  between  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific :  from 
the  earliest  Period  of  Scandinavian  Navigation  tit 


q8 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


li   ll|l 


covers  the  earlier  period,  iiiiould  not  be  overlooked  by  any  one  who  wishes  for  a  full  sum- 
mary of  what  was  accomplished.  He  was  scarcely  less  of  an  enthusiast  than  was  Hakluyt; 
and  his  statements  of  fact  are  apparently  Indisputable,     liut  he  was  a  man  of  strong  and 

often  of  unreasonable  preju- 
_»ArnN'»  I  ,ff  to<.i^o«    •••«. j^      dices,  and  his  opinions,  par- 

ticularly regarding  events 
near  his  own  time,  cannot 
always  be  accepted  without 
a  careful  investigation  of 
their  grounds.  The  A'lirnt- 
tii'es,*  edited  by  Mr.  Kun- 
dall  for  the  Hakluyt  Society, 
must  also  be  cl.issed  with  the 
compilations  useful  in  this 
study. 

As  an  attempt  to  find  a 
practicable  passage  between 
the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific, 
either  through  or  around 
North  America,  every  voy- 
.nge  early  and  late  was  a 
failure.  The  theories  in  ac- 
cordance with  which  north- 
western explorations  were 
first  undertaken  were  un- 
sound, and  the  objects  by 
which  they  were  inspired 
found  realization  long  ago 
in  quite  other  ways.  Hut  not 
the  less  did  those  theories 
and  those  objects  animate 
men  with  a  zeal  and  self- 
sacrifice  worthy  of  the  Cru- 
sades, and  produce  results  of  great  importance.  No  easier  route  to  China  and  Japan  was 
discovered  to  enrich  the  fortunate  adventurers ;  no  valuable  territories  were  added  to  the 
realm  of  England ;  and  it  was  an  utterly  barren  sovereignty  which  Frobisher  and  his  suc- 
cessors claimed.  But  for  the  disappointment  of  these  expectations  there  was  an  ample 
compensation  in  the  whaling  grounds  to  which  they  pointed  the  way,  and  which  have 
proved  the  ''ruitful  source  of  large  accessions  to  the  wealth  of  nations;  *  and  it  was  some- 
thing to  learn,  almost  from  the  first,  that  the  gold  mines  from  which  so  much  was 
expected  were  only  a  delusion  and  a  snare. 

We  subjoin  a  specific  mention  of  some  of  the  more  important  separate  sources.     For 


lAe  Departure  of  the  recent  Expeditions  under  the 
Orders  of  Captains  Ross  and  Buchan.  By  John 
Barrow,  F.  R.  S.  London :  John  Murray.  1818. 
8vo.    pp.  379  and  48. 

•  Narratives  of  Voyages  towards  the  North- 
west, in  Search  of  a  Passage  to  Cathay  and  India, 
1496  to  1631.  With  Selections  from  the  Early 
Records  of  the  Honourable  the  East  India  Com- 
pany, and  from  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum. 
By  Thomas  Rundall,  Esq.  London:  Printed 
for  the  Hakluyt  Society.  1849.  8vo.  pp.  xx. 
and  360. 


[This  book  has  a  convenient  map  of  Arctic 
explorations  between  1496  and  1631.  The  gen- 
eral reader  will  find  condensed  historical  sum- 
maries of  antecedent  voyages,  often  prefixed  to 
the  special  narratives,  as  in  the  case  of  Captain 
Beechey's  Voyage  of  Discovery  towards  the  North 
Pole,  1843,  and  in  the  introductions  to  Asher's 
Henry  Hudson  and  Winter  Jones's  edition  of 
Hakluyt's  Divers  Voyages. —  Ed.] 

*  [Cf.,  for  instance,  Muller's  Geschiedenis 
der  noordsche  Compagnie,  1614-1642.  Utrecht, 
1875.  — Ed.] 


,|il' 


EXI'LOKATIONS   TO  THE    NORTH-WEST. 


99 


Frobisherthe  student  may  refer  to  Admiral  Collinson's  excellent  pilherinK  for  the  H.ikluyt 
Society,  as  eml)o<lyin){  tlie  earliest  monograpliic  literature  upon  tlie  Noriliweit  itcarch.i 
Of  Joiin  Davis  of  Sandridgc,  wliose  exploits  wc  are  concerned  willi,  tlierc  has  sometimes 
l)een  confusion  with  a  namesake  and  contempornry,  John  Davis  of  Limchouse,  and  Mr. 
Froude  has  confounded  them  in  his  ForfiolUn  W'orthin ;  liut  a  note  in  liie  llakluyt 
Society's  edition  of  Davis's  loyiixei,  p.  Ixxviii,  makes  clear  the  distinction,  and  is  not 
the  least  of  the  excellences  of  that  book,  which  conuins  the  best  grouping  of  all  that  is  to 
be  learned  of  Davis." 

Keterring  to  the  general  collections,  for  the  intervening  voyages  we  come  to  Hudson's 
explorations,  and  must  still  trust  chiefly  to  the  work  of  the  Makluyt  Society,'  to  which 
must  also  be  credited  the  best  summary  of  the  voyages  conducted  by  Uaffin.* 

For  Fox's  quaint  and  somewhat  capriciously  rambling  narrative,  the  present  reader 
may  possibly  chance  upon  an  original  copy,*  but  he  can  follow  it  at  all  events  in  modern 


'  TAf  tkrft  yayitfi^i  of  Afarlin  Frobiiktr,  in 
Stank  of  a  Passage  to  Cathaia  and  India  hy  Ike 
Northwest,  A.  D.  1576-78.  h'f/<rinted  from  the 
First  Edition  of  llaktiiyfs  I'oyages,  with  Selec- 
tions from  Manuscript  Documents  in  the  Itritish 
Museum  and  State-Paper  Ojfiie.  Hy  Kear-Aclmiral 
Kichard  CollinHon,  C  H.  I^indon :  I'rinted  fur 
the  llakluyt  .Society.  1867.  8vu.  pp.  xxvi.  and 
376. 

'■•  The  Voyages  and  Works  of  Jokn  Denis  Ike 
A'avigiitor.  Edited,  with  an  Introiliictiun  and 
Nute.t,  by  Albert  Hastings  Markham,  Captain 
K.  N.,  F.  R.  G.  S,  Author  of  W  ll'kaling  Cruise 
in  Baffin's  Bay,  The  Great  Frozen  Sea,  and  A'ortk- 
ward  Ho!  London:  I'rinted  for  the  llakluyt 
Society.     18.S0.    8vo.     pp.  xcv.  and  392. 

[This  volume  gives  a  fac-simile  of  the 
Mulineaux  map  of  1600;  and  reprints  Davis's 
Worlde't  Hydrograpkical  Description,  London, 
1 595.  The  presentation  copy  to  Prince  Henry, 
with  his  arms  and  a  very  curious  manuscript 
addition,  is  in  the  Lenox  Library.  Cf.  John 
I'ctheram's  Bibliograpkical  Miscellany,  1859,  and 
the  note,  p.  51,  in  Kundall's  Voyages  to  Ike  North- 
west. In  this  last  book  the  accounts  in  Hakluyt 
are  reproduced.  Respecting  Davis's  maps,  see 
Kohl's  Catalogue  of  Maps  in  Ifakluvt,  pp.  20,  27. 
—  En.  I 

*  Henry  Hudson,  the  Navigator.  Tke  Original 
Documents  in  whick  his  Career  is  recorded,  col- 
lected, partly  traw'r.l'd,  and  annotated,  with  an 
Introduction.  Hy  C  M.  Asher,  LL.D.  L.ondon: 
Printed  for  the  Hak  ,uyt  Society,  i860.  8vo. 
pp.  ccxviii.  and  292.     See  Editorial  Notes. 

*  The  Voyages  of  William  Baffin,  1612-1622. 
Edited,  with  Notes  and  an  Introduction,  by 
Clements  R.  Markham,  C.B.,  F.R.S.  London : 
Printed  for  the  Hakluyt  Society.  1881.  8vo. 
f  •).  lix.  and  192. 

[Purchas  first  printed  Baffin's  narrative  of 
his  first  voyage,  and  Randall  re-edited  it,  supply- 
ing omissions  from  the  original  manuscript 
preserved  in  the  British  Museum.  Markham 
reprints  it,  and  adds  a  fac-simile  of  Baffin's 
map  of  his  discoveries;  and  he  also  gives  a 
series  of  five  maps  from  Fox's  down  (the  first 


is  reproduced  in  the  text),  to  show  the  changes 
in  ideas  res|>ectinK  the  sha|>c  and  even  the  exi.st- 
rnce  of  liaffin'x  Bay.  Of  the  voyage  in  which 
this  water  wa»  dincovcrcd,  Purchas  uIho  printctl, 
and  Markham  has  reprinted,  the  account  a-t  given 
in  Baffin's  journal.  —  En.) 

*  North-West  Fox,  or.  Fox  from  the  North- 
west passage.  Beg  nning  With  King  Arthur, 
Malga,  Octki-r,  tke  tioo  /.cms  of  Iseland,  Fstoti- 
land,  and  Dorgia  ;  Follffioing  witk  brief  Abstracts 
of  the  Voyages  of  Cabot,  Frobisker,  Davis,  Way- 
moutk,  Knigkt,  Hudson,  Button,  OiMons,  ByM, 
Baffin,  Hawkridge  ;  Togetker  with  the  Courses, 
Distance,  Latitudes,  Longitudes,  I  ariations,  Depths 
of  Seas,  Sets  of  Tydes,  Currents,  A'accs,  and  iter. 
Falls,  with  other  Observations,  Accidents,  and 
Kemarkable  tkings,  as  our  Miseries  and  Suffer- 
'  ■■;s.  Mr.  lamts  J/aJPs  tkree  Voyages  to  Groyn- 
nd,  witk  a  Topograpkicall  description  of  tke 
t  'unlries,  tke  Sahages  lives  and  Treackeries,  ko^o 
our  Men  kcn-e  been  slayne  by  them  there,  with  tkt 
Commodities  of  all  tkose  parts  ;  wkereby  tke  Mar- 
ckant  may  kai'e  Trade,  and  tke  Mariner  Jmploy- 
mtnt.  Demonstrated  in  a  Polar  Card,  wherein 
are  all  the  Maines,  Seas,  and  Islands,  herein  men- 
tioned. With  the  Author  his  owne  Voyage,  being 
tke  XlVtk,  witk  tke  opinions  and  Collections  of 
tke  most  famous  Matkematicians,  and  Cosmo- 
giaphers  ;  with  a  Probabilitie  to  prove  the  same 
by  Marine  Kemonstrations,  compared  by  tke  Ebb- 
ing and  Flowing  of  tke  Sea,  experimented  jvilk 
places  of  our  owne  Coast.  By  Captaine  Lvke  Fox, 
of  Kingstone  vpon  Hull,  Capt.  and  Pylot  for  the 
Voyage  in  his  Majesties  Pinnace  the  Charles. 
Printed  by  his  Majesties  Command.  London, 
Printed  by  B.  Alsop  and  Tho.  Fawcett,  dwelling 
in  Gnibstreet.     1635.    4to.     pp.  x.  and  273. 

[This  little  book  is  now  worth  about  $40 
or|5o;  Rich  priced  it  in  1832  at  $10.  Brin- 
ley,  no.  27;  Huth,  ii.  542;  Field's  Indian  Bib- 
liography, no.  556.  Cf.  A'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Reg;  October,  1878.  The  copy  in  the  Dowse 
Collection  (Mass.  Hist.  Soc.)  has  the  rare  original 
map.  The  Menzies  and  Carter-Brown  copies 
show  the  map;  the  Brinley  lacked  it, as  does  Mr. 
Deane's,  which  has  it  in  fac-simile.  —  Ed.J 


I 


Ir 


too 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


collection!.  The  author  accompanied  it  with  a  circumpniar  map,  which  it  only  to  be 
founti,  according  to  Markham,  in  one  or  two  copiei ;  and  a  fac-simlle  of  Markham't 
excerpt  of  the  parta  intcreitting  in  our  inquiry  it  herewith  given. 


Green 
by  ihr 

I. 

1. 

3 

A- 

5 

6 

7- 
8. 

9- 


EDITORIAL    NOTES. 


^1 


A.  The  Zeno  Influence  on  Early  Cak- 
TOtiRAPHY.  —  Frobiiher'n  reference  to  Friesland 
indicates  the  influence  which  the  Zcno  map,  then 
for  hardly  a  icore  of  years  before  the  geogra- 


Zenn's  latitude  for  that  point  (the  louthern  point 
of  his  Greenland  being  in  66°) ;  and  thus  that 
unaccountable  insular  region  of  the  Zeno  chart 
was  put  anew  into  the  maps  of  the  North  At* 


^j.X^-' 


THE  ZENO  CHART,  nna  1400. 


phers  of  Europe,  was  having  upon  their  notions 
regarding  the  North  Atlantic. 

Of  this  map  and  its  curious  history  a  full 
account  is  given  in  Vol.  I.  of  the  present  His- 
tory. It  had  been  brought  to  light  in  Italy  in 
1 558,  and  Frobisher  is  said  to  have  taken  it  with 
him  on  his  voyage.  Its  errors  in  latitude  de- 
ceived that  navigator.  When  he  fell  in  with 
the  Greenland  shore,  in  61°,  he  supposed  himself 
to  be  at  the  southern  limit  of  Friesland,  that  being 


lantic,  and  remained  there  for  some  time.  Again, 
when  Davis  fell  in  with  land  in  61°,  he  thought 
it  neither  Friesland  nor  Zeno's  Greenland,  but 
a  new  country,  which  he  had  found  and  which  he 
named  "  Desolation ; "  and  so  it  appears  in  Moli- 
neaux's  map  and  globe,  and  in  Hudson's  map 
(given  in  fac-simile  in  Asher's  Henry  Hudson), 
as  an  island  south  of  Greenland,  with  a  mis- 
placed Frobisher's  Straits  (still  misplaced  as 
late  as  the  time  of  Hondius)  separating  it  from 


|i 


10. 
II. 

|}. 

I»i 

later,  i 

•  5'>». 
tc  hotel 
portion 
keybel 


EXI'LORATIONS  TO  THE   NORTH-WtST. 


lOI 


OreenlancL    Our  i^mi  chart  mint  be  interpreted 
by  the  lollowiiig  key  :  — 

I.  ICngronclanI  ((irecniand). 

1.  (IriiUndia. 

J.  Ulanila  (Iceland). 

4.  Norvegia  (Norway). 

5.  Kalland  (Shetland  Iilandi?). 

6.  Icaria. 

7.  KriiUnd  ( Faroe  Iilamli  f ). 

8.  Kitoiiland  (l^tirador  f ). 

9.  Urogeo    (Newfoundland    or    New    Eng- 

land f ). 
la  l'o<lalida. 

11.  Scocia  (Scotland). 

1 2.  Mare  et  terre  incugnile. 

lit  influence  can  be  further  traced,  twenty  yean 
later,  in  the  map  of  the  world  which  Wolfe,  in 
i5i;K,  added  to  hia  English  translation  of  Lin- 
schoten.  Wc  annex  a  sketch-map  of  the  Arctic 
(Mirtion,  which  needs  to  be  interpreted  by  the 
key  below  the  cut. 


nus's  I.atin  Huli>ru,  llasil,  iy>7,  who  puis  on 
the  |icnmsula  this  legciid  :  "llic  habitant  Tyg- 
mci  vulgo  Screhnger  dicli."  There  ha<l  l)cen 
•n  earlier  l<atin  etiilion  of  ihc  Hiilorhi  al 
Rome  in  1 555,  and  one  in  Italian  al  Vrniic  in 
Ijttj:  there  wa>  no  English  editiim  till  1(158. 
{Carltr-HrinvH  CalitJ^'giu,  p.  2O9. )  /irglcr's 
SckonJia  had  in  Kroliuhcr's  time  licen  for  forty 
jfearx  or  more  a  nourcc  of  information  regard- 
ing the  most  northern  regions.  {Cartfr-Hrimiti 
Cittalofiut,  pp.  10^  iw,  fur  editions  vi  1531  and 

•5J6-) 

The  cartographical  ideas  of  the  North  from 

the  eailiesi  conceptions  may  be  traced  in  the 
following  ma|i*,  which  for  this  pur|Mwe  may  l>e 
deemed  typical :  In  1510-11,  in  the  Ixnox(ilol)c, 
which  is  drawn  in  Dr.  Uc  (.'osia'it  i  hapter ;  the 
map  in  Sylvanus'*  Itolemy.  1511,  represents 
Greenland  as  protruding  lioni  the  northwest 
of  Europe;  the  globe  u(  Urontius  Fine,  1531, 
1*  resolvable  into  a  simiUr  condition,  as  shown 


FROM   WOLFE'S   UNSCHOTEN,    1 598. 


1.  Terra  Septemtrionalis. 

2.  Grocland. 

3.  Grocnland. 

4.  Island  (Iceland). 
\.  Friesland. 


6.  Drogeo. 

7.  E-itotiland. 

8.  R.  Nevado. 

9.  C.  Marco. 

10.  Gol  di  S.  Lorenzo. 


1 1 .  Saquenay  flu. 

12.  Canada. 

13.  Nova  Franda. 

14.  Noinbega. 


li 


Terra  de  Baccalaos. 


16.  Do  Brctan. 
■  7.  Juan. 

18.  R.  de  Tomfta. 

19.  S.  lirAdam. 

20.  Brasil. 


Considering  the  doubt  attached  to  the  Zeno 
chart,  it  would  seem  that  a  wholly  undoubted 
delineation  of  American  parts  of  the  Arctic 
land  is  the  representation  of  Greenland  which 
appears  in  the  Ptolemy  of  1482.  This  posi- 
tion of  Greenland  was  reproduced,  about  ten 
years  before  Frobisher's  voyage,  in  Olaus  Mag- 


on  page  II  of  the  present  volume;  Mercator's 
great  map  of  1569,  blundering,  mixes  the  Zeno 
geography  with  the  later  developments;  Gil- 
bert's map,  1576,  gives  an  insular  Greenland  of  a 
reversed  trend  of  coast ;  the  Lok  map  of  1 582 
may  be  seen  on  page  40,  and  the  Hakluyt- 
Martyr  map  on  page  42.    The  map  of  America 


103 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


iNl 


showing  the  Arctic  Sea  which  appears  in  Bo- 
tenis's  Welt-hcschreihung,  1596,  and  Acosta's 
map  (1598)  of  Greenland  and  adjacent  parts, 
can  l)e  conipared  with  Wolfe's,  in  Linschoten, 
already  given  in  this  note.  Finally,  we  may  take 
the  Hondius  maps  of  161 1  and  1619,  in  which 
Hondius  places  at  So° north  this  legend:  "Glacis 
ab  Hudsono  detecta." 

B.  Frobisher's  Vovaces. — George  Bes- 
te's  True  Discourse  of  Discoverie  by  the  A'orth 
IVeast,  1578,  covers  the  three  voyages,  and  con- 
tains two  maps,  —  one  a  mapjiemonde,  the  most 
significant  since  Mercator's,  and  of  which  in 
part  a  fac-simile  is  here  given.  The  other  is 
of  Frobisher's  Straits  alone.  Kohl,  Calahi^te 
of  Maps  mentioned  in  Hakluyt,  p.  18,  traces  the 


vol.  xii. ;  Brydge's  ResHtuta,  1814,  vol.  ii.  Chip, 
pin's  French  version  of  Settle,  Ln  Navigation 
tin  Cup.  Martin  Forbisher,  was  printed  in  1578. 
It  is  in  the  Lenox  and  Carter-Brown  libraries. 
It  has  reappeared  at  various  dates,  1720,  1731, 
etc.  From  this  French  version  of  Settle  was 
made  the  Latin,  De  Martini  Forbisseri  Anf;li 
nai'igatione  in  regiones  occiJentis  et  septentrionis, 
narratio  historica  ex  Gallico  sermone  in  Latinum 
translata  per  D.  Joan  Tho.  Freigium,  Norbergae, 
1580,  44  leaves.  This  is  also  in  the  Lenox, 
Carter-Brown,  and  Sparks  (Cornell  University) 
Collections.  Cf.  Sunderland  Catalogue,  ii.  4,650. 
Its  value  is  from  $10  to  $30.  It  was  reprinted 
with  notes  at  Hamburg  in  1675.  Stevens, 
/fist.  Coll.,  i.  33.  Briniey,  no.  28.  .Sabin,  Dic- 
tionary,  vii.   25,994.      This   edition   is    usually 


^^^  ^"^  ^#   •%„.,=^-^=^-^ 


^1^ 
^ 


X 


M^^uA  ^  S;i^^ 


3 


fd^glfrmdn  of 


% 


%- 


^" — i=r 


^  .^^^-^  "'^=ei..  . 


PART  OF   MAP   IN   BESTE'S   "  FROBISHER,"    1 5  78. 


authorship  of  these  charts  to  James  Beare,  Fro- 
bisher's principal  surveyor.  Compare  it  with 
Lok's  map,  page  40,  of  the  present  volume. 

Beste's  book  is  very  rare,  and  copies  are 
in  the  Leno.x  and  Carter-Brown  libraries.  It  is 
reprinted  by  Hakluyt. 

Beste's  general  account  maybe  supplemented 
by  these  special  narratives :  — 

First  Voyage.  A  State-paper  given  by  Col- 
linson,  "apparently  by  M.  Lok."  The  narrative 
by  Christopher  Hall,  the  master,  in  Hakluyt. 
See  an  examination  of  its  results  in  Contempo- 
rary Ret'iew  (1873),  xxi.  529,  or  Eclectic  Revieu', 
iii.  243. 

Second  Voyage.  Dionysius  Settle's  account, 
published  separately  in  1577.  Carter-Brawn 
Catalogue,  no.  206,  with  fac-simile  of  title.  It  was 
reprinted  by  Mr.  Carter-Brown  (50  copies)  in 
1869.  See  notice  by  J.  R.  Bartlett  in  N.  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1869,  p.  363.  This  nar- 
rative is  given  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii. ;  Pinkerton, 


priced  at  $12  or  $15.  There  are  also  German 
(1580,  1679,  etc.)  and  Dutch  (1599,  1663,  1678; 
in  Aa's  Collection,  1706)  editions.  In  the  1580 
German  edition  is  a  woodcut  of  the  natives 
brought  to  England.    Huth  Catalogue,  ii.  556. 

Third  Voyage.  Thomas  Ellis's  narrative, 
given  by  Hakluyt  and  CoUinson.  Edward  Sell- 
man's  account  is  also  given  by  Collinson. 

Collinson's  life  of  Frobisher,  prefixed  to  his 
volume,  is  brief ;  his  authorities,  other  than 
those  in  the  body  of  his  book,  are  Fuller's 
Worthies  of  England,  and  such  modern  trea- 
tises as  Campbell's  Lri'es  of  the  Admirals, 
Barrow's  N'aval  Worthies,  Muller's  History  of 
Doncaster,  etc.  S.  G.  Drake  furnished  a  me- 
moir, with  a  good  engraving  of  the  usual  por- 
trait, in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  vol.  iii.; 
and  there  is  a  Life  by  F.  Jones,  London,  1878. 
Biddle,  in  his  Cabot,  chap.  12,  epitomizes  the 
voyages,  and  they  can  be  cursorily  followed 
in  Fox  Bourne's  English  Seamen,  and  Payne's 


'   J' 


EXPLORATIONS   TO  THE   NORTH-WEST. 


103 


ElaabetMan  Stamen.  Commander  Becher,  in  his 
paper  in  the /^ntrmi/  ot  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society,  xii.  i,  gives  a  useful  map  of  the  Straits, 
a  part  of  which  is  reproduced  in  the  accompany- 
ing cut.  In  the  same  volume  of  the  Journal 
its  editor  enumerates  the  various  manuscript 
sources,  most  of  which  have  been  printed,  and 
have  been  referred  to  above. 


foiled  by  the  ice,  he  turned  and  sailed  to  make 
explorations  between  the  coast  of  Maine  and 
Delaware  Bay.  The  journal  of  Juet,  his  com- 
panion. Purchas's  Pilgrims,  vol.  iii. ;  Asher's 
Hudson,  p.  45.  See  further  in  Mr.  Fernow's 
chapter  in  Vol.  IV.  of  this  History. 

Fourth  voyage,  i6io,  to  the  Northwest,  dis- 
covering Hudson's  Strait  and  Hudson's  Bay. 


..._     *  4 


*  ^^l  "^-"t  )^^ 


/ 


J2  4-^««*««*»* 


tow.Sa^ugelf     ^V  /RESCMrriONl. 


iOtfim  fliMftc*  ranltiU 


frobisher's  strait. 


C.  Hudson's  Voyages.  —  The  sources  of 
our  information  on  this  navigator's  four  voyages 
to  the  North  are  these :  — 

First  voyage  in  1607,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Muscovy  Company,  to  the  Northeast.  A  log- 
book, in  which  Hudson  may  have  had  a  haiiu, 
or  to  which  he  may  have  supplied  facts  j  and  a 
few  fragments  of  his  own  journal.  Purchas's 
Pilgrims,  vol.  iii.;  Asher's  Henry  Hudson,  pp.  i 
and  145. 

Second  voyage,  1 608,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  Muscovy  Company,  to  the  Northeast.  A  log- 
book by  Hudson  himself.  Purchas's  Pilgrims, 
iii.  574;  A'.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  i.  81;  Asher's 
Hudson,  p.  23. 

A  map  by  Hondius  illustrating  the  first  and 
second  voyage,  and  given  by  Asher  in  fac-simile, 
was  originally  published  in  Pontanus's  History 
of  Amsterdam,  Latin  ed.  1611,  and  Dutch  ed. 
1614. 

Third  voyage,  1609,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  East  India  Company,  to  the  Northeast,  where, 


Purchas,  Pilgrims,  vol.  iii.,  got  his  account  from 
Sir  Dudley  Digges.  He  also  gives  an  abstract  of 
Hudson's  journ?!  (Asher,  p.  93) ;  a  discourse  by 
Pricket,  one  of  the  crew?,  whom  Purchas  dis- 
credits, which  is  largely  an  apology  for  the  mu- 
tiny which  set  Hudson  adrift  in  an  open  boat  in 
the  bay  now  bearing  his  name  (Asher,  p.  98) ;  a 
letter  from  Iceland,  May  30,  1610,  perhaps  by 
Hudson  himself,  and  an  account  of  Juet's  trial 
(Asher,  p.  136).  Purchas  added  some  new  facts 
in  his  Pilgrimage,  reprinted  in  Asher,  p.  139. 

H.  Gerritsz  seized  the  opportunity,  occa- 
sioned by  the  interest  in  Hudson's  voyage  and 
his  fate,  to  promulgate  his  views  of  the  greater 
chance  of  finding  a  northwest  passage  to  India, 
rather  than  a  northe.ist  one  ;  and  in  the  little 
collection  of  tracts  il  d  by  him,  produced  first 
in  the  Dutch  edition  of  1612,  he  gives  but  a 
very  brief  narrative  of  Hudson's  voyage,  which 
is  printed  on  the  reverse  of  the  map  showing  his 
discoveries, — the  maps,  which  he  gives,  both  of 
the  world  and  of  the  north  parts  of  America 


,   1^' 


I04 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


being  the  chief  arguments  of  his  book,  the 
latter  map  being  also  reproduced  by  Asher. 
The  original  Dutch  edition  is  extremely  scaice, 
but  four  or  five  copies  being  known.  A  repro- 
duction of  it  in  1878  by  Kroon,  through  the 
photolithographic  process,  consists  of  200  copies, 
and  contains  also,  under  the  general  title  of  Vi- 
tectio  freti  Hudsoni,  a  reproduction  of  the  Latin 
edition  of  1613,  with  an  English  version  by  F.  J. 
Millard,  and  an  Introductory  Essay  on  the  origin 
and  design  of  this  collection,  which,  besides 
Gerritsz's  tr.ict,  includes  others  by  Massa  and  Ue 
Quir.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  viii.  33,489;  Asher's 
Hudson,  p.  267. 

In  the  enlarged  Latin  translation,  ordinarily 
quoted  as  the  Detectio  freti  Hudsoni  of  161 2, 
Gerritsz  inverted  the  order  of  the  several  tracts, 
giving  more  prominence  to  Hudson,  as  May's 
expedition  to  the  northeast  had  in  the  mean 
time  returned  unsuccessful.  Huth  Catalogue,  ii. 
744,  shows  better  than  Brnnet,  iii.  358,  the  differ- 
ence between  this  1612  and  the  1613  editions. 
H.  C.  Murphy's  Henry  Hudson  in  Holland.  The 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  131,  gives  this  little 
quarto  the  following  title  :  Descriptio  ac  delineatio 
Geographica  detectionis  freti  sive.  Transitu!  ad 
Occasum,  supri  terras  Americanas  in  Chinam 
atq:  laponem  ducturi,  Kecens  imiestigati  ab  M. 
Henrico  Hudsono  Anglo,  etc.,  and  cites  the  world 
in  two  hemispheres  as  among  the  three  maps 
which  it  contains.  A  copy  in  Mr.  Henry  C. 
Muiphy's  collection  has  a  second  title,  which 
shows  that  Vitellus  and  not  Gerritsz.  made  the 
Latin  translation.  This  other  title  reads :  Ex- 
emplar Libelli  .  .  .  sttper  Detecttone  quinta:  Orbis 
terrarum partis cui Australia  Incognita  nomen  est: 
item  Relatio  super  Freto per  M.  Hudsonum  Anglum 
quasito,  ac  in  parte  dedecte  supra  Provincias  Terra 
Nova,  nOTiaque  Hispania,  Chinam,  et  Cathaiam 
versus  ducturo  .  .  .  Latine  versa  ab  R.  Vitellio,  Am- 
ttelodami  ex  officitui  Hessilii  Gerardi.    Anno  161 2. 


Speaking  of  this  little  tract  and  the  share  which 
Gerritsz  had  in  it,  Asher,  in  his  Henry  Hudson 
the  A'avigator,  says,  "  Around  it  grew  in  a  very 
remarkable  manner  the  most  interesting  of  the 
many  collections  of  voyages  and  travels  printed 
in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century." 

In  a  second  Latin  edition,  1613,  Gerritsz 
again  remodelled  his  additions,  and  gave  a  fur- 
ther account  of  May's  voyage.  Huth  Catalogue, 
ii.  744 ;  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  1 52 ;  Tiele, 
Mimoire  hibliographique,  1867,  no.  1 53  ;  Muller's 
Essai  d'une  bibliographic  nierlando-russe,  1859, 
p.  71. 

To  some  copies  of  this  second  edition  Ger- 
ritsz added  a  short  appendix  of  two  leaves,  .Sig. 
G,  which  is  reprinted  in  the  Kroon  reproduction, 
and  serves  to  make  some  bibliographers  reckon 
a  third  Latin  edition.  There  are  in  the  Lenox 
Library  six  copies  of  the  original,  representing 
the  different  varieties  of  the  Dutch  and  Latin 
texts.  One  of  the  copies  in  Harvard  College 
Library  has  these  two  additional  leaves,  which 
are  also  in  the  copy  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library, 
whose  Catalogue,  ii.  152,  says  that  the  fac-simile 
reprint  by  MuUer  must  have  been  made  from  a 
copy  with  different  cuts  and  ornamental  capitals 
and  tail-pieces,  as  these  are  totally  different  from 
those  of  the  Carter-Urown  copy.  The  map  of 
the  world  was  repeated  in  this  edition. 

The  original  Dutch  text  has  been  reprinted 
in  several  later  collections  of  voyages,  published 
in  Holland.  The  English  translation  in  Furchas 
is  incomplete  and  incorrect ;  and  that  of  Millard, 
as  well  as  the  English  generally  in  the  Kroon 
reprint,  could  have  been  much  bettered  by  a 
competent  native  proof-reader. 

German  versions  appeared  in  De  Bry  and 
in  Megiser's  Septentrio  ncrvantiquus,  p.  438,  both 
in  1613;  and  in  1614  in  Hulsius,  part  xii. 

There  is  a  French  translation  in  the  Receuil 
d'' Arrests  of  1720. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

SIR    WALTER    RALEGH  :     THE    SETTLEMENTS    AT    ROANOKE    AND 

VOYAGES  TO   GUIANA. 


BY  WILLIAM   WIRT  HENRY, 
Third  Vici-Prttidtnt  of  tkt  Virgmia  Hittorkal  Socitty, 

HISTORY  has  recorded  the  lives  of  few  men  more  renowned  than 
Walter  Ralegh,  —  the  soldier,  the  sailor,  the  statesman,  the  courtier, 
the  poet,  the  historian,  and  the  philosopher.  The  age  in  which  he  lived,  the 
versatility  of  his  genius,  his  conspicuous  services,  and  "  the  deep  damnation 
of  his  taking  off,"  all  conspired  to  exalt  his  memory  among  men,  and  to 
rendei  it  immortal.  Success  often  crowned  his  efforts  in  the  service  of  his 
country,  and  the  impress  of  his  genius  is  clearly  traced  upon  her  history ; 
but  his  greatest  service  to  England  and  to  the  world  was  his  pioneer  effort 
to  colonize  America,  in  which  he 
experienced  the  most  mortifying 
defeat.  Baffled  in  his  endeavor  to 
plant  the  English  race  upon  this 
continent,  he  yet  called  into  existence  a  spirit  of  enterprise  which  first  gave 
Virginia,  and  then  North  America,  to  that  race,  and  which  led  Great  Britain, 
from  this  beginning,  to  dot  the  map  of  the  world  with  her  colonies,  and 
through  them  to  become  the  greatest  power  of  the  earth. 

Walter  Ralegh^  was  born,  in  1552,  in  the  parish  of  Budleigh,  in  Devon- 
shire. His  father  was  Walter  Ralegh,  of  Fardel,  and  his  mother  was 
Catherine,  daughter  of  Sir  Philip  Champernown,  of  Modbury,  and  widow 
of  Otho  Gilbert,  of  Compton,  in  Devonshire.  On  his  mother's  side 
he  was  brother  to  Sir  John,  Sir  Humphrey,  and  Sir  Adrian  Gilbert, — 
all  eminent  men.  He  studied  at  Oxford  with  great  succ  ,,  but  he 
left  his  books  in  1569  to  volunteer  with  his  cousin,  Henry  Ch?nipernown, 
in  aid  of  the  French  Protestants  in  their  desperate  struggle  for  religious 
liberty  under  the  Prince  of  Condd  and  Admiral  Coligny.  He  reached 
France  in  time  to  be  present  at  the  battle  of  Moncontour,  and  remained 
six  years,  during  which  time  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  occurred. 


•  The    name  Ralegh  was  written  in   thirteen 
different  ways.     We  have  adopted  the   usual 
spelling  of  Sir  Walter  himself.    See  Hakluyt's 
VOL.  HI.  — 14. 


Westerne  Planting,  p.  171,  and  C.  W.  Tuttle  in 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Proceedings,  xv. 
383- 


i,  '/ 


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NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


CI 


I     I 


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Afterward  he  served  in  the  Netherlands  with  Sir  John  Norris  under  Wil- 
liam of  Orange  in  his  struggle  with  the  Spaniards. 

In  these  wars  he  became  not  only  an  accomplished  soldier,  but  a  deter- 
mined foe  to  Roman  Catholicism  and  to  the  Spanish  people.  His  contest 
with  Spain,  thus  early  begun,  ended  only  with  his  life.  It  was  indeed  a 
war  to  the  death  on  both  sides.     Elizabeth,  his  great  sovereign,  with  all 


the  courage  of  a  hero  in  the  bosom  of  a  woman,  sustained  him  in  the  con- 
flici,  and  had  the  supreme  satisfaction  of  seeing  him  administer  a  death- 
blow to  Spanish  power  at  Cadiz ;  while  her  pusillanimous  successor  rendered 
himself  forever  infamous  by  putting  such  a  conqueror  to  death  at  the  man- 
date of  the  Spanish  King. 

The  claim  of  Spain  to  the  New  World,  based  upon  its  discovery  by 
Columbus,  fortified  by  a  grant  from  Pope  Alexander  VI.  and  further 
strengthened  by  continued  exploration  and  by  settlements,  was  disputed,  at 
least  as  regards  the  northern  continent,  by  England  on  the  strength  of  the 
Cabot  voyages,  of  which  an  account  has  been  given  in  the  opening  chapter 
of  this  volume.  The  English  claimed  that  they  were  entitled  to  North 
America  by  the  right  of  Cabot's  discovery  of  its  mainland  preceding  that  of 
Columbus,  who  had  not  then  touched  the  mainland  at  the  south.  No  serious 
effort  was  made,  however,  to  follow  up  this  claim  by  a  settlement  till  1578, 
when  Elizabeth  granted  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  a  charter  looking  to  a 
permanent  occupation  of  the  country.  Sir  Humphrey  oailed  in  November, 
1578,  with  seven  ships  and  three  hundred  and  fifty  men.  One  of  the  fleet, 
the  "  Falcon,"  was  commanded  by  Ralegh,  who  had  already  learned  to  be  a 
sailor  as  well  as  a  soldier.  His  presence  with  the  expedition  was  not  alone 
due  to  his  attachment  to  his  distinguished  brother.  He  had  already  dis- 
covered that  the  power  of  Spain  was  due  to  the  wealth  she  derived  from 
her  American  possessions,  and  he  earnestly  desired  to  secure  for  England 
the  same  source  of  power.  His  attention  had  been  attracted  to  the  coast 
of  Florida  by  Coligny,  whose  colony  of  Huguenots  there  had  been  brutally 
murdered  by  the  Spaniards  under  Menendez  in  1565. 


\:( 


SIR  WALTER  RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND   GUIANA. 


107 


I    I 


The  voyage  of  Gilbert  met  with  disaster.  In  a  short  time  all  the 
ships  except  Ralegh's  were  forced  to  return.  Ralegh  determined  to  sail 
for  the  West  Indies,  but  when  he  had  gone  as  far  as  the  Islands  of  Cape 
de  Verde,  upon  the  coast  of  Africa,  he  was  forced  by  a  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions to  return.  He  arrived  at  Plymouth  in  May,  1579,  after  having 
experienced  many  dangerous  adventures  in  storms  and  sea-fights. 

Sir  Humphrey  had  returned  before  him,  and  was  busy  preparing  for  a 
renewal  of  the  voyage ;  but  an  Order  from  the  Privy  Council,  April  26, 
prohibited  their  departure.  The  conflicts  at  sea  seem  to  have  been  with 
Spanish  vessels,  and  complaints  had  been  made  to  the  Council  concerning 
them. 

Ralegh  spent  but  little  time  in  vain  regrets,  but  at  once  took  service  in 
Ireland,  where  he  commanded  a  company  of  English  soldiers  employed  to 
suppress  the  insurrection  headed  by  the  Earl  of  Desmond,  who  ltd  a  mongrel 
force  of  Spaniards,  Italians,  and  Irishmen.  His  service  began  iinder  the 
Lord  Justice  Pelham,  and  was  continued  under  his  successor,  Lo'-'i  Grey. 
His  genius  and  courage  soon  attracted  public  notice,  and  won  for  .lim  the 
favor  of  the  Queen.  Upon  his  return  in  1582  he  made  his  appearance  at 
court,  and  at  once  became  that  monarch's  favorite.  No  one  could  have 
been  better  fitted  to  play  the  ro/e  of  courtier  to  this  clever,  passionate,  and 
capricious  woman.  Ralegh  is  described  by  a  contemporary  as  having  "  a 
good  presence  in  a  handsome  and  well-compacted  person ;  a  strong  natural 
wit,  and  a  better  judgment ;  with  a  bold  and  plausible  tongue,  whereby  he 
could  set  out  his  parts  to  the  best  advantage."  He  had  the  culture  of  a 
scholar  and  the  fancy  of  a  poet,  as  well  as  the  chivalry  of  a  soldier ;  and  he 
superadded  to  these  tha*  which  was  equally  as  attractive  to  his  mistress,  — 
unrivalled  splendor  in  diess  and  equipage. 

The  Queen's  favor  soon  developed  into  magnificent  gifts  of  riches  and 
honor.  He  was  given  the  monopolies  of  granting  license  for  the  export  of 
broadcloths,  and  for  the  making  of  wines  and  regulating  their  prices.  He 
was  endowed  with  the  fine  estates  in  five  counties  forfeited  to  the  Crown  by 
the  attainder  of  Anthony  Babington,  who  plotted  the  murder  of  Elizabeth 
in  the  interest  of  Mary  of  Scotland ;  and  with  twelve  thousand  acres  in  Ire- 
land, part  of  the  land  forfeited  by  the  Earl  of  Desmond  and  his  followers. 
He  was  made  Lord  Warden  of  the  Stannaries,  Lieutenant  of  the  County 
of  Cornwall,  Vice-Admiral  of  Cornwall  and  Devon,  and  Captain  of  the 
Queen's  Guard. 

One  of  his  Irish  estates  was  near  the  home  of  Edmund  Spenser,  secretary 
to  Lord  Grey  during  the  Irish  rebellion,  and  a  visit  which  led  to  a  renewal 
of  their  friendship  led  also  to  the  publication,  at  the  instance  of  Ralegh,  of 
the  Faerie  Queette,  in  which  Elizabeth  is  represented  as  Belphcebe. 

No  sooner  did  Ralegh  find  that  his  fortune  was  made,  than  he  determined 
to  accomplish  the  object  of  his  passionate  desire, —  the  English  colonization 
of  America.  He  furnished  one  of  the  little  fleet  of  five  ships  with  which 
Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  sailed  June  11,  1583,  upon  his  last  and  most  disas- 


n 


■iiii 


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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


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it 


trous  voyage  to  America,  and  was  only  prevented  from  going  with  him 
by  the  peremptory  order  of  the  Queen,  who  was  unwilling  that  her  favorite 
should  incur  the  risk  of  any  "  dangerous  sea-fights."  The  gallant  Sir 
Humphrey,  after  taking  formal  possession  of  Newfoundland,  sailed  south- 
ward, but,  experiencing  a  series  of  disasters,  went  down  with  his  ship  in  a 
storm  on  his  return  homeward.' 

Ralegh  obtained  a  new  charter,  March  25,  1584,  drawn  more  carefully 
with  a  design  to  foster  colonization.  Not  only  was  he  empowered  to  plant 
colonies  upon  "  such  remote  heathen  and  barbarous  lands,  not  actually 
possessed  by  any  Christian  prince  nor  inhabited  by  Christian  people,"  as 
he  might  discover,  but  the  soil  of  such  lands  was  to  be  enjoyed  by  the 
colonies  forever,  and  the  colonies  planted  were  to  "  have  all  the  privileges 
of  free  denizens  and  persons  native  of  England,  in  such  ample  manner  as 
if  they  were  born  and  personally  resident  in  our  said  realm  of  England,  any 
law,  etc.,  notwithstanding,"  and  they  were  to  be  governed  "  according  to 
such  statutes  as  shall  be  by  him  or  them  established;  so  that  the  said 
statutes  or  laws  conform  as  near  as  conveniently  may  be  with  those  of 
England,  and  do  not  oppugn  the  Christian  faith,  or  any  way  withdraw  the 
people  of  those  lands  from  our  allegiance."  ^ 

These  guarantees  of  political  rights,  which  first  appeared  in  the  charter 
to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  were  renewed  in  the  subsequent  charter  of  1606. 
under  which  the  English  colonies  were  planted  in  America,  and  constituted 
one  of  the  impregnable  grounds  upon  which  they  afterwards  maintained  the 
struggle  which  ended  in  a  complete  separation  from  the  mother  country.  It 
is  doubtless  to  Ralegh  that  we  are  indebted  for  these  provisions,  which  jus- 
tified the  Virginia  burgesses  in  declaring  in  1765,  — 

"  That  the  first  adventurers  and  settlers  of  this  his  Majesty's  colony  and  dominion 
brought  with  them,  and  transmitted  to  their  posterity  and  all  other  his  Majesty's  sub- 
jects since  inhabiting  in  this  his  Majesty's  said  colony,  all  the  privileges,  franchises, 
and  immunities  that  have  at  any  time  been  held,  enjoyed,  and  possessed  by  the  people 
of  Great  Britain." 

Ralegh's  knowledge  of  the  voyages  of  the  Spaniards  satisfied  him  that 
they  had  not  explored  the  Atlantic  coast  north  of  what  is  now  known  as 
Florida,  and  he  determined  to  plant  a  colony  in  this  unexplored  region.' 
Two  ships  were  immediately  made  ready,  and  they  sailed  April  27,  1584, 
under  the  command  of  Captains  Philip  Amadas  and  Arthur  Barlowe,  for 
the  purpose  of  discovery,  with  a  view  to  a  permanent  colony. 

On  the  loth  of  May  they  reached  the  Canaries,  on  the  lOth  of  June 
the  West  Indies,  and  on  the  4th  of  July  the  American  coast.     They  sailed 


\\ 


'  [See  chapter  vi.  —  Ed.] 

^  See  Chalmer's  Annals,  chaps,  xiv.  and  xv., 
and  Journals  of  Congress,  October,  1774. 

'  [It  was  in  1584  that  Hakluyt  wrote  for  Ra- 
legh his  IVesterne  Planting,  to  be  used  in  induc- 


ing Elizabeth  to  grant  to  Ralegh  and  his  friends    chapter.  —  Ed.] 


a  charter  to  colonize  America ;  and  Dr.  Woods, 
in  his  Introduction  to  that  book,  writes,  p.  xliii, 
of  Ralegh  as  the  founder  of  the  transatlantic 
colonies  of  Great  Britain.  See  the  history  of 
the  MS.  in  the  notes  following  Dr.  De  Costa's 


i 


m 


SIR   WALTER    RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND   GUIANA. 


109 


t 


northward  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  before  they  found  "  any  entrance 
or  river  issuing  into  the  sea."  They  entered  the  first  which  they  discovered, 
probably  that  now  known  as  New  Inlet,  and  sailing  a  short  distance  into 
the  haven  they  cast  anchor,  and  returned  thanks  to  God  for  their  safe 
arrival.  Manning  their  boats,  they  were  soon  on  the  nearest  land,  and 
took  possession  of  it  in  the  name  "of  the  Queen's  most  excellent  Majestie, 
as  rightful  Queene  and  Princesse  of  the  same,"  and  afterwards  "  delivered 
the  same  over  to  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  use,  according  to  her  Majestie's 
grant  and  letters  patents  under  her  Highnesse  great  scale."  They  found 
the  land  to  be  about  twenty  miles  long  and  six  miles  wide,  and,  in  the 
language  of  the  report  to  Sir  Walter,  — 

"very  sandie  and  low  towards  the  water's  side,  but  so  ful  of  grapes,  as  the  very 
beating  and  surge  of  the  sea  overflowed  them,  of  which  we  found  such  plentie,  as 
well  there  as  in  all  places  else,  both  on  the  sand  and  on  the  greene  soile  on  the 
hils  as  in  the  plaines,  as  well  on  every  little  shrubbe,  as  also  climing  towards  the  tops 
of  high  cedars,  that  I  thinke  in  all  the  world  the  like  abundance  is  not  to  be  found ; 
and  myselfe  having  scene  those  parts  of  Europe  that  most  abound,  find  such  differ- 
ence as  were  incredible  to  be  written." 

The  report  continues :  — 

"  This  Island  had  many  goodly  Woodes  full  ol  Deere,  Conies,  Hares,  and  Fowle, 
even  in  the  middest  of  Summer,  in  incredible  abondance.  The  Woodes  are  not  such 
as  you  finde  in  Bohemia,  Moscovia,  Hercynia,  barren  and  fruitles,  but  the  highest  and 
reddest  Cedars  of  the  world,  farre  bettering  the  Cedars  of  iue  Azores,  of  the  Indies, 
or  Lybanus ;  Pynes,  Cypres,  Sassaphras,  the  Lentisk,  or  the  tree  that  beareth  the 
Masticke,  the  tree  that  beareth  the  rind  of  blacke  Sinamon." 

On  the  third  day  a  boat  with  three  natives  approached  the  island,  and 
friendly  intercourse  was  at  once  established.  On  the  next  there  came 
several  boats,  and  in  me  of  them  Granganimeo,  the  king's  brother,  "  accom- 
panied with  fortie  or  fiftie  men,  very  handsome  and  goodly  people,  and  in 
their  behavior  as  mannerly  and  civill  as  any  of  Europe."  When  the 
English  asked  the  name  of  the  country,  one  of  the  savages,  who  did  not 
understand  the  question,  replied,  "  Win-gan-da-coa,"  which  meant,  "  You 
wear  fine  clothes."  The  English  on  their  part,  mistaking  his  meaning, 
reported  that  to  be  the  name  of  the  country. 

The  King  was  named  Wingina,  and  he  was  then  suffenng  from  a  wound 
received  in  battle.  After  two  or  three  days  Granganimeo  brought  his  wife 
and  daughter  and  two  or  three  children  to  the  ships. 

"  His  wife  was  very  well  favoured,  of  meane  stature,  and  very  bashful! ;  shee  had  on 
her  backe  a  long  cloake  of  leather,  with  the  furre  side  next  to  her  body,  and  before 
her  a  piece  of  the  same  ;  about  her  forehead  shee  hade  a  band  of  white  corall,  and  so 
had  her  husband  many  times  ;  in  her  eares  shee  had  bracelets  of  pearles  hanging  doune 
to  her  middle,  and  these  were  of  the  bignes  of  good  pease.  The  rest  of  her  women 
of  the  better  sort  had  pendants  of  copper  hanging  in  either  eare ;  he  himself  had 
upon  his  head  a  broad  plate  of  golde  or  copper,  for  being  unpolished  we  knew  not 


no 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I    ;. 


■'II' 


what  mettal  it  should  be,  neither  woukl  he  by  any  meanes  suffer  us  to  take  it  off  his 
head,  but  feeling  it,  it  would  bow  very  easily.  His  apparell  was  as  his  wives,  onely  the 
women  wear  their  haire  long  on  both  sides,  and  the  men  but  on  one.  They  are  of 
colour  yellowish,  and  their  haire  black  for  the  most  part,  and  yet  we  saw  children  that 
had  very  fine  auburne  and  chesnut-colored  haire." 

The  phenomenon  of  auburn  and  chestnut-colored  hair  may  be  accounted 
for  by  the  fact,  related  by  the  natives,  that  some  years  before  a  ship, 
manned  by  whites,  had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast ;  and  that  some  of  the 
people  had  been  saved,  and  had  lived  with  them  for  several  weeks  before 
leaving  in  their  boats,  in  which,  however,  they  were  lost.  It  was  the  de- 
scendants of  these  men,  doubtless,  who  were  found  by  the  English. 

After  the  natives  had  visited  the  ships  several  times,  Captain  Barlowe 
with  seven  men  went  in  a  boat  twenty  miles  to  an  island  called  Roanoke 
(probably  a  corruption  of  the  Indian  name  Ohanoak),  at  the  north  end  of 
which  "  was  a  village  of  nine  houses  built  of  cedar  and  fortified  round  about 
with  sharp  trees  to  keep  out  their  enemies,  and  the  entrance  into  it  made 
like  a  turnpike,  very  artificially."  There  they  found  the  wife  of  Grangan- 
imeo,  who,  with  her  attendants,  in  the  absence  of  her  husband,  entertained 
them  "  with  all  loue  and  kindness,  and  with  as  much  bounty  (after  their 
manner)  as  they  could  possibly  devise." 

They  did  not  attempt  to  explore  the  mainland,  but  returned  to  England, 
arriving  about  the  middle  of  September,  and  carrying  with  them  two  of 
the  natives,  Manteo  and  Manchese.  They  were  enthusiastic  concerning  all 
they  had  seen,  describing  the  soil  as  "  the  most  plentiful,  sweet,  fruitful, 
and  wholesome  of  all  the  world,"  and  "  the  people  most  gentle,  loving,  and 
faithful,  void  of  all  guile  and  treason,  and  such  as  live  after  the  manner  of 
the  Golden  Age." 

The  Queen,  not  less  delighted  than  Ralegh,  named  the  newly-discovered 
country  VIRGINIA,  in  commemoration  of  her  maiden  life,  and  conferred 
upon  Ralegh  the  honor  of  knighthood.  He  now  had  a  new  seal  of  his 
arms  cut,  with  the  legend.  Propria  insignia  Walteri  Ralegh,  militis,  Domini 
et  Giibernatoris  Virginice.  He  was  soon  honored  also  with  a  seat  in  Parlia- 
ment by  his  native  shire  of  Devon,  and  rose  to  eminence  in  that  body. 

Upon  the  return  of  his  expedition  Ralegh  began  to  fit  out  a  colony 
to  be  planted  in  Virginia.  Everything  was  made  ready  by  the  next 
spring,  and  on  the  9th  of  April,  1585,  he  sent  from  Plymouth  a  fleet  of 
seven  ships  in  command  of  his  cousin,  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  "  with  one 
hundred  householders,  and  many  things  necessary  to  begin  a  new  state." 
^  The  colony  itself  was  put  in  the  im- 

/^        *5^~-     *^/'  mediate  charge  of  Ralph  Lane,  who 

^-^^^C^-»t/*-'       ^.^S'*-^*'^^^ — «    was  afterwards  knighted  by  the  King. 

/        ^/  ^ -\  He  had  seen  considerable  service,  and 

/^""^  was  on  duty  in  Ireland  when  invited 

by  Ralegh  to  take  command  of  the  colony.     The  Queen  ordered  a  substi- 
tute to  be  appointed  in  his  government  of  Kerry  and  Clanmorris,  "  in  con- 


SIR   WALTER    RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND   GUIANA. 


II  I 


;ti- 
)n- 


sideration  of  his  ready  undertaking  the  voyage  to  Virginia  for  Sir  Walter 
Ralegh  at  her  Majesty's  command."  His  residence  in  Ireland  and  Ralegh's 
interest  there  account  for  a  number  of  Irish  names  which  appear  among  the 
colonists.  Captain  Philip  Amadas  w?s  associated  with  Lane  as  his  deputy, 
and  among  those  who  accompanied  him  were  two  who  were  men  of  dis- 
tinction. One,  Thomas  Cavendish,  afterwards  became  celebrated  as  a 
navigator  by  sailing  round  the  world ;  and  another,  Thomas  Hariot,  was 
a  mathematician  of  great  distinction,  who  materially  advanced  the  science 
of  algebra,  and  was  honored  by  Descartes,  who  imposed  some  of  Harlot's 
work  upon  the  French  as  his  own. 

On  the  voyage  the  conduct  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville  gave  great  offence 
to  Lane  and  the  leading  men  of  the  colony,  and  Lane  became  convinced 
that  Grenville  desired  his  death.  On  the  26th  of  June  they  came  to  anchor 
at  VVocokon,  now  known  as  Ocracoke  Inlet.  On  the  i  ith  of  July  Grenville 
crossed  the  southern  portion  of  Pamlico  Sound,  and  discovered  three  In- 
dian towns,  —  Pomeiok,  Aquascogoc,  and  Secotan.  At  Aquascogoc  a  silver 
cup  was  stolen  from  one  of  his  men,  and  failing  to  recover  it,  they  "  burned 
and  spoiled  their  corn,  all  the  people  being  fled."  This  act  of  harsh  retri- 
bution made  enemies  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  part  of  the  country,  and  was 
unfortunate  in  its  consequences. 

Grenville  landed  the  colony  at  Roanoke  Island,  and  leaving  Lane  in 
charge  of  one  hundred  and  seven  men,  he  sailed  for  England  August  25, 
promising  to  return  with  supplies  by  the  next  Easter.  La-^e  at  once  erected 
a  fort  on  the  island,  and  then  began  to  explore  the  coast  and  rivers  of  the 
country.  The  exploration  southward  extended  about  eighty  miles,  to  the 
present  county  of  Carteret;  northward,  about  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles, 
to  the  vicinity  of  Elizabeth  River;  northwest,  about  the  same  distance,  to 
a  point  just  below  the  junction  of  the  Meherrin  and  Nottoway  rivers ;  and 
westward,  up  the  Roanoke  River  to  the  vicinity  of  Halifax. 

Lane  was  a  man  of  decided  ability  and  executive  capacity.  He  informed 
himself  regarding  the  country  and  its  inhabitants,  and  protected  his  men 
from  the  many  dangers  which  surrounded  them.  He  soon  became  con- 
vinced that  a  mistake  had  been  made  in  attempting  a  settlement  on  Roa- 
noke Island,  because  of  the  dangerous  coast  and  wretched  harbor.  He 
learned  on  his  voyage  up  the  Chowan,  from  an  Indian  king  named  Mona- 
tonon,  that  on  going  three  days'  journey  in  a  canoe  up  the  river  and  four 
daj-'  journey  over  land  to  the  northeast,  he  would  come  to  a  king's  country 
which  lay  upon  the  sea,  whose  place  of  greatest  strength  was  an  island 
in  a  deep  bay.  This  information  evidently  pointed  to  Craney  Island  in 
Chesapeake  Bay.  Lane  thereupon  resolved,  as  soon  as  the  promised  sup- 
ply arrived  from  England,  to  send  ships  up  the  coast  to  discover  the  bay, 
and  to  send  men  overland  to  establish  posts,  and  if  he  found  the  bay  to 
be  as  described,  to  transfer  the  colony  to  its  shore. 

The  two  natives  who  had  been  carried  to  England  had  returned  with  Lane. 
Manteo  was  a  firm  friend   to  the  English,  while  Manchese  became  their 


I  12 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


•     'I 


implacable  enemy.  Gran^janimco,  the  brother,  and  Knsenore,  the  father,  of 
Wingina,  were  also  friendly,  but  both  died  within  a  few  months  after  the  ar- 
rival of  the  colony,  and  the  kinj^,  who  had  changed  his  name  to  I'emisapan, 
did  all  in  his  power  to  destroy  it.  When  Lane  ascended  the  Roanoke,  he 
found  that  the  tribes  along  its  banks,  with  whom  he  had  previously  entered 
into  terms  of  friendship,  had  been  informed  by  I'emisapan  that  the  luiglish 
designed  to  kill  them.  They  had  retired  into  the  interior  with  their  families 
and  provisions,  and  Lane,  whose  supplies  were  running  short,  found  great 
difficulty  in  subsisting  his  men. 

The  exploration  of  this  river,  called  by  the  Indians  Moratoc,  was  deemed 
of  the  greatest  importance,  as  the  natives  reported  it  as  flowing  with  a  bold 
stream  out  of  a  rock  upon  the  coast  of  the  Western  Ocean,  and  running 
through  a  land  rich  in  minerals.  During  the  voyage  they  were  reduced  to 
great  straits  for  subsistence,  but  the  men  insisted  on  going  farther  and  feed- 
ing on  the  flesh  of  dogs,  rather  than  to  give  up  the  search.  Finally  they 
were  attacked  by  the  natives,  and  being  without  food  they  returned  from 
their  search  for  the  mines  and  the  South-Sea  passage.  The  scarcity  of 
provisions  at  Roanoke  Island  had  now  become  a  matter  of  serious  concern, 
as  the  time  had  passed  for  Sir  Richard  Grenville  to  return  with  supplies, 
and  Pemisapan  was  endeavoring  to  starve  them  out.  In  order  to  get  sub- 
sistence Lane  was  forced  to  divide  his  men  into  three  parties.  One  of  these 
he  sent  to  the  Island  of  Croatoan,  and  another  to  Hatorask.  Learning  from 
Skyco,  a  son  of  King  Monatonon,  held  as  a  hostage,  that  Pemisapan  had 
informed  him  of  a  plot  to  murder  the  English,  Lane  saved  his  men  by  strik- 
ing the  first  blow,  and  putting  to  death  Pemisapan  and  seven  or  eight  of 
his  chief  men. 

Within  a  few  days  afterwards  Sir  Francis  Drake,  with  a  fleet  of  twenty- 
three  sail,  returning  from  sacking  St.  Domingo,  Carthagina,  and  St.  Augus- 
tine, came  in  sight  of  the  Island  of  Croatoan,  and  on  the  loth  of  June  came 
to  anchor  near  Roanoke  Island.  Drake  acted  in  the  most  generous  man- 
ner towards  the  colonists.  He  proposed  to  carry  them  back  to  England 
if  they  desired  it,  or  to  leave  them  sufficient  shipping  and  provisions  to 
enable  them  to  make  further  discovery.  Lane  and  his  men,  being  desirous 
to  stay,  accepted  the  last  ofi'er,  promising  when  they  had  searched  the  coast 
for  a  better  harbor  to  return  to  England  in  the  coming  August.  They  had 
despaired  of  the  return  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  and  they  believed  that 
Ralegh  had  been  prevented  from  looking  after  them  by  the  condition  of 
public  affairs  in  England.  Sir  Francis  at  once  placed  one  of  his  ships  at 
the  disposal  of  Lane,  and  began  to  put  provisions  aboard.  Before  this  was 
accomplished  a  storm  arose,  which  lasted  three  days  and  threatened  to  de- 
stroy the  whole  fleet.  To  save  themselves  several  of  the  ships  put  to  sea, 
anr"  r  long  them  the  "  Francis,"  selected  for  the  use  of  the  colony,  with 
the  provisions  aboard.  After  the  storm  had  abated  Drake  offered  another 
ship  of  much  greater  burden,  it  being  the  only  one  he  could  then  spare ;  but 
it  being  too  heavy  for  the  harbor  and  not  suited  for  their  purposes,  Lane 


SIR   WALTER    RALEGH:     ROANOKE   AND   GUIANA. 


H3 


with  the  chief  men  tictermincd  to  ask  for  a  passage  to  England  for  the 
colonj',  wiiich  was  {^ranted  them  by  Drake,  and  tiiey  arrived  at  I'lyinouth 
on  the  27th  of  July,  1586,  having  lost  but  four  of  their  number.  Thomas 
Hariot  carried  with  him,  on  tin:  return  of  the  colony,  a  carefully  prepared 
description  of  the  country,  —  its  inhabitants,  productions,  animals,  birds,  and 
fish,  —  and  John  White,  the  artist  of  the  expedition,  carried  illustrations 
in  water-colors.  Specimens  of  the  productions  of  the  country  were  also 
carried  by  the  colonists;  and  of  these  two,  though  not  previously  un- 
known in  Kurope,  through  the  exertions  of  Ralegh  were  brought  into 
general  use,  and  have  long  been  of  the  greatest  importance.  One  was 
the  plant  called  by  the  natives  uppowoc,  but  named  by  the  Spaniards 
tobacco ;  the  other,  the  root  known  as  the  potato,  which  was  introduced 
into  Ireland  by  being  planted  on  tic  estate  of  Ralegh.  In  Hariot's  de- 
scription of  the  grain  called  by  the  Indians  pagatotir,  we  easily  recognize 
our  Indian  corn. 

Soon  after  the  deptirture  of  the  colony  a  ship  arrived  with  supplies  sent 
by  Ralegh,  with  a  direction  to  assure  them  of  further  aid.  Finding  no  one 
on  the  island,  this  vessel  returned  to  England.  Fifteen  days  after  its  de- 
parture Sir  Richard  Grcnville  arrived  with  three  ships  well  provisioned, 
but  finding  the  island  desolate,  and  searching  in  vain  for  the  colony  or 
any  information  concerning  it,  he  also  returned,  leaving,  however,  fifteen 
men  with  provisions  for  two  years.  This  was  done  to  retain  possession  of 
the  country,  and  in  ignorance  of  the  hostility  of  the  natives  and  of  the 
purpose  of  Lane  to  abandon  that  locality  as  a  settlement.  Though  seem- 
ingly wise  and  proper,  it  proved  to  be  the  source  of  further  misfortune. 

Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  upon  receiving  the  report  of  Lane,  determined  to 
make  no  further  effort  to  settle  Roanoke  Island,  but  at  once  began  to 
prepare  for  a  settlement  upon  Chesapeake  Bay.  He  granted  a  charter  of 
incorporation  to  thirty-two  persons,  nineteen  of  whom  were  merchants 
of  London  who  contributed  their  money,  and  thirteen,  styled  "  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Assistants  of  the  city  of  Ralegh  in  Virginia,"  who  adventured 
their  persons  in  the  enterprise.  Of  the  nineteen  styled  merchants,  ten 
were  afterwards  subscribers  to  the  Virginia  Company  of  London  which 
settled  Jamestown.  Among  them  were  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  for  years  the 
chief  officer  of  that  company,  and  one  of  the  two  Richard  Hakluyts.  John 
White  was  selected  as  the  governor,  and  with  him  were  sent  one  hundred 
and  fifty  persons,  including  seventeen  women.  They  were  carried  in  three 
ships  in  charge  of  Simon  Ferdinando,  with  directions  to  visit  Roanoke 
Island  and  take  away  the  men  left  there  by  Sir  Richard  Grenville,  and  then 
to  steer  for  Chesapeake  Bay.  On  July  22,  1587,  they  arrived  at  Hatorask, 
and  White,  taking  with  him  forty  of  his  best  men,  started  in  the  pinnace  to 
Roanoke  Island. 

Ferdinando,  who  was  a  Spaniard  by  birth,  was  either  acting  in  the  in- 
terest of  Spain  or  was  angered  by  his  difficulties  with  White.  He  had 
purposely  separated  from  one  of  the  ships  dur'.ng  the  voyage,  and  instead 

VOL.    III.  —  IS. 


l.'y^^l 


V' 


114 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF  AMKRICA. 


1 : 


of  carryinj;  the  colony  to  Chesapeake  Hay,  as  he  had  ajjreed,  he  no  sooner 
saw  VVMiite  and  his  men  aboard  tlic  pinnace  for  Roanoke  Island,  than  Itc 
directed  the  sailors  to  brin^;  none  of  the  men  back,  on  the  pretext  that  the 
summer  was  too  far  spent  to  be  looking;  for  another  place.  The  colony 
was  thus  forced  to  remain  upon  the  island.  They  found  evidence  of  the 
massacre  by  the  savajjes  of  the  men  left  by  (irenville,  and  they  soon 
experienced  the  hostility  of  the  Indians  toward  themselves. 

Manteo,  who  had  yone  to  l\n|{land  with  I.ane,  returned  with  White,  and 
was  of  the  greatest  service  to  the  colony.  By  the  direction  of  Raleyh  he 
"  was  christened  in  Roanoke,  and  called  lord  thereof,  and  of  Dasamon^jue- 
peuk,  in  reward  of  his  faithful  service."  On  the  1 8th  of  Aupust  ICleanor, 
dautjhter  of  the  {governor  and  wife  of  Ananias  Uare  one  of  the  assistants, 
gave  birth  to  a  daughter,  "  and  because  this  child  was  the  first  Christian 
born  in  Virginia,  she  was  named  Virginia." 

The  little  vessel,  from  which  Ferdinando  had  parted  company,  arrived 
safely  with  the  rest  of  the  colony  aboard  in  a  few  H^ys,  and  the  men  who 
landed  on  the  island,  all  told,  were  one  hundred  and  twenty  souls. 

When  the  time  came  for  the  ships  to  return  to  Kngland  it  was  deter- 
mined by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  colony  to  send  White  back  to  repre- 
sent their  condition  and  to  obtain  relief.  He  at  first  refused  to  go,  but  at 
last  yielded  to  their  solicitation,  and  on  the  5th  of  November  arrived  in 
England. 

When  White  landed  he  found  the  kingdom  alarmed  by  the  threatened 
Spanish  invasion.  Ralegh,  Grenville,  and  Lane  were  all  members  of  the 
council  of  war,  and  were  bending  every  energy  toward  the  protection  of 
England  from  the  Spanish  7\rmada.  Ralegh's  genius  shone  forth  con- 
spicuously in  this  crisis,  and  his  policy  of  defending  England  on  the  water 
by  a  well-equipped  fleet  was  not  onlv  adopted,  but  has  been  steadily 
pursued  since,  and  has  resulterl  in  her  becoming  the  great  naval  power 
of  the  world. 

Ralegh  did  not  forget  his  colony,  however,  and  by  the  spring  he  had 
fitted  out  for  its  relief  a  small  fleet,  which  he  placed  under  the  command 
of  Sir  Richard  Grenville.  Before  it  sailed  every  ship  was  impressed  by  the 
Government,  and  Sir  Richard  was  required  to  attend  Sir  Walter,  who  was 
training  troops  in  Cornwall.  Governor  White,  with  Ralegh's  aid,  succeeded 
in  sailing  for  Virginia  with  two  vessels,  April  22,  1588,  but  encountering 
some  Spanish  ships  and  being  worsted  in  a  sea-fight,  he  was  forced  to  re- 
turn to  England,  and  the  voyage  was  abandoned  for  the  time.  White  was 
not  able  to  renew  his  effort  to  relieve  the  colony  during  the  year  1589,  but 
during  the  next  year,  finding  that  three  ships  ready  to  sail  for  the  West 
Indies  at  the  charges  of  John  Wattes,  a  London  merchant,  had  been  de- 
tained by  the  order  prohibiting  any  vessel  from  leaving  England,  he  applied 
to  Ralegh  to  obtain  permission  for  them  to  sail,  on  condition  that  they 
should  take  him  and  some  others  with  supplies  to  Roanoke  Island.  After 
obtaining  permission  to  sail  on  this  condition,  the  owner  and  commanders 


ol 
w« 
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15 

CO 


a 

is 
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ha 
fei 


SIR   WALTER    RALEGH:     RbANOKE   AND  GUIANA. 


>I5 


of  the  ships  refused  to  take  any  one  aboard  except  White ;  and  as  they 
were  in  the  act  of  sailini^,  and  White  had  no  time  to  lodge  complaint  ;igainst 
them,  he  went  aboard,  determined  alone  to  prosecute  his  search.  On  the 
15th  of  August  they  came  to  anchor  at  llatorask.  When  White  left  the 
colony  they  had  determined  to  remove  fifty  miles  into  the  interior,  and  it 
had  been  agreed  that  they  should  carve  on  the  trees  or  posts  of  the  doors 
the  name  of  the  place  where  they  were  seited,  and  if  they  were  in  distress 
a  cross  was  to  be  carved  above  the  name.  White  found  no  one  on  the 
island,  but  the  houses  he  had  left  had  been  taken  down  and  a  fort  erected, 
which  had  been  so  long  deserted  that  grass  was  growing  in  it.  The  bark 
had  been  cut  from  one  of  the  largest  trees  near  the  entrance,  and  five 
feet  from  the  ground,  in  fair  capital  letters,  was  cut  the  word  Croatoan, 
without  any  sign  of  distress.  Further  search  developed  the  fact  ihat  five 
chests,  buried  near  the  fort,  had  been  dug  up  and  their  contents  destroyed. 
White  recognized  among  the  fragments  of  the  articles  some  of  his  own 
books,  maps,  and  pictures,  lie  concluded  that  the  colony  had  removed 
to  Croatoan,  the  island  from  which  Manteo  came,  whose  inhabitants  had 
been  friendly  to  the  English.  White  at  once  begged  the  captain  of  the 
ship  to  carry  him  to  Croatoan,  which  the  captain  promised  to  do;  but 
a  violent  storm  preventing,  he  finally  determined  to  sail  for  England, 
where  they  arrived  on  the  24th  of  October.  This  was  White's  fifth  and 
last  voyage,  as  he  states  in  his  letter  to  Hakluyt  in  1593.  His  disappoint- 
ment produced  despondency,  and  he  abandoned  all  hope  of  relieving  the 
colony,  with  v/hom  he  had  left  his  daughter  and  grandchild. 

Ralegh  had  already  spent  forty  thousand  pounds  in  his  several  efforts 
to  colonize  Virginia,  and  he  found  himself  unable  to  follow  up  his  design 
from  his  own  purse  alone.  He  thereupon  leased  his  patent  to  a  com- 
pany of  merchants,  hoping  thus  to  achieve  his  object.  But  in  this  he 
was  disappointed.  He  did  not  abandon  all  hope  of  final  success,  how- 
ever, but  continued  to  send  out  ships  to  look  for  his  lost  colony.  In 
1602  he  made  his  fifth  effort  to  afford  them  help  by  sending  Captain  Sam- 
uel Mace,  a  mariner  of  experience,  with  instructions  to  search  for  them. 
Mace  returned  without  executing  his  orders,  and  Ralegh  wrote  to  Sir 
Robert  Cecil  on  the  21st  August  that  he  would  send  Mace  back,  and  ex- 
pressed his  faith  in  the  colonization  of  Virginia  in  these  words,  "  I  shall 
yet  live  to  see  it  an  Englishe  nation."  He  lived,  indeed,  to  see  his  pre- 
diction verified,  but  not  until  he  was  immured  in  the  Tower  of  London. 
During  the  last  years  of  Elizabeth's  reign  he  continually  pressed  the  Sec- 
retary and  Privy  Council  for  facilities  to  resume  his  schemes,  but  without 
success ;  and  he  finally  abandoned  all  hope  of  finding  the  colony  left  at 
Roanoke  Island. 

What  became  of  this  colony  was  long  a  question  of  anxious  inquiry, 
only  ^o  be  solved  by  the  information  obtained  from  the  Indians  after  the 
English  settled  at  Jamestown.  It  was  then  ascertained  that  they  had  inter- 
mixed with  the  natives,  and,  after  living  with  them  till  about  the  time  of  the 


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NARRATIVE  AND    CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF   AMERICA 


l!. 


arrival  of  the  colony  at  Jamestown,  had  been  cruelly  massacred  at  the  in- 
stigation of  Powhatan,  acting  under  the  persuasions  of  his  priests.*  Only 
seven  of  them  —  four  men,  two  boys,  and  a  young  maid  —  had  been  pre- 
served from  slaughter  by  a  friendly  chief.  From  these  was  descended  a 
tribe  of  Indians  found  in  the  vicinity  of  Roanoke  Island  in  the  beginning 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  known  as  the  Hatteras  Indians.  They  had 
gray  eyes,  which  were  found  among  no  other  tribes,  and  claimed  to  have 
white  people  as  their  ancestors. 

The  failure  of  Ralegh's  efforts  to  colonize  Virginia  may  be  ascribed  to 
the  inherent  difficulties  of  the  enterprise,  increased  by  the  inexperience 
of  those  sent  out;  to  the  unfortunate  selection  of  the  place  of  settlement; 
and,  above  all,  to  the  war  with  Spain,  which  prevented  Ralegh  from  taking 
proper  care  of  the  infant  colony  until  it  could  become  self-sustaining. 

But  although  the  colonies  he  sent  to  Virginia  perished,  to  Ralegh  must 
be  awarded  the  honor  of  securing  the  possession  of  North  America  to  the 
English.  It  was  through  his  enterprise  that  the  advantages  of  its  soil  and 
climate  were  made  known  in  England,  and  that  the  Chesapeake  Bay  was 
fixed  upon  as  the  proper  place  of  settlement;  and  it  was  his  genius  that 
created  the  spirit  of  colonization  which  led  to  the  successful  settlement 
upon  that  bay. 

Ralegh  incurred  the  displeasure  of  the  Queen  in  1592  by  his  marriage 
with  Elizabeth  Throgmorton,  her  beautiful  maid  of  honor.  He  was  more 
than  compensated,  however,  by  the  acquisition  of  a  faithful  and  loving  wife, 
who  was  in  every  way  worthy  of  him.  The  jealous  Queen  sent  them  both 
to  the  Tower.  After  a  few  months'  imprisonment  Sir  Walter  was  released, 
that  he  might  superintend  the  division  of  the  rich  spoil  taken  in  the  Spanish 
ship  "  Madre  de  Dios,"  on  her  return  from  the  West  Indies,  by  a  privateer- 
ing fleet  which  he  had  sent  out.  The  Queen  was  personally  interested  in 
this  enterprise,  and  got  the  lion's  share  of  the  profits.  Afterward  he  was 
permitted  to  retire  with  his  wife  to  his  estate,  and  there  he  matured  his 
plans  for  a  voyage  to  Guiana,  which  he  had  been  long  considering.  His 
colony  had  found  no  mines  in  Virginia,  and  he  longed  to  make  England 
the  rival  of  Spain  in  mineral  wealth. 

Spanish  travellers  had  reported  that  the  natives  told  of  a  city  of  gold 
called  "  El  Dorado,"  which  was  situated  in  the  unexplored  region  of  the 
northeastern  portion  of  South  America,  known  as  the  "  Epipire  of  Guiana." 
Between  the  years  1530  and  1560  a  number  of  expeditions  had  been  sent 
by  the  Spaniards  to  this  unknown  land.  They  had  proved  unsuccessful, 
and  been  attended  with  great  loss  of  life  and  money.  Ralegh  was  seized 
with  a  desire  to  visit  this  region  and  secure  its  riches.  In  1 594  he  sent  out 
Jacob  Whiddon,  with  instructions  to  examine  the  coast  contiguous  to  the 
River  Orinoco,  and  to  explore  that  river  and  its  tributaries.  Whiddon  met 
at  the  Island  of  Trinidad  with  Antonio  de  Berreo,  the  Spanish  governor, 
who  was  himself  planning  an  exploration  of  the  region  along  the  Orinoco, 

1  Strachey,  Hakluyt  Society's  Publications,  vi.  85. 


to, 


SIR  WALTER   RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND   GUIANA. 


117 


and  who  opposed  every  obstacle  to  the  success  of  Whiddon's  mission. 
Ralegh's  agent  returned  to  England  towards  the  close  of  the  year  with  but 
little  trustworthy  information.  Sir  Walter  continued  his  preparations,  how- 
ever, and  on  February  9,  1595,  with  a  squadron  of  five  ships,  he  sailed  from 
Plymouth  for  Trinidad,  having  aboard  one  hundred  officers,  soldiers,  and 
gentlemen  adventurers.  Before  the  end  of  March  he  arrived  at  Trinidad. 
He  captured  the  town  of  St.  Joseph,  and  took  Berreo  prisoner.  Treating 
his  captive  with  kindness,  Ralegh  soon  learned  from  him  what  he  knew  of 
Guiana.  He  was  informed  by  Berreo  that  the  empire  of  Guiana  had  more 
gold  than  Peru  ;  that  the  imperial  city  called  by  the  Spaniards  "  El  Dorado  " 
was  called  by  the  Indians  "  Manoa,"  and  was  situated  on  a  lake  of  salt  water 
two  hundred  leagues  long,  and  that  it  was  the  largest  and  richest  city  in  the 
world.  Berreo  showed  Sir  Walter  a  copy  of  a  narrative  by  Juan  Martinez 
of  his  journey  to  Manoa,  which  had  induced  Berreo  to  send  a  special  mes- 
senger to  Spain  to  get  up  an  expedition  for  the  conquest  of  El  Dorado,  or, 
as  it  was  then  called,  "  Laguna  de  la  Gran  Manoa." 

This  narrative  appeared  to  confirm  the  marvellous  tales  concerning  El 
Dorado  which  had  so  long  obtained  credence.  Ralegh  did  not  rely  on 
Berreo,  however,  but  sought  out  the  oldest  among  the  Indians  on  the 
island,  and  inquired  of  them  concerning  the  country,  its  streams  and  in- 
habitants. He  then  started  upon  his  perilous  voyage  up  the  Orinoco,  with 
four  boats  and  provisions  for  a  month.  He  entered  by  the  most  northern 
of  the  divisions  through  which  that  remarkable  river  flows  into  the  sea, 
and  after  struggling  against  its  rapid,  various,  and  dangerous  currents  for 
more  than  a  month,  and  reaching  the  mouth  of  the  Caroni,  and  ascending 
that  stream  some  forty  miles  to  the  vicinity  of  its  falls,  he  was  forced  by 
the  rising  of  the  river  to  return,  —  finding  that  his  farther  progress  was 
not  only  prevented  thereby,  but  his  return  made  dangerous.  He  supposed 
he  had  gone  four  hundred  miles  by  the  windings  of  the  river,  and  he  was 
still  more  than  two  hundred  miles  from  the  country  of  which  Manoa  was 
the  capital,  according  to  the  reckoning  of  Berreo.  Ralegh  did  not  find 
the  rich  deposits  of  gold  he  had  hoped  for,  but  saw,  as  he  supposed, 
many  indications  of  that  metal,  and  secured  specimens  of  ores  and 
precious  stones.  He  found  that  the  Spaniards  had  previously  traversed 
the  country  contiguous  to  the  river,  and  been  cruel  in  their  treatment  of 
the  natives.  He  informed  them  that  his  Queen,  whose  portrait  he  showed 
them,  was  the  enemy  of  the  Spaniards,  and  that  he  came  to  deliver  them 
from  their  tyranny.  He  so:  in  made  them  his  fast  friends  by  his  kindness, 
and  an  old  chief,  Topiawari,  promised  to  unite  the  several  tribes  along  the 
river  in  a  league  against  the  Spaniards  by  the  time  Sir  Walter  should  return. 
This  chief  gave  his  son  to  Ralegh  as  a  pledge  of  his  fidelity,  and  received 
in  return  two  Englishmen,  who  were  instructed  to  learn  what  they  could  of 
the  country,  and,  if  possible,  to  go  to  the  city  of  Manoa. 

Ralegh  arrived  in  England  in  the  latter  part  of  the  summer  of  1595, 
after  laying  under  contribution  several  Spanish  settlements  on  the  way.    He 


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NARRATIVE   /iND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


^^'i'i 


published  a  glowing  account  of  his  voyage,  in  which  he  related  not  only 
the  wonderful  things  he  had  seen,  but  the  more  wonderful  things  which  had 
been  told  him  by  the  Spaniards  and  natives.  He  was  firmly  persuaded  of 
the  existence  of  El  Dorado,  and  also  that  there  lived  in  Guiana  the  Ama- 
zons, a  race  of  women  who  allowed  no  man  to  remain  among  them ;  and 
the  Ewaipanoma,  a  tribe  who  had  their  eyes  in  their  shoulders  and  their 
mouths  in  the  middle  of  their  breasts.  The  publication  was  eagerly  read, 
and  increased  his  already  great  reputation.  But  it  was  severely  criticised 
at  the  time,  as  it  has  been  since  by  Hume  and  other  historians.  During 
the  present  century  two  distinguished  men  —  Humboldt  and  Schomburgk 
— have  explored  the  Orinoco  and  the  countries  drained  by  it  and  its 
almost  innumerable  tributaries.  They  found  that  what  Ralegh  stated  of 
the  country,  as  coming  under  his  own  observation,  was  true,  while  many 
of  the  tales  told  him  by  others  were  the  merest  fiction. 

In  January,  1596,  Ralegh  sent  Captain  Laurence  Keymis,  a  companion  of 
his  first  voyage,  with  two  ships,  to  renew  the  exploration  of  the  Orinoco, 
with  a  view  to  planting  a  colony.  He  returned  in  June,  and  his  report 
confirmed  Ralegh  in  his  belief  in  the  mineral  wealth  of  the  country.  He 
brought  intelligence,  however,  of  a  Spanish  settlement  made  by  Berreo 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Caroni,  with  the  men  sent  out  to  him  from  Spain. 

When  Keymis  landed  in  England  he  found  that  Ralegh  had  been  par- 
tially restored  to  the  favor  of  the  Queen,  and  united  with  Essex  and  Howard 
in  command  of  the  force  sent  to  attack  Cadiz.  The  operations  before  that 
city  were  directed  by  Ralegh's  genius,  and  he  led  the  van  of  the  naval 
attack  which  resulted  in  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  fleet  and  the  cap- 
ture of  the  city.  From  the  effectr  of  this  blow  Spain  never  recovered,  and 
the  2 1  St  of  June,  1596,  the  day  of  the  battle,  marks  the  date  of  her  decline 
as  one  of  the  great  powers.  During  the  next  year  he  struck  her  another 
blow  by  the  capture  of  Fayal. 

In  the  year  1596  Ralegh  despatched  one  of  the  smaller  ships  which  had 
fought  at  Cadiz,  to  Guiana,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Leonard  Berry, 
but  with  no  important  results.  In  1598  he  attempted  to  get  together  a 
fleet  of  thirteen  ships,  to  be  commanded  by  Sir  John  Gilbert,  with  which 
to  convey  a  colony  to  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Orinoco,  but  from  some  cause, 
not  known,  he  failed. 

His  frequent  failures  did  not  dampen  his  ardor  in  the  cause  of  coloniza- 
tion, but  he  found  that  it  "  required  a  prince's  purse  to  have  it  thoroughly 
followed  out,"  and  he  therefore  endeavored  to  interest  the  Ministry  in  his 
schemes.  But  the  end  of  the  great  Queen  was  approaching,  and  instead 
of  aiming  at  the  enlargement  of  her  kingdom,  her  ministers  were  scheming 
for  their  own  advancement  with  her  successor. 

The  accession  of  James  to  the  throne  of  England  changed  the  fortunes 
of  Ralegh.  When  he  met  the  King  he  found  the  royal  mind  already 
prejudiced  against  him.  He  was  displaced  from  the  Captaincy  of 
the  Guard,  and  shortly  afterwards  was  arrested  on  a  charge  of  treason, 


SIR  WALTER    RALEGH  :    ROANOKE   AND    GUIANA. 


119 


in  plotting  with  the  Count  of  Arenburg,  an  ambassador  of  the  Archduke 
Albert,  to  place  Lady  Arabella  Stuart  upon  the  throne,  and  to  obtain  aid 
from  the  King  of  Spain  for  the  purpose.  The  mockery  of  a  trial  which 
followed  drew  from  one  of  his  judges  the  statement,  which  succeeding  ages 
have  pronounced  true,  that  "  never  before  was  English  justice  so  injured 
or  so  degraded."  The  brutal  conduct  of  Sir  Edward  Coke  who  prose- 
cuted, and  of  Chief-Justice  Popham  who  presided,  at  the  trial,  and  denied 
the  request  of  Ralegh  to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against  him,  has 
consigned  their  memory  to  lasting  infamy.  That  Ralegh,  after  spending  his 
life  in  war  with  Spain,  should  plot  with  her  to  overthrow  his  King  and  put 
another  in  his  place  is  not  credible,  and  that  the  Government  that  prose- 
cuted him  did  not  believe  the  charge  is  conclusively  shown  by  the  fact, 
that  the  Count  of  Arenburg  retained  the  favor  of  King  James,  and  further, 
that  some  of  the  men  prominent  in  the  prosecution  were  at  the  time  in  the 
paid  service  of  Spain. 

James  did  not  proceed  to  execute  the  sentence  of  death  which  his  corrupt 
court  had  pronounced  against  Ralegh,  but  kept  him  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower 
for  thirteen  years.  In  prison  he  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  chemistry 
and  to  literary  composition ;  and  the  great  wrong  done  in  depriving  him 
of  his  liberty  resulted  in  that  literary  treasure,  the  History  of  the  World. 

As  prison  life, became  more  and  more  irksome  to  Ralegh,  he  attempted 
to  relieve  himself  from  it  by  obtaining  employment  in  Virginia  or  Guiana, 
promising  the  King  rich  returns  if  he  would  but  permit  him  to  visit  either 
country.  Finally,  by  bribing  those  who  had  the  ear  of  the  King,  he  was 
released  January  30,  1616,  to  prepare  for  a  voyage  to  Guiana.  He  had 
been  assured  by  Keymis  that  a  rich  mine  exibted  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Caroni,  and  he  pledged  himself  to  find  it  or  else  to  bear  all  the  expenses 
of  the  expedition.  Keymis  was  to  go  along  with  him,  and  also  a  sufficient 
force  "  to  defend  him  against  the  Spaniards  inhabiting  upon  the  Orenocke, 
if  they  offered  to  assaile  him,  —  not  that  it  is  meant  to  offend  the  Spaniards 
there,  or  to  beginne  any  quarrell  with  them,  except  themselves  shall  beginne 
the  warre."  It  was  said  in  London  at  the  time  that  Ralegh  wanted  to 
obtain  a  pardon  under  the  Great  Seal,  but  it  required  a  further  expenditure 
of  money  which  he  needed  in  his  expedition,  and  he  was  advised  by  Bacon 
that  the  King's  commission  under  which  he  sailed  was  equivalent  to  a 
pardon.  The  release  of  Ralegh  enabled  him  to  see  Pocahontas,  who  was 
in  England  in  1616,  and  we  can  well  conceive  with  what  interest  he  beheld 
her  who  had  so  much  aided  in  realizing  his  hope  of  seeing  Virginia  an 
English  nation. 

King  James  had  fallen  under  the  influence  of  Count  Gondomar,  the  Span- 
ish ambassador,  to  whom  Ralegh  was  particularly  obnoxious  on  account  of 
his  lifelong  enmity  to  Spain.  The  Count  attempted  to  prevent  the  sailing 
of  the  expedition,  but  failing  in  that,  he  obtained  from  the  King  Ralegh's 
plans,  and  at  once  transmitted  them  to  Madrid,  where  steps  were  immedi- 
ately taken  to  thwart  them.      In  June,   1617,  Ralegh  sailed  with  eleven 


I20 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


J 


w 


vessels  from  Plymouth,  having  with  him  his  son,  young  Walter  Ralegh, 
Captain  Keymis,  and  four  hundred  and  thirty-one  men.  He  arrived  at 
Trinidad  in  December,  suffering  from  the  effects  of  a  violent  fever.  He 
was  too  feeble  to  attempt  the  ascent  of  the  Orinoco,  but  sent  forward  his 
son  and  Keymis.  When  they  approached  St.  Thomas,  settled  since  his 
first  voyage,  they  were  attacked  by  the  Spaniards.  The  conflict  ended  in 
the  taking  of  the  town,  but  at  the  cost  of  young  Walter  Ralegh's  life. 
Keymis  continued  the  search  for  the  mine,  and  with  a  part  of  his  men 
reached  the  vicinity  of  the  place  at  which  he  had  located  it  on  his  previous 
voyage.  The  hostility  of  the  Spaniards  reduced  his  numbers  so  that  he 
felt  forced  to  return  to  St.  Thomas  for  reinforcements.  After  returning 
to  that  point  he  became  despondent,  and  finally  burnt  the  town  and  re- 
turned to  Trinidad,  taking  along  with  him  documents  found  at  St.  Thomas, 
which  showed  that  the  plans  of  Ralegh,  communicated  to  the  King,  had 
been  betrayed  to  the  Court  of  Madrid.  When  Keymis  met  Ralegh  and 
saw  how  he  was  affected  by  the  failure  of  the  expedition  and  the  loss  of 
his  son,  and  heard  his  reproaches,  he  vas  seized  with  remorse  at  the 
thought  that  upon  him  rested  the  responsibility  for  the  failure,  and  com- 
mitted suicide. 

Ralegh,  utterly  dispirited  and  broken-hearted,  now  turned  his  face  home- 
ward, and  arrived  at  Plymouth  early  in  July,  l6i8.  He  was  arrested  upon 
his  arrival,  by  order  of  the  King,  on  the  charge  of  breaking  the  peace  wHh 
Spain.  No  trial  was  had  upon  this  charge,  which  could  not  have  been  sus- 
tained ;  but  as  the  King  of  Spain  demanded  that  he  should  be  put  to  death 
James  sought  for  a  legal  cover  for  compliance,  and  upon  the  advice  of  Bacon 
determined  to  issue  a  warrant  for  his  execution  upon  the  conviction  of  1603. 
Ralegh  was  brought  before  the  Court  of  King's  Bench  on  the  28th  of 
October,  and  asked  what  he  had  to  allege  in  further  stay  of  execution.  He 
pleaded  his  commission  from  the  King,  giving  him  command  of  the  expedi- 
tion to  Guiana,  as  working  a  pardon,  but  was  told  that  "  Treason  must  be 
pardoned  by  express  words,  not  by  implication."  Nothing  remained  but 
to  execute  the  death-warrant,  already  drawn  by  Bacon  and  signed  by  the 
King.  He  was  beheaded  on  the  next  day,  meeting  death  with  the  greatest 
fortitude.  His  execution  excited  the  horror  and  indignation  of  the  Protes- 
tant world,  and  King  James  was  at  once  arraigned  at  the  bar  of  public 
opinion.  He  called  to  his  defence  the  genius  of  his  Lord  Chancellor,  and 
Bacon  attempted  to  justify  him  by  publishing  a  disgraceful  attack  upon 
Ralegh's  fame.  But  the  effort  was  in  vain.  The  world  acquitted  Ralegh 
of  the  charges  which  had  been  ir'ade  the  pretext  of  his  judicial  murder, 
and  adjudged  King  James  to  be   \he  real  criminal. 


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SIR  WALTER   RALEGH  :    ROANOKE  AND   GUIANA. 


121 


CRITICAL  ESSAY  ON  THE  SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 


THE  life  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  reprehensible  in  some  of  its  parts,  but  admirable 
in  most  and  brilliant  in  all,  has  been  variously  portrayed.  Lord  Bacon  in  1618 
published  in  quarto  A  Declaration  of  the  Demeanor  ami  Carrige  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh, 
as  well  in  his  Voyage  as  in  and  since  his  Return,  etc.,  intending  it  as  a  justifica- 
tion cf  the  conduct  of  King  James  in  beheading  him  ; 
but  it  grossly  misrepresented  him.  He  began  with  the 
statement  that  "Kings  are  not  bound  to  give  account 
of  their  actions  to  any  but  God  alone ;"  but  the  whole 
apology  is  framed  upon  the  theory  that  Ki;:  ,  James  was 
forced  by  the  popular  voice  to  giv^  an  account  of  this  base  action.  It  appears  from  a 
letter  of  Bacon  to  the  Marquis  of  Buckingham,  dated  Nov.  22,  1618,^  that  the  King  made 
very  material  additions  to  the  manuscript  after  Bacon  had  prepared  it. 

The  first  Life  of  Ralegh  was  published  with  his  works  not  long  after  his  death.  The 
name  of  the  author  is  not  given,  and  it  is  not  a  full  narrative,  but  was  written  during  his 
life  or  soon  after  his  death. 

The  next  publication  was  under  the  style  of  The  Life  of  the  Valiant  and  Learned  Sir 
Walter  Ralegh,  Knight,  with  his  Tryal  at  Winchester,  London  :  printed  by  J.  D.  for  Benj. 
Shirley  and  Richard  Tonsin,  1677.  This  has  sometimes  been  attributed  to  James  Shirley, 
the  dramatist,  who  was  a  contemporary  of  Ralegh.  The  narrative,  however,  was  little  more 
than  what  was  already  known  from  books  familiar  to  the  public. 

In  1 701  the  Rev.  John  Prince, a  fellow- Devonian,  published  in  his  Worthies  of  Devon 
a  short  memoir  of  Ralegh,  which  was  the  best  account  of  its  subject  that  had  then 
appeared.  He  was  able  to  throw  light  upon  some  of  the  obscurer  portions  of  his  life  by 
his  local  knowledge,  and  his  book  is  still  worthy  of  perusal. 

No  other  Life  of  Ralegh  of  value  appeared  until  1733,  when  William  Oldys  published 
his  work,  which  showed  great  industry  in  collecting  and  judgment  in  arranging  his  mate- 
rial. For  near  a  century  it  was  the  standard  Life  of  Ralegh,  and  was  the  source  from 
which  writers  derived  tl.cir  materials.  Notwithstanding  the  criticism  of  Gibbon,  that  "  it 
is  a  servile  panegyric  or  flat  apology,"  this  work  is  of  great  value.  It  contains  all  that  was 
accessible,  when  it  was  published,  from  printed  records,  and  much  information  derived  from 
the  descendants  of  Ralegh  and  from  his  contemporaries.''' 

Dr.  Thomas  Birch  published  three  several  Lives  of  Ralegh,'  —  the  first  in  1734,  in  the 
General  Dictionary,  Historical  and  Critical.  This  author  corresponded  with  the  descend- 
ants of  Ralegh,  and  collected  various  anecdotes  of  him,  but  he  made  no  additions  of  real 
value  to  the  work  of  Oldys. 

The  next  work  worthy  of  mention  was  by  Arthur  Cayley  in  1805,  although  a  dozen 
Lives  perhaps  appeared  between  Birch's  and  this.  Cayley  made  valuable  additions  to  the 
knowledge  concerning  Ralegh  which  Oldys  had  gathered.  He  brought  to  light  several 
new  and 'valuable  documents,  which  threw  additional  light  upon  his  subject.* 

In  1830  Mrs.  A.  T.  Thompson  published  a  Life  of  Ralegh  in  London,  which  was 
republished  in  Philadelphia  in  1846,  containing  fifteen  original  letters  then  first  printed 
from  the  collection  in  the  State-Paper  Office,  throwing  light  on  the  share  he  took  in  the 
political  transactions  of  his  times.  It  was  of  but  little  additional  value  so  far  as  its  other 
materials  were  concerned. 


ii\ 


1  See  Works  of  Bacon,  ei'ited  by  Basil  Mon- 
tague, ii.  525. 

^  [It  was  prefixed  to  an  edition  of  Ralegh's 
History  of  the  IVorld  in  1736.  —  Ed.] 
VOL.    III.  —  16. 


'  [One  was  added  to  an  edition  of  Ralegh's 
Works  in  1751.— Ed.] 

♦  [This  work  was  in  two  volumes,  410,  and  ap- 
peared in  a  second  edition  in  1S06,  Svo. —  Ed.] 


122 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


In  1833  Patrick  Fraser  Tytler  published  a  Life  of  Ralegh,  "  with  a  Vindication  of  his 
Character  from  the  Attacks  of  Hume  *  and  other  writers."  This  writer  added  several 
original  documents  to  the  material  previously  used,  but  his  publication  is  more  justly 
entitled  to  the  criticism  of  Gibbon  on  the  vork  of  Oldys  than  was  that  book.  He  first 
carefully  traced  out  the  conspiracy  which  Li'ought  Ralegh  to  the  scaffold. 

In  1837  there  appeared  in  Lardner's  Cabinet  of  Biography,  among  the  Lives  of  the 
British  Admirals,  an  excellent  life  of  Ralegh  by  Robert  Southey,  the  poet.  The  author's 
only  addition  to  the  kmnvledge  afforded  by  previous  writers  was  in  reference  to  the  Guiana 
expeditions,  the  additional  information  being  drawn  from  Spanish  sources. 

In  1847  the  Hakluyt  Society  published  Ralegh's  accounts  of  his  voyages  to  Guiana, 
with  notes  and  a  biographical  memoir  by  Sir  Robert  H.  Schomburgk.  This  memoir  is  an 
admirable  summary  of  what  was  then  known  of  Ralegh,  and  the  publication  is  a  complete 
vindication  of  Ralegh's  statements  and  conduct  in  reference  to  Guiana.  The  notes  of 
the  author  are  of  the  greatest  value.  He  was  a  British  Commissioner  to  survey  the 
boundaries  of  Guiana  in  1841,  and  traversed  the  country  visited  by  Ralegh  and  those 
sent  out  by  him.  He  also  had  the  benefit  of  Humboldt's  previous  exploration  of  the 
country.  This  writer  pubHshed  foi'  the  first  time  two  valuable  manuscripts  in  the  British 
Musev.  n,  both  from  the  pen  of  Ralegh.  One  was  written  about  the  year  1596,  and 
entitled  "  Of  the  Voyage  for  Guiana,"  and  the  other  was  the  journal  of  his  last  voyage  to 
that  country. 

In  1868  there  was  published  in  London  the  most  valuable  of  all  the  biographies  of 
Ralegh.  It  was  written  by  Edward  Edwards,  and  is  "  based  on  contemporary  documents 
preserved  in  the  Rolls  House,  the  Privy  Council  Office,  Hatfield  House,  the  British 
Museum,  and  other  manuscript  repositories,  British  and  foreign,  together  with  his  letters 
now  first  collected."  The  author  also  had  the  advantage  of  the  correspondence  of  the 
French  ambassador  at  London  during  '«'  latter  part  of  Ralegh's  life.  He  has  cleared  up 
some  of  the  obscure  parts  of  Ralegh's  ..^.eer,  and  has,  not  only  by  the  very  full  collection 
of  his  letters,  but  by  the  admirable  treatment  of  his  subject,  rendered  invaluable  service 
to  his  memory.' 

Another  Life  of  Ralegh,  published  in  the  same  year  (1868)  by  St.  John,  is  also  the 
embodiment  of  the  latest  information,  and  is  better  adapted  to  the  general  reader  than 
that  of  Edwards,  and  elucidates  some  points  more  fully. 

The  voyage  of  Amadas  and  Barlow  to  Roanoke  Island  in  1 584  was  related  by  the  latter  in 
a  Report  addressed  to  Sir  Walter  Ralegh.  The  voyage  of  Sir  Richard  Grenville  in  1585,  con- 
veying Ralph  Lane  and  the  colony  under  his  command,  was  related  by  one  of  the  persons 
who  accompanied  Grenville,  and  the  account  of  what  happened  after  their  arrival  was  written 
by  one  of  the  colonists,  probably  Lane  himself.^    An  account  of  the  country,  its  inhabitants 


»  [Hislory  of  England,  chapters  xlv.  and 
xlviii.  —  Ed.] 

'  A  paper  read  by  George  Dexter,  Esq., 
before  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
Oct.  13, 1881,  upon  "  The  First  Voyage  under  Sir 
Humphrey  Gilbert's  Patent  of  1578,"  corrects 
an  error  into  which  Mr.  Edwards  had  fallen 
about  this  voyage,  and  shows  that  it  was  under- 
taken in  1 578  instead  of  1 579,  as  stated  by  Mr. 
Edwards,  and  that  Ralegh  was  the  captain  of  one 
of  the  vessels.  [A  few  additional  references  may 
serve  the  curious  student.  Some  new  material 
was  first  brought  forward  in  the  Archtrologia, 
vols,  xxxiv.  and  xxxv.  Ralegh's  career  in  Ireland 
is  followed  in  the  Nineteenth  Century,  Nov.  1881. 
His  last  year  is  considered  in  Gardiner's  Prince 
Charles  and  the  Spanish  Marriage.    A  contem- 


porary account  of  his  execution  from  Adam  Win- 
Ihrop's  note-book  is  printed  in  the  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Proc.,  Sept.  1873.  A  psychological  study 
may  be  found  in  Disraeli's  Amenities  of  Litera- 
ture. Two  American  essays  may  be  mentioned, 
—  that  in  Belknap's  American  Biagraphv,  and  J. 
Morrison  Harris's  paper  before  the  Maryland 
Historical  Society  in  1846. 

As  to  the  story  at  one  time  prevalent  of 
Ralegh's  coming  in  person  to  his  colony,  Stith, 
History  of  Virginia,  p.  22,  thinks  it  arose  from  a 
mistranslation  of  the  Latin. .  Cf.  Force's  Tracts 
i.  p.  37,  Georgia  Tract,  1742,  —  "Mr.  Ogle- 
thorpe has  with  him  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  writ- 
ten journal,"  etc.—  Ed.] 

^  [The  sources  for  this  first  colony  may  be 
concisely  enumerated  as  follows  :  — 


1 


SIR   WALTER   RALEGH:    ROANOKE   AND   GUIANA. 


123 


and  productions,  was  written  by  Thomas  Hariot  {h.  1560;  d.  1621),  one  of  the  colony.' 
There  are  also  accounts  of  the  voyages  of  John  White  to  Virginia  written  by  himself. 


1.  Diaryof  the  Voyage,  April  9-Aug.  25,1585, 
originally  in  Hakluyt,  1589;  also  in  Hawks. 

2.  Ralph  L3r>e's  letters,  Aug.  and  Sept.  1585. 
Some  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  iii. ;  also  in  Hav.-ks  and 
others  referred  to  in  the  text,  edited  by  E.  E. 
Hale,  in  the  Archaologia  Americana,  vol.  iv. 
(i860). 

3.  Harlot's  narrative  originally  published  in 
1588;  then  by  Hakluyt  in  1589;  and  by  De 
Bry  in  1590.     See  later  note. 

4.  Lane's  narrative  given  in  Hakluyt  and 
Hawks. 

5.  A  Sitmmarie  and  True  Discourse  of  Sir 
Francis  Drake's  West  Indian  Voyage,  London, 
1589;  also  in  Hakluyt,  1600.  The  copy  of  the 
former  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's 
Library  was  the  one  used  by  Prince ;  see  ch.  ii. ; 
also  Barrow's  Life  of  Drake,  ch.  vi.  Mr.  Edward 
C.  Bruce,  in  his  "Loungings  in  the  Footprints 
of  the  Pioneers,"  in  Harper's  Monthly,  May, 
i860,  describes  the  condition  of  the  site  of  the 
colony  at  that  time.  Roanoke  Island  was  sold 
to  Joshua  Lamb,  of  New  England,  in  1676 ;  Hist. 
Mag.  vi.  123.  Cf.  Continental  Monthly,  i.  541,  by 
Frederic  Kidder.  —  Ed.] 

1  [A  notice  of  the  original  English  issue  of 
Hariot  (1588)  is  described  on  a  later  page  as  the 
second  original  production  relating  to  America 
presented  to  the  English  public  (see  notes  fol- 
lowing Dr.  De  Costa's  chapter) ;  but  it  became 
more  widely  known  in  1590,  when  De  Bry  at 
Frankfort  made  it  the  only  part  of  his  famous 
Collection  of  Voyages,  which  he  printed  in  the 
English  tongue,  giving  it  the  following  title:  A 
briefe  and  true  report  of  the  ne7u  found  land  of 
Virginia,  of  the  commodities,  and  of  the  nature  and 
manners  of  the  naturall  inhabitants.  Discovered 
by  the  English  colony  there  seated  by  Sir  Richard 
Greinuileintheyeere  ll?>^.  .  .  .  This  forebooke  is 
made  in  English  by  Thomas  Hariot.  Francoforti 
ad  Moenvm,  typis  foannis  Wecheli,  svmtibus  vera 
Theodoride  Bry,  cicicxc.  It  is  also  the  rarest  of 
the  parts,  and  only  a  few  copies  of  it  are  known, 
as  follows ;  — 

1.  Carter-Brown  Library.  Catalogue,  i.  397, 
..here  a  fac-simile  of  the  title  is  given. 

2.  Lenox  Library. 

3.  Sold  in  the  Stevens  Sale  (no.  2487),  Boston, 
1870,  to  a  New  York  collector  for  $975.  This 
was  made  perfect  by  despoiling  another  copy 
belonging  to  a  public  collection. 

4.  Harvard  College  Library;  imperfect. 

5.  Grenville  copy  in  the  British  Museum, 
bought  at  Frankfort  for  ;^ioo  in  1710  (?). 

6.  Bodleian  Library. 

7.  Christie  Miller's  collection,  England. 

8.  Sir  Thomas  Phillipp's  collection,  Eng- 
land; imperfect. 


Rich  in  1832,  Catalogue,  no.  71,  had  a  copy 
which  was  made  up,  and  which  he  priced  at  ;t2l, 
but  would  have  held  it  at  ;^  100  if  perfect. 

A  photo-lithographic  fac-simile  edition  of  this 
English  text  was  issued  in  New  York  from  the 
Stevens  copy  in  1871-72,  about  100  copies,  which 
is  worth  $20.  {Griswold  Catalogue,  no.  309.) 
The  original  may  be  worth  $ioi\. 

In  the  same  year,  1 590,  De  Br  -ilso  issued  it 
in  Latin,  German,  and  French.  Brunt  gives 
three  varieties  of  the  original  Latin  issue,  be- 
sides two  varieties  qf  a  counterfeit  one.  The 
Carter-Broivn  Catalogue,  i.  322,  gives  the  colla- 
tions of  the  five  varieties  slightly  varying ;  cf. 
Sabin's  Dictionary,  vol.  iii. ;  Field's  Indian  Bib- 
liography, no.  653.  There  was  a  second  (1600) 
and  third  edition  of  the  German  version  {Car- 
ter-Brown Catalogue,  pp.  354,  355 ;  also  for  the 
French,   p.   329).      A    Germ.in    translation    by 

Cristhopher    P is   also  contained   in   Mat- 

thtEUS  Dr'.sser's  Histonen  von  China,  Ha"e, 
1598;  cf.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  v.  536;  Carter- 
BroTin  Catalogue,  i.  429. 

De  Bry  engraved  the  drawings  which  White 
made  at  Roanoke,  or  rather  a  portion  of  them ; 
for  nearly  three  times  as  many  as  appear  in  De 
Bry,  who  copied  only  twenty-three,  are  now  in 
the  collection  of  drawings  as  preserved  in  the 
British  Museum.  What  De  Bry  used  may  pos- 
sibly have  been  copies  of  the  originals,  and  in 
any  case  he  gave  an  academic  aspect  to  the  more 
natural  drawings  as  White  made  them.  Henry 
Stevens  secured  the  originals  in  1865,  and  in  a 
fire  at  Sotheby's  in  June  of  that  year  they  be- 
came saturated  with  water,  so  that  a  collection 
of  offsets  was  left  on  the  paper  which  was  laid 
between  them.  Mr.  Stevens  sold  the  originals 
for/'2io,  and  the  offsets  lor £26  y..,  both  to  the 
British  Museum,  in  1866;  and  his  letter  ofiering 
them  and  telling  the  story  is  in  his  Bibliotheca 
Historica,  1870,    p.  cf.  Amer.  Antiq.   Soc. 

^■oc.  Oct.  20,  1866.  In  the  .Sloane  Collection 
are  also  near  a  hundred  of  White's  drawings ; 
see  E.  E.  Hale  in  Archaologia  Americana,  iv. 
21.  One  section  of  Harlot's  paper,  entitled 
"  Of  the  nature  and  maners  of  the  people," 
appeared  in  the  author's  original  English  in 
the  Hakluyts  of  1589  and  1600,  and  also  in  De 
Bry,  who  likewise  added  to  his  English  Hariot 
a  statement  called,  "  The  true  pictures  and 
fashions  of  the  people  in  that  parte  of  America 
now  called  Virginia,"  etc.  This  statement  is  not 
in  the  printed  Hakluyts,  though  it  is  said  by  De 
Bry  to  have  been  "  translated  out  of  Latin  into 
English  by  Rici.-rd  Hackluit."  It  is  there  said 
of  the  pictures  that  they  were  "diligently  col- 
lected and  drowne  by  John  White,  who  was  sent 
thiter   speciallye  by  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  1585, 


124 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


3^^E 


'  I 


:i  I 


These  several  publications  are  found  together  in  Hakluyt,  and  are  of  the  highest 
authority.  They  have  been  republished  by  Francis  L.  Hawks,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  with  valu- 
able notes,  in  the  first  volume  of  his  History  of  North  Carolina,  published  in  1857.  Dr. 
Hawks  was  a  native  of  North  Carolina,  and  personally  familiar  with  its  coast,  and  thus 
enabled  to  fix  the  localities  mentioned  in  the  early  voyages.  His  book  is  accompanied 
with  valuable  maps.  He  defends  Lane  with  much  ability  from  the  attacks  of  Bancroft 
and  others.' 

The  letters  of  Ralph  Lane  constitute  a  very  valuable  addition  to  tlie  history  of  Lane's 
colony,  aiid  show  that  the  disputes  between  Lane  and  Grenville  had  in  all  probability 
much  to  do  with  Lane's  abandonment  of  the  enterprise. 

The  voyages  to  Guiana  are  related  by  Ralegh  himself.^    The  journal  of  the  second 


•»■ 


al.so  1 588,  now  cutt  in  copper,  and  first  published 
by  Theodore  De  Bry  att  his  wone  chardges." 
I)e  Hry's  engravings  have  often  been  reproduced 
by  Montanus,  Lafitau,  Beverly,  etc.  Wyth's,  or 
White's  "  Portraits  to  the  Life  and  Manners  of 
the  Inhabitants,"  following  De  Bry,  with  English 
text,  was  printed  at  New  York  in  1S41. 

The  map  which  accompanies  Hariot's  narra- 
tive, as  given  by  De  Bry,  was  procured  by  him 
from  England,  and  is  subscribed  "Auctore 
Joanne  With,"  —  once  De  Bry  writes  it"  Whit." 
It  was  made  in  1587,  and  Kohl  in  his  Maps  rela- 
ting to  America  vicnlioncd  in  Hakluyt,  pp.  42-46, 
thinks  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  With  is  John 
White,  the  captain,  and  that  he  based,  or  caused 
to  be  based,  his  drawing  on  observations  nuido  by 
Lane,  who  had  been  in  the  Chesapeake,  while 
White  had  not.  Stevens,  Bibliothcca  Ilistorica, 
1870,  p.  222,  identifies  the  John  White  the  artist 
with  Governor  John  White.  A  largely  reduced 
lac-simile  of  this  map  is  herewith  given,  for 
comparison  with  the  Coast  Survey  chart  of  the 
same  region.  Other  fac-similes  of  the  original 
are  given  in  the  Histories  of  North  Carolina  by 
Hawks  and  Wheeler,  in  Gay's  Popular  History  of 
the  United  States,  i.  243.  It  was  later  followed 
in  the  configurations  of  the  coast  given  by  Mer- 
cator,  Hondius,  De  Laet,  etc.  The  map  which 
is  given  in  Smith's  Cenerall  Historic  as  "  Ould 
Virginia "  closely  resembles  Whitc'<,  which 
however  extends  farther  north,  and  includes  the 
entrance  of  the  Chesapeake.  There  had  been 
one  earlier  representation  of  "  Virginia  "  on  a 
map,  and  that  was  in  Makluyt's  edition  of  Peter 
Martyr  on  a  half  globe.  De  Bry  also  gives  a 
bird's-eye  view  of  Roanoke  and  its  vicinity. 
—  Ed] 

1  [The  original  sources  are  also  made  use  of 
by  Williamson  and  Wheeler  in  their  histories  of 
North  Carolina.  Some  of  them  are  printed  in 
Pinkerton's  Voyages,  in  Payne's  Elizabethan  Sea- 
men, p.  211,  and  elsewhere;  cf.  Strachey's  Vir- 
ginia, p.  142.  —  Ed.] 

-  [His  narrative  of  the  first  voyage  was  pul> 
lished  in  1596,  the  year  following  his  voyage, 
and  was  called  The  Discoverie  of  the  lars^e,  rich 
and  bewtiful  empire  of  Guiana,  xvith  a  relation  of 
the  Great  and  Golden  Citie  of  Atanoa  (which  the 


Spanyards  call  El  Dorado),  etc.  Huth  Cata- 
logue,\\.  1216,  Carter-Ziroziin  Catalogue,  \o\.  i.  no. 
507.  I  have  compared  Mr.  Charles  Deane's 
copy.  There  are  three  copies  of  this  in  the 
Lenox  Library,  with  such  variations  as  indicate 
as  many  contemporary  editions.  Quaritch  re- 
cently priced  a  copy  at  ^20. 

Ralegh  had  written  this  tract  in  large  part  on 
his  voy.age,  when  he  made  the  map  of  Trinidad 
and  that  of  Guiana,  which  he  mentions  as  not  yet 
finished.  Kohl,  Maps  relating-  to  America,  etc., 
p.  65,  thinks  he  has  identified  this  drawing  of 
Ralegh  in  a  MS.  map  in  the  British  Museum, 
which  was  acquired  in  1849.  The  text  of  the 
Discoixrie  was  reprinted  in  Hakluyt,  iii.  627  ; 
in  the  Oldys  and  Birch's  edition  (Oxford,  1829)  of 
Kalegli's  Works,  vol.  viii.  j  in  Pinkerton's  J'oyages, 
xii.  196;  in  Cayley's  Lfe  of  ffalegh.  The  Hak- 
luyt Society  reprinted  it  under  the  editing  of 
Sir  R.  II.  Schomburgk,  who  gives  a  map  of  the 
Orinoco  Valley,  showing  Ralegh's  track.  Col- 
liber's  English  Sea  Affairs,  London,  1727,  has  a 
narrative  based  on  it ;  .Sabin,  iv.  14414. 

There  was  a  Dutch  version  published  at  Am- 
sterdam in  1598  by  Cornelius  Claesz  ;  and  it  is 
from  this  that  De  Bry  made  his  Latin  version, 
in  his  part  viii.,  1599  (two  editions),  and  1625, 
also  in  German,  1599  and  1624.  Also  see  part 
xiii.  (1634).  There  were  other  Dutch  editions 
or  versions  in  1605,  1617,  1644.  Muller,  Books 
on  Ame>ica,  1872,  no.  1268,  and  1877,  no.  2654; 
Carter-Broivn  Catalogue,  i.  454.  It  also  formed 
part  v.  of  Hulsius's  Collection  of  Voyages,  and 
the  Lenox  Library  Bibliographical  Contribution 
on  Hulsius  gives  a  Litin  edition,  1599,  and  Ger- 
man editions  of  1599,  1601, 1603,  iU2,  1663,  with 
duplicate  copies  of  some  of  them  showing  varia- 
tions. See  Asher's  Bibliography,  p.  42 ;  Camus's 
Mi'moire,x>.  97  ;  Meusel's  Bibliographia  Historica, 
vol.  iii.  There  are  also  versions  or  abridgments 
in  the  collections  of  Aa,  1706  and  1727,  and 
Coreal,  1722,  and  1738. 

The  report  of  Captain  Lawrence  Keymis  was 
printed  at  London  in  1 596,  of  which  there  is  a 
copy  in  Harvard  College  Library.  See  Carter- 
Broxv.t  Catalogue,  vol.  i.  no.  500  ;  it  is  also  given 
in  Hakluyt.  Kohl  cannot  find  that  either  Key- 
mis  or  Masham  made  charts,  but  thinks  their 


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Key- 
their 


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PART   OF    DF.    IAET'S    MAP,    163O. 


126 


NARRATIVK    AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA, 


voyage  is  given  by  Schomburgk  from  the  original  manuscript  in  the  Hritish  Museum. 
The  collections  of  the  works  of  Ralegh  show  his  several  other  writings  concerning  (iiiinna, 
among  which  are  an  "  Apology  for  the  Voyage  to  (iuiana,"  written  in  1618,  on  his  way  from 
Plymouth  to  London  as  a  prisoner ;  to  gain  time  for  the  preparation  of  which  he  feigned 
sickness  at  Salisbury.  Expecting  to  be  put  to  death,  he  was  determined  before  he  died 
fully  and  elaborately  to  justify  to  the  world  his  last  expedition,  which  had  been  grossly 
misrepresented.     It  was  not  published  till   1650. 

In  Force's  llistorUal  Tracts,  vol.  iii.,  there  is  published  a  letter,  written  Nov,  17,  1617, 
"  from  the  Kivcr  Aliana,  on  the  coast  of  (iuiana,"  by  a  gentleman  of  the  Hect,  who  signs 
his  initials  •' R.  M."  It  is  entitled  Xewes  of  Sir  Walter  Nawleigh,  and  gives  the 
orders  he  issued  to  the  commanders  of  his  tleet,  and  some  account  of  the  incidents  of  the 
expedition.' 

In  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  History  of  the  World \\t  often  illustrates  his  subject  by  the 
incidents  of  his  own  life,  and  thus  we  have  in  the  book  much  of  an  autobiography. 


reports  influenced  the  maps  in  Ilondiiis,  IIulsiu<i, 
and  I)c  Dry. 

The  accusations  against  Ralegh  in  regard  to 
his  (lUiana  representations  have  l)ecn  e.xamine(l 
by  his  biographers.  Tytler,  ch.  3,  defends  him  ; 
SchomburKk  shields  him  from  Hume's  attacks; 
so  does  Kin^sley  in  Xorlh  lirilhh  Kr,'it-,i<,  also 
in  his  Essays,  who  thinks  R,ilcj;h  had  a  right  to 
be  credulous,  and  that  the  ruins  of  the  city  may 
yet  be  found.  Napier  in  the  /uliiihiiri;/i  Kifiru', 
later  in  his  Lord  Jiiuoii  mid  A'tilixli,  clears  him 
of  the  charge  of  deceit  about  the  mine.  Van 
Heuvel's  /•'/  Dorado,  New  York,  1S44,  defends 
Ralegh's  reports,  and  gives  a  map.     Sec  Field's 


Indian  flibliot^raphy  no.  1595.  St.  John,  in  his 
Life  of  Kaltgh,  ch.  xv.,  mentions  finding  Ralegh's 
map  in  the  archives  of  Simancas.  Sec  also  the 
Lives  l)y  Edwards,  ch.  x.  ;  by  Thompson,  ch.  ii. ; 
S.  G.  Drake  in  A'.  /;'.  llisl.  and  Gtncal.  K,\', 
April,  1862,  also  separately  and  enlarged;  Ft)x 
)!ourn's  English  Si-anu-n,  ch.  viii.;  Payne's  Eliza- 
hcthan  Si-amen,  pp.  327,  332  ;  Hulfinch's  Orei;oH 
and  El  Dorado,  etc.  Further  examination  of  the 
(piest  for  El  Dorado  will  be  given  in  volume 
ii.—  Ed.] 

'  [Thiswasoriginally  printed  at  London,  1618, 
pp.  45.  There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Li- 
brary and  in  Charles  Deane's  collection.  —  Ed.] 


•) 


NOTE.  —  At  the  charge  of  an  American  subscription  a  Raleijh  window  has  been  placed  in  St.  Margaret's 
Church,  Westminster,  London ;  and  a  sermon,  Sir  Walter  Raieigh  and  America,  was  preached  by  the  Rev. 
Canon  Farrar,  at  the  unveiling,  May  14,  i88j. 


I'M 


CHAPTER    V. 

VIRGINIA.   1606-1689. 

ItY  RDltERT  A.  BROCK, 

Comtponding  Stcrtlnry  0/  Ik*  Virginia  Hitltrical  Sacitly. 


rO. 


a^^l^ 


ON  the  petition  of  Hakluyt  (then  prebendary  of  Westminster'),  Sir 
Thomas  dates.  Sir  George  Somers,  and  other  "firm  and  hearty 
lovers  of  colonization,"  James  I.,  by  patent  dated 
the  loth  of  April,  1606,  chartered  two  companies 
(th  London  and  thu  Plymouth),  and  bestowed  on 
the  in  in  equal  proportions  the  vast  territory  (then 
known  as  Virginia)  lying  between  the  thirty-fourth 
and  for'y-fifth  degrees  of  north  latitude,  together 
with  the  islands  within  one  huntlrcd  miles  of  the  coast  stretching  from 
Cape  Fear  to  Halifax. 

The  code  of  laws  provided  for  the  government  of  the  proposed  colonies 
was  complicated,  inexpedient,  and  characteristic  of  the  mind  of  the  first 
Stuart.  For  each  colony  separate  councils  appointed  by  the  King  were 
instituted  in  England,  and  these  were  in  turn  to  name  resident  councillors  in 
"  the  colonies,  with  power  to  choose  their  own  president  and  to  fill  vacancies. 
Capital  offences  were  to  be  tried  by  a  jury,  but  all  other  cases  were  left  to  the 
decision  of  the  council.  This  body  was,  however,  to  goven  itself  according 
to  the  prescribed  mandates  of  the  King.  The  religion  of  the  Church  of 
England  was  established,  and  the  oath  of  obedience  was  a  prerequisite  to 
residence  in  the  colony.  Lands  were  to  descend  as  at  common  law,  and  a 
community  of  labor  and  property  was  to  continue  for  five  years.  The  Ad- 
venturers, as  the  members  of  the  Company  were  termed,  were  authorized  to 
mine  for  gold,  silver,  and  copper,  to  coin  money,  and  to  collect  a  revenue  for 
twenty-one  years  from  all  vessels  trading  to  their  ports.  Certain  articles  of 
necessity,  imported  for  the  use  of  the  colonists,  were  exempted  from  duty 
for  seven  years.  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  an  eminent  merchant  of  London,  who 
had  been  the  chief  of  the  assignees  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh  and  ambassador 
to  Russia,  was  appointed  treasurer  of  the  Company. 

But  the  body  of  the  men  who  composed  the  expedition  had  little  care 
for  forms  of  government.     A  wilder  chimera  than  the  impractical  devices  of 


128 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


\)>i\ 


m 


the  selfish  and  pedantic  monarch  possessed  them.  "  I  tell  thee,"  says  Sea- 
gull, in  the  play  of  Eastward  Ho  !  which  was  popular  for  years,  "  golde  is 
more  plentifull  there  than  copper  is  with  us ;  and  for  as  much  redde  cop- 
per as  I  can  bring  I  '11  have  thrise  the  weight  in  gold.  Why,  man,  all  their 
dripping-pans  ...  are  pure  gould ;  and  all  the  chaines  with  which  they 
chain.'  up  their  streets  are  massie  gold;  and  for  rubies  and  diamonds,  they 
goe  forth  in  Holydayes  and  gather  'hem  by  the  seashore,  to  hang  on  their 
children's  coates  and  sticke  in  their  children's  caps,  as  commonly  as  our 
children  weare  safifron  gilt  brooches  and  groates  with  holes  in  'hem."  A 
life  of  ease  and  luxury  is  pictured  by  Seagull,  and,  as  the  climax  of  allure- 
ment, with  "  no  more  law  than  conscience,  and  not  too  much  of  eyther."  ^ 
The  expedition  left  Blackwall  on  the  19th  of  December,  but  was  detained 
by  "  unprosperous  winds"  in  the  Downs  until  the  ist  of  January,  1606-7. 
It  V  nsisted  of  three  vessels, — the  "Susan  Constant,"  of  one  hundred  tons, 
wii^'i  seventy-one  persons,  in  charge  of  the  experienced  navigator  Captain 
Christopher  Newport  (^the  commander  of  the  fleet)  ;  the  "  God-Speed,"  of 
forty  tons,  Captain  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  carrying  fifty-two  persons;  and 
the  "Discovery,"  of  twenty  tons,  Captain  John  Ratclifie,  carrying  twenty 
persons.  The  crews  of  the  ships  must  have  constituted  thirty-nine  of  the 
total  of  these,  as  the  numV'  t  of  the  "first  planters  was  one  hundred  and 
five.  In  the  lists  of  their  names,  more  than  half  are  classed  as  "  gentle- 
men," and  the  remainder  as  laborers,  tradesmen,  and  mechanics.  Two 
"  chi-'trp  ons,"  Thomas  VVotton,  or  Wootton,  and  Wil.  Wilkinson,  are  in- 
c  ided  tie  service  of  the  first  of  them  in  a  professional  capacity  is  after- 
vw.rdE  noted.  Sailing  by  the  old  route  of  the  West  Indies,  the  Virginia 
cciast  was  reached  on  the  26th  of  April,  and  in  Chesapeake  Bay  on  that 
night  uie  instruction  •  irom  the  King  were  examined.  These,  with  a  mys- 
tery well  calculated  10  promote  mischief,  had  been  confided  to  Newport,  in 
a  sealed  box,  with  the  injunction  that  it  should  not  be  opened  until  he 
reached  his  destination.  The  councillors  found  to  be  designated  were 
Edward  Maria  Wingfield,  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  John  Smith,  Christopher 
Newport,  John  Ratcliffe,  John  Martin,  and  John  Kendall.  Wingfield,  a  man 
of  honorable  .birth  and  a  strict  disciplinarian,  who  had  been  a  companion 
of  Ferdinando  Gorges  in  the  European  wars,  was  chosen  president;  and 
Thomas  Studley,  cape-merchant,  or  treasurer. 

On  the  29th  of  the  month  a  cross  was  planted  at  Cape  Henry,  which  was 
so  named  in  honor  of  the  Prince  of  Wales,  the  eldest  son  of  King  James ; 
the  name  of  his  second  son,  then  Duke  of  York,  afterwards  Charles  I.,  being 
perpetuated  in  the  opposite  cape.  The  point  at  which  the  ships  anchored 
the  next  day  was  designated,  in  thankful  spirit.  Point  Comfort.  On  the  13th 
of  May,  1607,  the  colonists  landed  at  a  peninsula  on  the  northern  bank  of 
the  river  known  to  the  natives  as  Powhatan,  after  their  king,  but  to  which 
the  English  gave  the  name  James  River.     Upon  this  spot,  about  fifty  miles 

>  Quoted  by  Neill  in  his  Virginia  Company  of  London,  preface,  pp.  vi,  vii.  The  play  was  writ 
ten  by  Marston  and  others  in  1605. 


'     i 


ti 


( 


VIRGINIA. 


129 


from  its  mouth,  they  resolved  to  build  their  first  town,  to  which  they  also 
gave  the  name  of  the  English  monarch.  The  selection  of  this  site  is  said 
to  have  been  urged  by  Smith  and  objected  Lo  by  Gosnold.  The  better  judg- 
ment of  the  latter  was  vindicated  in  the  sequel  Smith  —  at  this  time  not 
yet  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  a  man  the  most  remarkably  endowed  among 
those  nominated  for  the  council,  and  whose  administrative  capacity  was  to 
be  so  prominently  evidenced  —  was  at  first  excluded  from  his  seat  because, 
says  Purchas,  he  had  been  "  suspected  of  a  supposed  mutinie  "  on  the  voy- 
age over.^  This  proscription  in  all  probability  had  no  more  warrant  than 
in  the  jealousy  which  the  recent  adventurous  career  and  the  confident 
bearing  of  Smith  may  be  supposed  to  have  excited,  since  he  was  admitted 
to  office  on  the  loth  of  June  following.  The  colonists  at  once  set  about 
building  fortifications  and  establishing  the  settlement.  Newport,  Smith, 
and  t\venty-three  others  in  the  mean  time  ascended  the  river  in  a  shallop 
on  a  tour  of  exploration.  At  an  Indian  village  below  the  falls  was  found  a 
lad  of  about  ten  years  of  age  with  yellow  hair  and  whitish  skin,  who,  it  has 
been  assumed,  was  the  offspring  of  some  representative  of  the  ill-fated 
Roanoke  Colony  left  by  White,  of  which  it  is  narrated  that  seven  persons 
were  preserved  from  slaughter  by  an  Indian  chief.^  On  the  26th  of  May, 
the  day  before  the  return  of  the  explorers  to  Jamestown,  the  unfinished  fort 
(not  completed  until  the  15th  o^  June)  was  attacked  by  the  savages,  who 
were  repulsed  by  the  colonists  under  the  command  of  Wingfield.  The  col- 
onists had  one  boy  killed  and  eleven  men  wounded,  one  of  whom  died. 
Communion  was  administered  by  the  chaplain,  the  Rev.  Robert  Hunt,  on 
Sunday,  the  2ist  of  June,  and  on  the  next  day  Newport  sailed  for  England 
in  the  "  Susan  Constant,"  laden  with  specimens  of  the  forest  and  with  min- 
eral productions.  A  bark  or  pinnace,  with  provisions  sufficient  to  sustain 
the  colonists  for  three  months,  was  left  with  them.  The  prospect  of  the 
men  thus  cast  upon  their  own  resources,  was  not  promising.  Disturbed  by 
the  fatuous  hope  of  discovering  gold,  divided  by  faction,  unused  to  the 
labor  and  hardships  to  which  they  were  now  subjected,  and  in  daily  peril 
from  the  hostility  of  the  savages,  the  difficulties  of  success  were  enhanced  by 
the  insalubrity  of  their  ill-chosen  settlement.  By  September  fifty  of  them, 
including  the  intrepid  Gosnold,  had  died,  and  the  store  of  damaged  pro- 
visions upon  which  they  mainly  depended  was  nearly  exhausted.  Violent 
dissension  ensued,  which  resulted,  on  the  lOth  of  the  month,  in  the  displace- 
ment of  Wingfield  by  Ratclifife  in  the  office  of  president,  and  the  deposing, 
imprisonment,  and  finally  the  execution  of  Kendall ;  by  which  the  Council, 
never  more  than  seven  in  number  (including  Newport),  and  in  which  no 
vacancies  had  been  filled,  was  reduced  to  three  only,  —  Ratcliffe,  Smith,  and 
Martin.  Reprehensible  as  the  conduct  of  the  colonists  at  this  period  may 
have  been,  they  yet  held  religious  observances  in  regard.  Their  piety  and 
reverence  are  instanced  both  by  Smith  and  Wingfield.  In  Bagnall's  nar- 
rative in  the  Historie  of  th^  first,  it  is  noted  that  "  order  was  daily  to  haue 

1  Purchas,  iv  1685.  *  Neill's  Virginia  Company,  p.  16. 

VOL.  III. —  17. 


m 


>.  A 


'■:il 


n^ 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Prayer,  with  a  Psalme ;  "  *  and  VVingfield  states  that  when  their  store  of 
liquors  was  reduced  to  two  gallons  each  of  "  sack  "  and  "  aqua-vitae,"  the 
first  was   "  reserued  for  the  communion  table." '•^ 

Differences  among  the  colonists  being  somewhat  allayed,  labor  was 
resumed,  habitations  were  provided,  a  church  was  built,  and,  through  the 
courage  and  energy  of  Smith,  supplies  of  corn  were  obtained  from  the  In- 
dians. Leaving  the  settlement  on  the  loth  of  December,  Smith  again  as- 
cended the  Chickahominy  to  get  provisions  from  the  savages,  but  incurring 
their  hostility,  two  of  his  companions,  Emry  and  P.obinson,  were  killed,  and 
Smith  himself  was  taken  captive.  Being  released  after  a  few  weeks,  on  the 
promise  of  a  ransom  of  "  two  great  guns  and  a  grindstone,"  he  returned  to 
Jamestown.     On  his  arrival  there  he  found  the  number  of  the  colonists  re- 


i 

^^^^^^^^E^fl 

'"''^^^l^h^i^^'^''  ^ .  n- 

^          w 

s^^P^'^:  --^ 

mi^iW5||^:-.^iii^ 

,   :           ,1 

r 

i^  1' 

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''--.,   ^^  '  "'i'^- 

^^^^■^.i -'^-"4::;: '-■  -^^^^^^^^^^HH 

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PK^- '-'-  "-i^^^a^EH^BI| 

JAMESTOWN.' 


duced  to  forty,  and  that  Captain  Gabriel  Archer  had  been  admitted  to  the 
Council  during  his  absence.  Archer  caused  him  to  be  arrested  and  indicted, 
under  the  Levitical  law,  for  allowing  the  death  of  his  two  men ;  but  in  the 
evening  of  the  same  day,  Jan.  8,  1607-8,  Newport  returned  from  England 
with  additional  settlers  (a  portion  of  the  first  supply),  and  at  once  released 
both  Smith  and  Wingfield  from  custody.  Within  five  or  six  days  the  fort 
and  many  of  the  houses  at  Jamestown  were  destroyed  by  an  accidental  fire. 
Newport,  accompanied  by  Matthew  Scrivener  (newly  arrived  and  admitted 
to  the  Council),  with  Smith  as  interpreter  and  thirty  or  forty  others,  now 


1  Generall  Historie,  pp.  53-65. 

'•'  Wingfield's  Narrative,  quoted  by  Anderson 
in  his  History  of  the  Church  of  England  in  the 
Colony,  i.-tj. 


'  This  cut  follows  a  sketch  made  about  1857 
by  a  travelling  Englishwoman,  Miss  Catherine  C. 
Hopley,  and  shows  the  condition  of  the  ruined 
church  at  that  time. 


u, 


VIRGINIA. 


131 


visited  Powhatan  at  his  abode  of  Wcrowocomico.  This  was  at  Timber- 
neck  Bay,  on  the  north  side  of  York  River.  On  the  east  bank  of  the  bay 
still  stands  a  quaint  stone  chimney,'  subsequently  built  for  Powh.-itan  by 
German  workmen  among  the  colonists.  Hostages  were  exchanged ; 
Namontack,  an  Indian  who  was  taken  to  England  by  Newport,  being 
received  from  Powhatan  for  Thomas  Savage,  a  youth  aged  thirteen,  who 
for  many  years  afterwards  rendered  important  service  to  the  colonists  as 
interpreter.  With  supplies  of  food  obtained  from  Powhatan  and  Opecan- 
canough,  the  chief  of  the  Pamunkey  tribe,  the  party  returned  to  James- 
town. 

The  ship  being  loaded  with  iron  ore,  sassafras,  cedar  posts,  and  walnut 
boards,  Newport,  with  Archer*  and  Wingfield  as  passengers,  sailed  on  the 
lOth  of  April  from  Jamestown,  and  on  the  20th  of  May,  1608,  arrived  in 
England.  The  diet  of  the  colonists  was  soon  reduced  to  meal  and  water, 
and  through  hunger  and  exposure  death  diminished  them  one  half.  While 
they  were  engaged  in  re-building  Jamestown  and  in  planting,  to  their  great 
joy  Captain  Nelson,  who  had  left  England  with  Newport,  but  from  whom  he 
had  been  separated  by  storm  and  detained  in  the  West  Indies,  arrived  in  the 
ship  "  Phoenix,"  with  provisions  and  seventy  settlers,  being  the  remainder  of 
the  first  supply  of  one  hundred  and  twenty.  He  departed  for  England  on 
the  2d  of  June  with  a  cargo  of  cedar-wood,  carrying  Martin  of  the  Council. 
Smith,  in  an  open  boat,  with  fourteen  others,  —  seven  gentlemen  (including 
Dr.  Walter  Russell  of  the  last  arrival),  and  seven  soldiers,  —  accompanied 
the  "  Phoeni.x  "  down  the  river,  and  parted  from  her  at  Cape  Henry,  with  the 
bold  purpose  of  exploring  Chesapeake  Bay  and  its  tributaries,  and  establish- 
ing intercourse  with  the  natives  along  their  borders.  To  the  islands  lying  off 
Cape  Charles,  Smith  gave  his  own  name.  After  a  satisfactory  cruise,  having 
crossed  the  bay,  visited  its  eastern  shore,  and  explored  the  Potomac  River 
some  thirty  miles,  the  party  returned  late  in  July  to  Jamestown  for  pro- 
visions. Smith  again  embarked  on  the  24th  of  July  to  complete  his  explor- 
ations, with  a  crew  of  twelve,  similarly  constituted  as  before,  but  with 
Anthony  Bagnall  as  surgeon.  At  the  head  of  Chesapeake  Bay  they  were 
hospitably  entertained  by  a  tribe  of  Indians,  supposed  by  Stith^  to  have 
been  of  the  Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  and  also  by  the  Susquehannas,  at  a 
village  on  the  Tockwogh  (now  Sassafras)  River.  The  highest  mountain  to 
the  northward  observed  by  them  was  named  Peregrine's  Mount,  and  Will- 
oughby  River  was  so  called  after  the  native  town  of  Smith.  The  Indian  tribes 
on  the  Patuxent,  and  the  Moraughtacunds  and  the  Wighcomoes  on  the  Rap- 
pahannock, were  visited.  Richard  Featherstonc,  a  "  gentleman  "  of  the  party, 
dying,  was  buried  on  the  banks  of  the  last-named  river,  which  was  explored 


'  The  height  of  the  chimney  is  171V  feet; 
the  greatest  width  lOiV  feet;  the  fireplace  is 
718  feet  wide. 

"  Archer  was  identified  by  the  late  William 
Green,  LL.D.,  Richmond,  Va.,  as  the  author 
of  the  tract,  "  A  Relatyon  of  the  Discovery  of 


our  River,  from  James  Forte,  into  the  Maine, 
made  by  Captain  Christopher  Newport,  and 
sincerely  written  and  observed  by  a  Gentleman 
of  this  Colony,"  rei^rinted  in  the  Transactions  of 
the  American  Antiijuarian  Society,  iv.  pp.  40-65. 
'  Stith,  History  of  I'ir^inia,  p.  67. 


132 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


to  the  falls,  near  where  Fredericksburg  now  is.  Here  a  skirmish  took  place 
with  the  Rappahannock  tribe.  The  Piankctank,  Elizabeth,  and  Mansemond 
rivers  vere  in  turn  examined  for  a  few  miles.  From  the  results  of  these 
discoveries  Smith  composed  his  Map  of  Virginia,  a  work  so  singularly  exact 
that  it  has  formed  the  basis  of  all  like  delineations  since,  and  was  adduced  as 
authority  as  late  as  1873  towards  the  settlement  of  the  boundary  dispute 
between  the  States  of  Virginia  and  Maryland.  The  drawing  was  sent  to 
England  by  'T;wport  before  the  close  of  'he  year,  and  in  16 12  was  published 
in  the  Oxford  Tract.  Returning  to  J<.:  .estown,  Sept.  7,  1608,  Smith  was 
elected  President  of  the  Council  over  Ratclifife  (who  suffered  from  a  wounded 
hand  and  was  enfeebled  by  sickness),  and  now,  for  the  first  time,  he  had  the 
"  letters  patent"  of  office  placed  in  his  hands.^  Ever  firm,  courageous,  and 
persevering,  he  at  once  instituted  vigorous  and  salutary  measures  adapted 
to  the  wants  and  conducive  to  the  discipline  of  the  colo'  -.ts.  The  church 
was  repaired,  the  storehouse  covered,  and  magazines  erev,ted.  Soon  after, 
Newport  arrived  for  the  third  time  from  England,  with  the  second  supply 
of  settlers,  seventy  in  number.  Among  them  were  Captains  Peter  Wynne 
and  Richard  Waldo,  Francis  West  (the  brother  of  Lord  Delaware),  Ra- 
leigh Crashaw,  Daniel  Tucker,  some  German  and  Polish  artisans  for  the 
manufacture  of  glass  and  other  articles,  Mrs.  Thomas  Forest,  and  her  maid, 
Ann  Burras.  The  last  named  of  these  —  the  first  Englishwomen  in  the 
colony  —  became,  before  the  close  of  the  year,  the  wife  of  John  Laydon. 
This  was  the  first  marriage  celebrated  in  Virginia.  Newport  had  left  Eng- 
land under  the  silly  pledge  not  to  return  without  a  lump  of  gold,  or  with- 
out hidings  of  the  discovery  of  a  passage  to  the  North  Sea,  or  without  the 
rescue  of  one  of  the  settlers  of  the  lost  company  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh. 
The  Company  added  the  equally  impossible  condition  that  he  should  bring 
a  freight  in  his  vessel  of  equal  value  to  the  cost  of  the  expedition,  which 
was  £2,000.  In  case  of  failure  in  these  respects,  the  colonists  were  to  be 
abandoned  to  their  own  resources.  Much  valuable  time  was  consumed  by 
Newport  in  an  idle  coronation  of  Powhatan  (for  whose  household  he  had 
brought  costly  presents),  and  in  futile  efforts  for  the  accomplishment  of 
the  visionary  expectations  of  the  Company.  At  last  there  was  provided 
by  those  of  the  colonists  who  remained  at  their  labors  a  part  of  a  cargo 
of  pitch,  tar,  glass,  and  iron  ore,  and  Newport  set  sail,  leaving  at  James- 
town about  two  hundred  settlers.  The  iron  ore  which  he  carried  was 
smelted  in  England,  and  seventeen  tons  of  metal  sold  to  the  East  India 
Company  at  £^  per  ton.  In  the  preservation  of  the  colony  until  the  next 
arrival,  the  genius  and  energy  of  Smith  were  strongly  but  successfully 
taxed,  —  for  Captain  Wynne  dying,  and  Scrivener  and  Anthony  Gosnold, 
with  eight  others,  having  been  drowned,  he  alone  of  the  Council  remained. 
His  measures  were  sagacious.  Corn  was  planted,  and  blockhouses  were 
built  and  garrisoned  at  Jamestown  for  defence,  and  an  outpost  was  estab- 
lished at  Hog  Island,  to  give  signal  of  the  approach  of  shipping.      At  the 

1  General!  Historie,  ed.  1624,  p.  59. 


VIRGINIA. 


133 


last  place  the  hogs,  which  increased  rapidly,  were  kept.     But  being  subject 
to  the  treachery  of  the  natives,  the  colonists  were  in  continual  danger  of 
attack,  and  were  too  slothful  to  make  due  provision  for  their  wants,  so  that 
the  tenure  of  the  settlement  became  like  a  brittle  thread.     The  store  of 
provisions  having  been  spoiled  by  damp  or  eaten  by  vermin,  their  subsistence 
now  depended  precariously  on  fish,  game,  and  roots.      The  prospects  of  the 
colony  were  so  discouraging  at  the  beginning  of  the  year  1609,  that,  in  the 
hope  of  improving  them,  the  Company  applied  for   a   r°\v  charter  with 
enlarged  privileges.     This  was  [jranted  to  them,  on  the  23d  of  May,  under 
the  corporate  r  .  ae  of  "  The  Treasurer  and  Company  of  Adventurers  and 
Planters  of  the  City  of  London  for  the  first  Colony  in  Virginia."     The  new 
Association,  which  embraced  representatives  of  every  rank,  trade,  and  pro- 
fession, included  twenty-one  peers,  and  its  list  of  names  presents  an  im- 
posing array  of  wealth  and  influence.     By  this  charter  Virginia  was  greatly 
enlarged,  and  made  to  comprise  the  coast-line  and  all  islands  within  one 
hundred  miles  of  it,  —  two  hundred  miles  north  and  two  hundred  south  of 
Point  Comfort,  —  with  all  the  territory  \v'ithin  parallel  lines  thus  distant  and 
extending  to  the  Pacific  boundary ;  the  Company  was  empowered  to  choose 
the  Supreme  Council  in  England,  and,  under  the  instructions  and  regula- 
tions of  the  last,  the  Governor  was  invested  with  absolute  civil  and  military 
authority.     With  the  disastrous  experience 
of  the  previous  unstable  system,  a  sterner 
discipline  seems,  under  attending  circum- 
stances, to  have  been  demanded  to  insure 
success.     Thomas  West  (Loid  Delaware), 
the  descendant  of  a  long  line  of  noble  ai>-  ;_, ' 
cestry,  received  the  appointment  of  Gov- 
ernor and  Captam-General  of  Virginia.     The  first  expedition  under  the 
second  charter,  which  was  on  a  grander  scale  than  any  preceding  it,  and 
which  consisted  of  nine  vessels,  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  the  ist  of  June, 
1609.     Newport,  the  commander  of  the  fleet,  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  Lieutenant- 
-  ^  General,  and  Sir  George  Somers,  Admiral  of  Vir- 

C^  I  //%  /  /f^J^r  ginia,  were  severally  authorized,  whichever  of  them 
\^      Js^^^^^    might  first  arrive  at   Jamestown,  to  supersede  the 
*^^^  existing   administration  there  until   the    arrival   of 

Lord  Delaware,  v,'ho  was  to  embark  some  months  later ;  but  not  being  able 
to  settle  the  point  of  precedency  among  themselves,  they  embarked  together 
the  same  vessel,  which  carried  also  the  wife  and  daughters  of  Gates. 


m 


Among  the  five  hundied  colonists,  were  the  returning  Captains  Ratclifie, 
Archer,  and  Martin,  divers  other  captains  and  gentlemen,  and,  by  the  sug- 
gestion of  Hakluyt,  a  number  of  old  soldiers^  who  had  been  trained  in  the 
Netherlands.     On  the  23d  of  July  the  fleet  was  caught  in  a  hurricane;  a 


I  f. 


1  i'n  the  outfit  of  a  settler  enumerated  by  cuirass,  exhumed  at  Jamestown,  are  in  the  col- 
Smith  is  the  item,  a  complete  suit  of  armor.  It  lection  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Societj-  at 
is  of  interest  to  note  that  portions  of  a  steel     Richmond. 


m 


I  *;;! 


II 


134 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


small  vessel  was  lost,  others  damaged,  and  the  "Sea  Venture,"  which  carried 
Gates,  Somers,  and  Newport,  with  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  settlers,  was 
cast  ashore  on  the  Bermudas.  Captain  Samuel  Argall  (a  relative  of  Sir 
Thomas  Smith)  arrived  at  Jamestown  in  July,  with  a  shipload  of  wine  and 
provisions,  to  trade  on  private  account,  contrary  to  the  regulations  of  the 
Company.  As  the  settlers  were  suffering  for  food,  they  seized  his  supplies. 
Many  of  them  at  this  time  had  gone  to  live  among  the  Indians,  and  eighty 
had  formed  a  settlement  twenty  miles  distant  from  the  fort.  Early  in 
August  the  "  Blessing,"  Captain  Archer,  and  three  other  vessels  of  the 
delayed   fleet  sailed   up   James   River,  and   soon   after  the  "  Diamond," 

Captain  Ratcliffe,  appeared, 
without  her  mainmast,  and 
she  was  followed  in  a  few 
days  by  the  "  Swallow,"  in 
like  condition. 

The  Council  being  all 
dead  save  Smith,  he,  obtain- 
ing the  sympathy  of  the 
sailors,  refused  to  surrender 
the  government  of  the  col- 
ony ;  and  the  newly  arrived 
settlers  elected  Francis  West, 
the  brother  of  Lord  Dela- 
ware, as  temporary  presi- 
dent. The  term  of  Smith 
expiring  soon  after,  George 
Percy  — one  of  the  original 
settlers,  a  brother  of  the 
Earl  of  Northumberland, 
and  a  brave  and  honorable 
man  —  was  elected  presi- 
dent, and  West,  Ratcliffe, 
and  Martin  were  made  coun- 
cillors. 

Smith,  about  Michael- 
mas (September  29),  de- 
parted for  England,  or,  as  all  contemporary  accounts  other  than  his  own 
state,  was  sent  thither  "  to  answer  some  misdemeanors."  ^  These  were 
doubtless  of  a  venial  character;  but  the  important  services  of  Smith  in  the 
sustenance  of  the  colony  appear  not  to  have  been  as  highly  esteemed  by 
the  Company  as  by  Smith  himself.  He  complains  that  his  several  petitions 
for  reward  were  disregarded,  and  he  never  returned  to  Virginia.  Modern 
investigation  has  discredited  many  of  the  so-long-accepted  narratives  in 
which  he  records  his  own  achievements  and  judges  so  harshly  the  motives 

'  Sainsbury's  Cii/i'mf,ir  o/S/a/e  Papers  (1^74-1660),  p.  8. 


^"^^^"^^ 


VIRGINIA. 


135 


in 


by 


and  conduct  of  all  others  of  his  companions;  and  the  glamour  of  romance 
with  which  he  invested  his  own  exploits  has  been  somewhat  dissipated. 
But  whatever  may  have  been  the  fervor  of  his  imagination  as  a  historian, 
it  was  more  than  equalled  by  his  fertility  of  resource  in  vital  emergencies, 
and  there  is  ample  evidence  that  his  services  in  the  prcser\'ation  of  the 
infant  colony  were  momentous.  After  his  return  to  England  but  little  is 
recorded  of  him  until  the  year  1614,  during  which  he  made  a  successful 
voyage  to  New  England,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Plymouth  Company, 
which  gained  for  him  the  title  of  Admiral  of  New  England.'  Whatever 
may  have  been  the  defects  of  Smith,  the  greatness  of  his  deeds  has  im- 
pressed him  enduringly  on  the  pages  of  history  as  one  of  the  most  prom- 
inent figures  of  his  period.  At  the  time  of  his  departure  for  England  he 
left  at  Jamestown  three  ships,  seven  boats,  a  good  stock  of  provisions, 
nearly  five  hundred  settlers,  twenty  pieces  of  cannon,  three  hundred  guns, 
with  fishing-nets,  working-tools,  horses,  cattle,  swine,  etc. 

Jamestown  was  strongly  fortified  with  palisades,  and  contained  between 
fifty  and  sixty  houses.  The  favorable  prospects  of  the  colony  were  soon 
threatened  by  the  renewal  of  Indian  hostilities.  Provisions  becoming  scarce, 
West  and  Ratcliffe  embarked  in  small  vessels  to  procure  corn.  The  latter, 
deceived  by  the  treachery  of  Powhatan,  was  slain  with  thirty  of  his  com- 
panions, two  only  escaping,  —  one  of  whom,  Henry  Spelman,  a  young 
gentleman  well  descended,  was  rescued  by  Pocahontas,  and  lived  for  many 
years  among  the  Patowomekes.  He  acquired  their  language,  and  was 
afterwards  highly  serviceable  to  his  countrymen  as  an  interpreter.  He  was 
slain  by  the  savages  in  1622.  No  effort  by  tillage  being  made  to  replenish 
their  provisions,  the  stock  was  soon  consumed,  and  the  horrors  of  famine 
were  added  to  other  calamities.  The  intense  sufferings  of  the  colonists 
were  long  remembered,  and  this  period  is  referred  to  as  "the  starving  time." 
In  six  months  their  number  was  reduced  to  sixty,  and  such  was  the  ex- 
tremity of  these  that  they  must  soon  have  perished  but  for  speedy  succor. 
The  passengers  of  the  wrecked  "  Sea  Venture,"  though  mourned  for  as  lost, 
had  effected  a  safe  landing  at  the  Bermudas,  where,  favored  by  the  tropical 
productions  of  the  islands,  they,  under  the  direction  of  Gates  and  Somers, 
constructed  for  their  deliverance  two  vessels  from  the  materials  of  the 
wreck  and  cedar-wood,  the  largest  of  the  vessels  being  of  eighty  tons  bur- 
den. The  Sabbath  was  duly  observed  by  them  under  the  faithful  ministry 
of  Mr.  Bucke.  Among  the  passengers  was  John  Rolfe  and  wife,^  to  whom 
a  male  child  was  born  on  the  island,  who  was  christened  Bermuda;  a 
girl  also  born  there  was  named  Bermudas.  Six  of  the  company,  includ- 
ing the  wife  of  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  died  on  the  island.  The  company 
of  one  hundred  and  forty  men  and  women  embarked  on  the  completed 

'  [See  chapter  vi. — Ed.]  as]    he   had    by   Pocahontas,"  for  whose   ben- 

^  This  was  the   first  wife  of  Rolfe,  whom  efit  his  brother,  Henry  Rolfe,  in  England,  pe- 

history   records    in    1614   as    the    husband    of  titioned    the    Company,    Oct.    7,    1622,    for    a, 

Pocahontas.      He    died    in    1622,    leaving    "a  settlement   of    the   estate   of    the   deceased  in 

wife    and  children,   besides   the    child   [Thom-  Virginia. 


136 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'i» 


I 


vessels  —  which  were  appropriately  named  the  "  Patience  "  and  the  "  De- 
liverance " —  on  the  loth  of  May,  1610,  and  on  the  23d  they  landed  at 
Jamestown.  Here  the  church  bell  was  immediately  rung,  and  such  of 
the  famished  colonists  as  were  physically  able  repaired  to  the  sanctuary, 
where  "  a  zealous  and  sorrowful  prayer"  was  offered  by  Mr.  Bucke.  The 
new  commission  being  read,  Percy,  the  acting  president,  surrendered  the 
former  charter  and  his  credentials  of  office.  The  fort  was  in  a  dismantled 
condition,  and  most  of  the  habitations  had  been  consumed  for  fire-wood. 
So  forlorn  was  the  condition  of  the  settlement  that  Gates  reluctantly  re- 
solved to  abandon  it  and  to  return  to  England  by  way  of  Newfoundland, 
where  he  expected  to  receive  succor  from  trading-vessels.  Some  of  the 
colonists  were  with  difficulty  restrained  from  setting  fire  to  the  town,  Gates, 
with  a  guard  to  prevent  it,  remaining  on  shore  until  all  others  had  em- 
barked. A  farewell  volley  was  fired ;  but  the  leave-taking  of  a  spot  asso- 
ciated with  so  much  suffering  was  tearless. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  repeated  ill  tidings  brought  by  returning  ships 
to  England,  and  the  supposed  loss  of  the  "  Sea  Venture  "  had  so  dismayed 
the  members  of  the  Company  in  London  that  many  of  them  withdrew 
their  subscriptions.  Lord  Delaware  —  who  is  characterized  in  the  "Dec- 
laration" of  the  Council,  in  1610,  as  "  one  of  approved  courage,  temper, 
and  experience  "  —  determined  to  go  in  person  as  Governor  and  Captain- 
General  of  Virginia  (the  first  of  such  title  and  authority),  and,  disregard- 
ing the  comforts  of  home  and  noble  station,  "  did  bare  a  grate  part  upon 
his  owne  charge."  By  his  example,  constancy,  and  resolution,  "  that 
which  was  almost  lifeless"  was  revi  ed  in  the  Company.  On  Feb.  21, 
1609-10,  William  Crashaw,  a  preacher  at  the  Temple  (the  father  of  the 
poet  eulogized  by  Cowley),  in  view  of  the  departure  of  Lord  Delaware, 
delivered  before  the  Council  and  Adventurers  in  London  a  stirring  ser- 
mon, which  was  the  first  preached  in  England  to  any  embarking  for  Vir- 
ginia in  a  missionary  cause.^  Distinct  and  unequivocal  testimony  is  given 
by  the  Company,  in  the  "  Declaration  "  already  cited,  as  to  the  reputation 
of  settlers  for  the  colony,  none  being  dcoired  but  those  of  blameless 
character.  Five  weeks  later  Lord  Delaware  sailed  with  three  vessels  and 
one  hundred  and  fifty  settlers,  and  arrived  in  Virgiria  providentially  to 
intercept,  off  Mulberry  Island,  Gates  and  his  disheartened  companions  as 
they  were  descending  the  river,  who  returned  at  once  to  Jamestown. 
The  fleet,  following,  arrived  there  on  Sunday,  the  lOth  of  June.  The 
first  act  of  Lord  Delaware  upon  landing  was  to  fall  devoutly  upon  his 
knees  and  offer  up  a  prayer,  after  which  he  repaired  with  the  company 
to  the  church,  to  listen  to  a  sermon  by  Mr.  Bucke.  Two  days  later  a 
council  was  organized,  consisting  of  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  lieutenant-general, 
Sir  Thomas  Somers,  admiral.  Sir  Ferdinando  Wenman,  master  of  ordnance 
(who   soon  died),  Captain  Newport,  vice-admiral.  Captain  George  Percy 

>  The  text  was,  Daniel  xii.  3 :  "  They  that  turn  many  to  righteousness  shall  shine  as  the  stars 
for  ever  and  ever."    The  sermon  was  published  by  William  Welby,  London,  1610. 


I  I  ) 


VIRGINIA. 


137 


The 
his 
pany 
ter  a 
leral, 
lance 
'ercy 


and  William  Strachey,  secretary  and  recorder.  Captain  John  Martin  was 
made  master  of  the  steel  and  iron  works.  The  restoration  of  the  settle- 
ment was  prosecuted  with  vigor,  and  the  church,  a  building  sixty  feet  in 
length  by  twenty-four  in  breadth,  was  repaired,  and  services  were  held 
regularly  twice  on  Sunday,  and  again  on  Thursday.  Two  forts  were  also 
built  on  Southampton  River,  and  called  after  the  King's  sons,  Henry  and 
Charles,  respectively. 

The  administration  of  Delaware,  though  ludicrously  ostentatious  for  so 
insignificant  a  dominion,  was  yet  highly  wholesome,  and  under  his  judicious 
discipline  the  settlement  was  restored  to  order  and  contentment.  On  tiic 
19th  of  June  Sir  George  Somers,  in  his  cedar  pinnace,  accompanied  by 
Argall  in  another  vessel,  re-embarked  to  seek  for  provisions.  The  vessels 
separating,  Argall  on  the  27th  of  August  "  came  to  anchor  in  nine  fathoms, 
in  a  very  great  bay,"  called  by  him  Delaware,'  and  on  the  ninth  of  the 
month  reached  Cape  Charles.  Somers,  soon  after  parting  rom  Argall, 
reached  the  Bermudas,  where,  dying  from  the  effects  of  the  hardships  he 
had  undergone,  his  body  was  embalmed  and  conveyed  to  England  by  his 
nephew,  Captain  Matthew  Somers.  About  Christmas,  Captain  Argall  sailed 
in  the  "  Discovery "  up  the  Potomac  for  supplies  of  corn,  and  rescued 
the  captive  English  boy  Henry  Spelman  from  Jopassus,  the  brother  of 
Powhatan.  In  the  month  of  February  following,  Argall,  aided  by  a  small 
land  force  under  Captain  Edward  Brewster,  attacked  the  chief  of  the  War- 
raskoyacks  for  a  breach  of  contract  and  burned  two  of  his  towns.  Sir 
Thomas  Gates,  being  despatched  to  England  to  report  to  the  Company  the 
condition  of  the  colony,  succeeded  by  strenuous  appeals  in  inducing  it  to 
send  a  fresh  supply  of  settlers  and  provisions.  During  his  absence,  the 
health  of  Lord  Delaware  faiHng,  on  the  28th  of  March,  161 1,  accompanied 
by  Dr.  Bohune  and  Captain  A: gall,  he  sailed  for  England  by  way  of  the 
Isle  of  Mevis,  leaving  Percy  in  authority.  On  the  17th  of  March  Sir 
Thomas  Dale,  with  the  appointment  of  "high  marshall,"  had  sailed  with 
three  vessels  for  the  colony,  with  settlers  (among  whom  was  the  Rev. 
Alexander  Whitaker)  and  cattle.  He  reached  Point  Comfort  May  the  12th, 
and  spent  several  days  in  provisioning  and  disciplining  that  station  and 
the  forts  Henry  and  Charles  on  the  Southampton  River,  and  in  planting 
corn. 

Sir  Thomas  landed  a\  Jamestown  on  Sunday  the  19th,  where,  first  repair- 
ing to  the  church,  he  listened  to  a  sermon  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Poole,  after 
which,  his  commission  being  read  by  Secretary  Strachey,  Percy  surrendered 
the  government  to  him.  Under  an  extraordinary  code  of  "  Lawes,  Divine, 
Morall,  and  Martiall,"  compiled  by  William  Strachey  for  Sir  Thomas  Smith, 
and  based  upon  those  observed  in  the  wars  in  the  Low  Countries,  Dale 
inaugurated  vigorous  measures  for  the  government  and  advancement  of 
the  colony.     The  church  was  repaired,  and  store,  powder,  and  block  houses 


start 


VOL.  III. 


18. 


1  Strachey,  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  Publications,  vi.  39. 


I 


138 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ilk 


M 


!7» 


» '  ■ 


severally  were  built,  while  pales  and  posts  were  prepared  for  a  new  settle- 
ment. The  site  selected  for  the  last  was  a  peninsula  in  Varina  Neck  on 
James  River,  known  as  Farrar's  Island,  which  is  formed  by  an  extraor- 
dinary curve  resembling  that  of  a  horseshoe,  where  the  river,  after  a  sweep 
of  seven  miles,  returns  to  a  point  within  a  hundred  and  twenty  yards  from 
that  of  its  deviation.  The  name  of  the  bend,  Dutch  Gap,'  by  the  events 
of  the  late  civil  war  '  'ined  a  historic  notoriety.  The  building  of  the  new 
town  was  delayed  by  insubordination  among  the  colonists,  which  however, 
under  the  rigors  of  the  martial  code  in  force,  was  promptly  quelled,  eight 
of  the  ringleaders  being  executed.  The  pernicious  system  of  a  commu- 
nity of  property  was  now  to  some  extent  remedied  by  Dale,  in  the  allot- 
ment to  each  settler  of  three  acres  of  land  to  be  worked  for  his  individual 
benefit.  "  Comon  gardens  for  hemp  and  flaxe,  and  such  other  seedes," 
were  also  laid  out.^ 

In  June,  161 1,  Sir  Thomas  Gates,  accompanied  by  his  wife  (who  died 
on  the  passage)  and  daughters  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Glover  (who  lived  but  a 
short  time  after  his  arrival  in  the  colony),  followed  Dale  with  six  ships, 
three  hundred  settlers,  and  one  hundred  cows,  besides  other  cattle  and  an 
abundant  supply  of  provisions.  He  arrived  at  Jamestown  early  in  August, 
and  thus  increased  the  number  of  the  colonists  to  seven  hundred  persons. 
Gates  established  himself  at  Hampton,  deputed  the  command  of  Jamestown 
to  Percy,  and  sent  Dale,  early  in  September,  with  three  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  to  found  the  projected  town  of  Henrico,  at  which,  among  the  "  three 
streets  "  of  buildings  erected,  was  a  handsome  church.  The  foundation  of 
another,  to  be  of  brick,  was  laid.^  In  December,  the  Appomattox  Indians 
having  committed  some  depredations,  Dale  captured  their  town  on  the  south 
side  of  the  James,  near  the  mouth  of  Appomattox  River  (and  about  five 
miles  distant  from  Henrico),  and  upon  its  site  established  a  third  town, 
which  he  called  Bermuda.  Here  the  pious  apostle  Alexander  Whitakcr 
fixed  his  residence,  serving  as  the  minister  both  of  Bermuda  and  Henrico.* 
Several  plantations  were  laid  out  near  Bermuda,  —  Upper  and  Lower  Roch- 
dale, West  Shirley,  and  Digges'  Hundred.  In  conformity  with  the  code  of 
martial  law,  each  huiiared  was  subjected  to  the  control  of  a  captain.  In 
December,  also,  Newport  arrived  at  London  from  Jamestown,  in  the  ship 
"  Star,"  with  a  cargo  of  "  forty  fine  and  large  pines  for  masts,"  and  with  the 
daughters  of  Sir  Thomas  Gates  as  passengers.     Newport's  name  does  not 


»t    I 


:  i  'Ui 


'  The  tradition  is  that  Dutch  Gap  derived 
its  name  from  the  German  artisans  brought  over 
by  Newport  in  1608, and  that  the  "glass  house" 
was  located  here.  A  navigable  canal  across  its 
narrowest  breadth,  the  digging  of  which,  for 
military  advantages,  was  begun  by  the  Federal 
General,  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  has  since  (in  1873) 
been  completed. 

2  Letter  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  dated  "James 
Towne,  the  25th  of  May,  161 1,"  preserved  in 
the  Ashmole  Collection  of  MSS.  in   the  Bod- 


leian Library,  Oxford,  England,  communicated 
by  G.  D.  Scull,  Esq.,  and  published  by  the 
present  writer  in  the  Richmond  Standard,  Jan. 
28,  1882. 

'  Fragments  of  brick,  memorials  of  this  town, 
are  still  numerously  scattered  over  its  site. 

*  In  a  letter  of  Governor  Argall  to  the  Com- 
pany in  1617,  the  Rev.  Alexander  Whitaker  is 
said  to  have  been  recently  drowned  in  crossing 
James  River,  and  another  minister  is  desired  to 
be  sent  to  the  colony  in  his  stead. 


VIRGINIA. 


139 


Com- 
aker is 
k-ossing 
Lired  to 


again  appear  in  connection  with  Virginia.'  The  reinforcements  for  the 
colony  for  some  months  were  insignificant,  the  only  ships  sent  over  being 
the  "John  and  Francis  '"  and  the  "  Sarah,"  with  few  settlers  and  less  provi- 
sions, and  the  "  Treasurer  "  with  fifty  persons,  under  the  bold  and  unscru- 
pulous Captain  Samuel  Argall,  who,  sailing  from  lingland  in  July,  161 2, 
arrived  at  Point  Comfort,  September  ij.'^  This  year  was  a  marked  one 
in  the  inauguration  by  John  Rolfe  of  the  systematic  culture  of  tobacco, — 
a  staple  destined  to  e.xert  a  controlling  influence  in  the  future  welfare 
and  progress  of  the  colony,  and  soon,  by  the  paramount  profit  yielded  by 
its  culture,  to  subordinate  all  other  interests,  agricultural  as  well  as  manu- 
facturing. This  influence  permeated  the  entire  social  fabric  of  the  colony, 
directed  its  laws,  was  an  element  in  all  its  political  and  religious  disturb- 
ances, and  became  the  direct  instigation  of  its  curse  of  African  slavery.  It 
may  be  added,  however,  as  an  indisputable  fact,  that  the  culture  of  tobacco 
constituted  the  basis  of  the  present  unrivalled  prosperity  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  this  staple  is  still  one  of  the  most  prolific  factors  in  the 
revenue  of  the  General  Government. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1613,  the  colonists  needing  food,  Argall  determined 
on  a  bold  stroke,  and  with  the  bribe  of  a  copper  kettle  induced  Jopassus, 
the  king  of  Potomac,  in  whose  domain  Pocahontas  was  sojourning,  to  betr.ny 
her  into  his  hands.  Having  sent  a  messenger  to  Powhatan,  demanding  as 
a  ransom  the  restoration  of  all  English  captives  held  by  him,  and  of  all  arms 
and  tools  stolen  from  the  settlement,  Argall  returned  with  his  captive  to 
Jamestown.  There  was  a  protracted  struggle  in  the  breast  of  the  savage 
chieftain  between  avarice  and  parental  affection. 

Some  months  later  Dale,  with  a  command  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
sailed  up  York  River  to  VVerowocomico,  the  seat  of  Powhatan,  carrying 
Pocahontas  with  him.  Meeting  with  defiance,  he  landed  and  destroyed  the 
settlement,  and  then  returned  to  Jamestown.  The  ship  "  Elizabeth  "  arriv- 
ing in  March  with  thirteen  settlers.  Sir  Thomas  Gates  departed  in  her  for 
England  finally,  leaving  the  government  to  Dale.  An  event  most  aus- 
picuous  for  the  future  welfare  of  the  colony  soon  occurred.  A  mutual 
attachment  springing  up  between  John  Rolfe  and  Pocahontas,  with  the 
consent  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale  they  were  united  in  marriage  by  the  Rev. 
Alexander  Whitaker,  about  the  5th  of  April,  1614.  This  was  a  politic  ex- 
ample, which  Dale  himself  unsuccessfully  attempted  to  follow,  although  he 
had  then  a  wife  in  England.  Sending  Ralph  Hamor  (who  had  been  secre- 
tary of  the  Council  under  Lord  Delaware)  to  Powhatan,  with  a  request  for 
the  younger  sister  of  Pocahontas,  a  girl  scarce  twelve  years  of  age,  his  over- 
tures were  disdainfully  rejected.  The  results  of  the  union  of  Rolfe  and 
Pocahontas  were  the  goodwill  of  Powhatan  during  the  remainder  of  his  life, 
and  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the  formidable  Chickahominy  tribe,  by  which 

1  Newport  was  after  this  appointed  one  of     Robert  Shirley  to  Persia.    Chamberlain,  in  Court 
the  six  Masters  of  the  Royal  Navy,  and  was  en-     and  Times  0/ James  /.,  i.  154. 
gaged  by  the  East  India  Company  to  escort  Sir  '■'  Neill's  Virginia  Company,  p.  75. 


'     I 


140 


NARRATIVE    AND    CRITICAL    FilSTORY   OK    AMERICA. 


I 


U  \ 


the  natives  aprcccl  ever  to  be  called  Knglishmen,  and  to  be  true  subjects 
to  the  British  crown.  With  the  immunity  of  peace,  and  untlcr  the  whole- 
some discipline  of  Dale,  industry  was  stimulated,  property  accumulated, 
and  famine  was  no  lon{»er  feared.  Prosperity  beinjj  now  seeminj,'ly  assured 
to  the  colony,  the  martial  spirit  of  Dale  soutjht  other  modes  of  nu-iuifest- 
inR  itself.  As  early  as  1605  the  French  hail  sent  settlers  to  Acadia,  and 
planted  a  colony  at  Port  Royal,  which  had  now  attaincil  some  prominence. 
This  bein^  deemed  by  Dale  an  invasion  of  the  territory  of  Virginia,  which 
by  charter  extended  to  the  fortj-fifth  degree  of  latitude,  he  .sent  Argall  to 
dislodge  the  settlers,  which  was  summarily  accomplished.'  Stimulated  to 
new  conquests,  Argall  on  his  return  visited  the  Dutch  settlement  near  the 
site  of  Albany,  on  the  Hudson,  and  compelled  its  governor  to  capitulate."'' 


SEAL    OF    THE   VIRGIM.\    COMPANY." 

It  was  however  soon  after  reclaimed  by  the  Dutch.  Argall  now  sailed  for 
England,  where  he  and  Gates  both  arrived  in  June,  1614.  In  March,  1612, 
a  third  charter  had  been  granted  to  the  Virginia  Company,  extending  the 
boundaries  of  the  colony  so  as  to  include  all  islands  lying  within  three  hun- 
dred leagues  of  the  continent,  —  one  object  of  which  was  to  embrace  the 
Bermuda  or  Summer  Islands,  of  the  fertility  of  which  extravagant  accounts 
had  been  given ;  but  these  last  were  soon  after  sold  by  the  Company  to  one 
hundi.-J  and  twenty  of  its  members,  who  became  a  distinct  corporation.* 


1  [See  Vol.  IV.  — Ed.] 
^  [This  statement  is  disputed  by  some.  —  En.l 
'  This  is  a  fac-simile  of  the  engraving  used 
in  the  publications  of  the  Company.  Cf.  Ca/- 
rndar  of  Virginia  State  Papers,  i.  p.  xxxix ;  Neill's 
Virginia  Company,  p.  156.  An  example  of  this 
seal  with  the  same  dimensions  and  devices,  but 
with  the   differing    legend   on   the   reverse   of 


"CoLONiA  Virgin^* — Consilio  Prima,"  is  in 
the  collections  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society 
It  is  of  red  wax  between  the  leaves  of  a  foolscap 
sheet  of  paper,  and  is  affixed  to  a  patent  for  land 
issued  by  Sir  John  Harvey,  governor,  dated 
March  4,  1638. 

♦  See  Hening's  Statutes,  i.  98;  Stith,  126,  and 
Appendix  no.  3. 


n  I 


1^1^ 


VIRGINIA. 


141 


The  privilege  o'  holding  lotteries  for  the  benefit  of  the  Company  was  also 
secured.  Gat  s  r«*iorting  that  the  colony  in  Virginia  would  perish  unless 
bcttiT  provided,  t'lc  Company  iicld  for  its  relief  a  grand  lottery,  by  wliich 
the  sum  of  ^'sQ.oco  was  secured.  The  year  1615  is  remarkable  in  the 
history  of  Virginia  for  the  first  establishment  of  a  fixed  property  in  the 
soil,  in  the  granting  by  the  Company  of  fifty  acres  to  every  freeman  in 
absolute   right. 

Good  order  being  established,  and  the  colony  prosperous,  in  April,  1616, 
Sir  Thomas  Dale,  leaving  the  government  to  Captain  George  Veardley  as  his 
deputy,  accompanied  by  Rolfe,  I'ocahontas,  and  several  Indians  of  both 
se.ves,  sailed  for  luigland,  where  he  arrived  on  the  12th  of  June.  The  set- 
tlements in  Virginia  at  this  time  were  Henrico,  the  seat  of  the  college  for 
the  education  of  the  natives  (of  whom  children  of  both  sexes  were  already 
being  taught),  and  of  which  the  Rev.  William  VVickham  was  the  minister, — 
its  limits  being  Bermuda,  Nether  Hundred,  or  Fresquile.  the  residence  of 
the  Deputy-Governor  Yeardley  and  of  the  Rev.  Alexander  Whitaker;  West 
and  Shirley  Hundred,  Captain  Isaac  Madison,  commander;  Jamestown, 
Captain  Francis  West,  Mr.  Mease,  minister;  Kiquotan  ;  and  Dale's  Gift,  on 
the  sea-coast  near  Cape  Charles,  Lieutenant  Cradock,  commander.  The 
total  population  of  the  colony  was  three  hundred  and  fifty-one. 

Pocahontas  was  the  object  of  much  kindly  attention  in  London,  where 
she  was  presented  at  court  by  Lady  13elaware,  attended  by  Lord  Delaware, 
her  husband,  and  other  persons  of  quality.  In  March,  1617,  John  Rolfe  pre- 
pared to  return  to  Virginia  with  Pocahontas  and  their  infant  child  Thomas,' 
but  on  the  eve  of  embarkation  Pocahontas  w  as  stricken  with  the  small-pox, 
of  which  she  died  on  the  2 1st  instant,  aged  twenty-two  years,  and  was  buried 
at  Gravesend,  in  the  county  of  Kent.''  Tobacco  proving  the  most  salable 
commodity  of  the  colony,  in  1616  Yeardley  directed  general  attention  to  its 
culture,  the  profit  of  which  speedily  became  so  alluring  that  all  other  occu- 
pations were  forsaken  for  it. 

Through  the  influence  of  the  court  faction  of  the  Company,  in  161 7, 
Captain  Samuel  Argall  was  elected  Deputy-Governor  of  Virginia.  He  arrived 
in  the  colony  on  the  15th  of  May,  with  one  hundred  settlers,  accompanied  by 
Ralph  Hamor  as  Vice-Admiral,  and  John  Rolfe  as  "  Secretary  and  Re- 
corder-General."    They  found  "  the   market-place,  streets,  and  all  other 


'  It  has  been  assumed  in  America  that  the 
descendants  in  Virginia  of  Pocahont.is  were 
limited  to  those  springing  from  the  marriage 
of  Robert  UoUing  with  Jane,  the  daughter  of 
Tliomas  Rolfe ;  but  it  appears  that  the  last  left 
a  son,  Anthony,  in  England,  whose  daughter, 
Hannah,  married  Sir  Thomas  Leigh,  of  County 
Kent,  and  that  their  descendants  of  that  and 
(if  the  additional  highly  respectable  names  of 
liennet  and  Spencer  are  quite  numerous.  See 
Deduction  in  the  Richmond  Standard,  Jan.  21, 
1S82. 


-  The  parish  register  of  Gravesend  contains 
this  entry,  which  has  been  assumed  as  that  of  the 
burial  of  Pocahontas:  "1616,  March  21,  Re- 
becca Wrothe,  wyffe  of  Thomas  Wrothe,  Gent. 
A  Virginia  Lady  borne,  was  buried  in  the  Chan- 
cell."  Its  relevancy  has  recently  been  questioned 
by  the  Rev.  Patrick  G.  Rot)ert,  of  St.  Louis,  in 
the  Richmond  Daily  Despatch  of  Sept.  10,  l88l, 
and  by  Mr.  J.  M.  Sinyanki,  of  London,  in  the 
Richmond  Standard  of  Nov.  12,  1881,  both  of 
whom  claim  upon  tradition  that  the  interment 
was  in  a  corner  of  the  churchyard. 


V 


142 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


¥l 


spare  places  "  in  Jamestown  planted  with  tobacco.'  In  a  few  days  there- 
after Captain  Martin  also  arrived  in  a  pinnace,  after  a  passage  of  five  weeks. 
The  whole  number  of  the  colonists  was  now  about  four  hundred.  To 
reinforce  the  languishing  colony,  the  Company,  in  April,  1618,  sent  thither 
Lord  Delaware,  the  Governor-General,  in  the  ship  "Neptune,"  with  two 
hundred  men,  and  supplies.  After  his  departure  the  ship  "George"  ar- 
rived from  Virginia  with  such  complaints  of  the  malfeasance  of  Argall,  who 
under  martial  law  had  loaded  the  colonists  with  oppressive  exactions  and 
robbed  them  of  their  property,  that  letters  were  despatched  to  Lord  Dela- 
ware to  seize  upon  all  goods  and 
property  in  Argall's  possession. 
Lord  Delaware  dying  on  the  pas- 
sage, these  letters  fell  into  t!io 
hands  of  Argall,  who,  to  make 
the  most  of  his  remaining  time, 
grew  yet  mere  tyrannical.  For 
seizing  one  of  the  servants  of 
the  estate  of  Lord  Delaware,  on 
the  complaint  of  Edward  Brew- 
ster, the  son  of  its  manager,  Ar- 
gall was  arrested,  and  on  the 
15th  of  October,  161 8,  tried  and 
sentenced  to  death ;  but  the  pen- 
alty was  commuted  to  perpetual 
banishment.  He  secret!}'  stole 
away  from  the  colony  April  the 
9th,  1619,  leaving  Captain  Na- 
thaniel Powell  in  authority.  Up- 
on the  intelligence  of  the  death 
of  Lord  Delaware,  Captain 
George  Yeardley  who  was 
knighted  on  the  occasion,  was  ap- 
pointed to  succeed  him.  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  also  displaced  Sir  Thomas 
Smith  as  treasurer  of  the  Company. 

Yeardley  arrived  in  the  colony  April  the  19th  with  a  new  authority  under 
the  charter,  by  which  the  authority  of  the  governor  was  limited  by  a  council 
and  an  annual  general  assembly,  to  be  composed  of  the  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil, and  two  burgesses  from  each  plantation,  to  be  freely  elected  by  the  in- 


LORD  DELAWARE.^ 


•'  /i 


y: 


1  .Stith,  p.  146. 

'•^  His  portr.iit  is  preserved  .it  Bourne,  the 
seat  of  his  Hesceiidant  the  present  Earl  de 
la  Warr,  in  Cambridgeshire,  England.  There 
is  a  copy  of  it  in  the  Library  of  the  State  of 
Virginia  at  Richmond,  which  w.as  m.ide  by 
William  L.  Sheppard,  an  .artist  of  that  city 
in  July,   1877.     He  is   represented   as   a  stout, 


ruddy-visaged  Saxon,  with  a  most  benevolent 
expression  of  counten,ance.  King  James  granted 
a  pension  to  the  widow  of  Lord  Delaware,  who 
was  alive  in  1644,  and  is  called  Dame  Cecily 
Do\v.ager  de  la  Warre  in  the  sixth  Report  of  the 
Historical  Commission  to  Parliament,  in  a  paper 
in  which  the  continuance  of  her  pension  ic  asked 
for. 


u 


%.  \ 


VIRGINIA. 


143 


habitants  thereof.  John  Rolfe,  who  was  succeeded  in  the  office  of  Secret.'Ky 
of  the  Colony  by  John  Pory,  a  graduate  of  Cambridge,  a  great  traveller  and 
a  writer,  was,  with  Captain  Francis  West,  Captain  Nathaniel  Powell,  William 
Wickham,  and  Samuel  Macock,  added  to  the  Council.  On  P>iday,  July  30, 
1619,  in  accordance  with  the  summons  of  Governor  Yeardley  in  June,  the 
first  representative  legislative  assembly  ever  held  in  America  was  convened 
in  the  chancel  of  the  church  at  James  City  or  Jamestown,  and  was  composed 
of  twenty-two  burgesses  from  the  eleven  several  towns,  plantations,  and 
hundreds,  styled  boroughs.  The  proceedings  were  opened  with  prayer 
by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Bucke,  and  each  burgess  took  the  oath  of  supremacy. 
John  Pory  was  elected  speaker,  and  sat  in  front  of  Governor  Yeardley, 
and  next  was  John  Twine,  the  clerk,  and  at  the  bar  stood  Thomas  Pierse, 
sergeant-at-arms.  The  delegates  from  Captain  John  Martin's  plantation 
were  excluded,  because  by  his  patent,  granted  according  to  the  unequal 
privilege  of  the  manors  of  England,  he  was  released  from  obeying  any 
order  of  the  colony  except  in  time  of  war;  and  the  Company  was 
prayed  that  the  clause  in  the  charter  guaranteeing  equal  immunities 
and  liberties  might  not  be  violated,  so  as  to  "  divert  out  of  the  true 
course  '^''"  free  and  public  current  of  justice."  The  education  and  re- 
ligious instruction  of  the  children  of  the  natives  was  enjoined  upon  each 
settlement.  Among  the  enactments,  tobacco  was  authorized  as  a  currency, 
and  the  treasurer  of  the  colony  (Abraham  Percy)  was  directed  to  receive  it 
at  the  valuation  of  three  shillings  per  pound  for  the  best,  and  eighteen- 
pence  for  the  second  quality.  The  government  of  ministers  was  prescribed 
according  to  the  Church  of  England,  and  a  tax  of  tobacco  laid  for  their 
support.  It  was  also  enacted  that  "  all  persons  whatsoever  upon  the  Sab- 
bath days  shall  frequent  divine  service  and  sermons,  both  forenoon  and 
afternoon."  To  compensate  the  officers  of  the  Assembly,  a  tax  of  a  pound 
of  tobacco  was  laid  upon  every  male  above  sixteen  years  of  age. 

The  introduction  of  negro  slavery  into  the  colony  is  thus  noted  by  John 
Rolfe  :  "  About  the  last  of  August  [1619]  came  in  a  Dutch  man  of  warre, 
that  sold  us  twenty  Negars."  ^  During  this  year  there  were  sent  to  the  colony 
more  than  twelve  hundred  settlers,  and  one  hundred  "  disorderly  persons  " 
or  convicts,  by  order  of  the  King,  to  be  employed  as  servants.  Boys  and 
girls  picked  up  in  the  streets  of  London  were  also  sent,  and  were  bound 
as  apprentices^  to  the  planters  until  the  age  of  majority.  In  June  twenty 
thousand  pounds  of  tobacco,  the  crop  of  the  preceding  year,  was  shipped  to 
England.  In  November  the  London  Company  adopted  a  coat-of-arms,  and 
ordered  a  seal  to  be  engraved.^     The  Company  appears  ever  to  have  held 


'  Smith,  Gcnerall  Historic,  ed.  1627,  p.  126. 

-  One  of  these  indentures  from  the  origi- 
nal, dated  July  i,  162S,  was  published  by  the 
writer  in  the  Richmond  Standard  of  Nov.  16, 
1S7S. 

'  The  engraver  was  William  Hole,  engraver 
of  Smith's  map  of  Virginia.     The  arms  adopted 


were  an  escutcheon  quartered  with  the  arms 
of  England  and  France,  ScotKind  and  Ireland, 
crested  by  a  maiden  queen  with  flowing  hair 
and  an  eastern  crown.  Supporters  :  Two  men 
in  armor  having  open  helmets  ornamented  with 
three  ostrich  feathers,  each  holding  a  lance. 
Motto:   En  dat  Virginia  quintum,  —  a  comjili- 


144 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I   :* 


.it: 


<it 


in  due  regard  the  importance  of  education  as  intimately  connected  with 
the  preservation  and  dissemination  of  Christianity  in  the  colony.  Under  an 
order  from  the  King,  nearly  j^i, 500  were  collected  b'  the  bishops  of  the 
realm  to  build  the  college  at  Henrico,  and  fifteen  thousand  acres  of  land 
were  appropriated  for  its  support.^  To  cultivate  it  during  the  years  1619 
and  1620  one  hundred  laborers  were  sent  over  under  the  charge  of  Mr. 
George  Thorpe  (a  kinsman  of  Sir  Thomas  Dale)  and  Captain  Thomas 
Newce  as  agents.  At  a  meeting  of  the  Company  held  June  28,  1620, 
the  Earl  of  Southampton  was  elected  to  succeed  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  as 
treasurer. 

The  population  of  the  colony  in  July  was  estimated  at  four  thousand, 
and  during  the  year  forty  thousand  pounds  of  tobacco  were  shipped  to 
England.  The  freedom  of  trade  which  the  Company  had  enjoyed  for  a 
brief  interval  with  the  Low  Countries,  where  they  sold  their  tobacco,  was  in 
October,  1621,  prohibited  in  Council,  and  thenceforward  England  claimed 
a  monopoly  of  the  trade  of  her  plantations.  The  planters  at  length  were 
absolved  from  service  to  the  Company,  and  enjoyed  the  blessings  of  prop- 
erty in  the  soil  and  of  domestic  felicity.  In  the  autumn  of  1621  the 
practice  was  begun  by  the  Company  of  shipping  to  the  colony  young 
women  of  respectability  as  wives  for  the  colonists,  who  were  chargeable 
with  the  cost  of  transportation.  This  charge  was  at  first  one  hundred  and 
twenty,  afterwards  one  hundred  and  fifty,  pounds  of  tobacco.  A  wind- 
mill, the  first  in  America,  was  about  this  time  erected  by  Sir  George  Yeard- 
ley,  and  iron-works  (the  primal  inauguration  of  this  essential  manufacture 
in  this  country)  were  established  at  Falling  Creek  on  James  River,  under 
the  management  of  Mr.  John  Berkeley .^ 

Upon  the  request  of  Sir  George  Yeardley  to  be  relieved  of  the  cares  of 
office.  Sir  Francis  VVyatt  was  appointed  to  succeed  him  upon  the  expiration 
of  his  term  of  government  on  the  i8th  of  November,  1621.  Sir  Francis, 
with  a  fleet  of  nine  sail,  arrived  in  October,  accompanied  by  his  brother, 
the  Rev.  Haut  VVyatt,  Dr.  John  Pott  as  physician,  William  Claiborne  (des- 
tined to  later  prominence  in  the  colony)  as   surveyor  of  the  Company's 


■tMiil! 


11! ! 


ment.iry  acknowledgment  of  Virginia  as  the 
fifth  kingdom.  After  the  union  of  England  and 
Scotland  in  1707,  the  motto,  to  correspond  with 
the  altered  number  of  kingdoms,  was  £u  Jat 
I'irginia  quartam,  the  adjective  agreeing  with 
cofonam  understood,  and  it  ap])eared  on  the 
titlepage  of  all  legislative  p;;blications  of  the 
colony  until  the  Revolution.  Neill's  London 
Company,  pp.  ISS-S^' 

1  This  was  not  the  only  material  effort  made. 
In  1621,  under  the  zealous  efforts  of  the  Rev. 
Patrick  Copland  (the  chaplain  of  an  East  India 
ship),  funds  were  collected  Tor  the  establishment 
of  a  free  school  in  Charles  City  County,  to  be 
called  the  East  India  School.  For  its  mainten- 
ance one  thousand  acres  of  land,  with  five  ser- 


vants and  an  overseer,  were  allotted  by  the 
Company. 

The  advantage  of  private  education,  in  the 
families  at  le.ist  of  the  more  provident  of  the 
p;  .nters,  was  increasingly  secured  by  the  em- 
ployment as  tutors  of  poor  young  men  of  educa- 
tion, who  came  over  from  time  to  time,  and  by 
indenture  served  long  enough  to  pay  the  cost  of 
their  transportation.  Later  in  the  seventeenth 
century,  all  whose  means  enabled  them  to  do 
so  educated  their  sons  in  England,  —  a  custom 
which  largely  continued  during  the  following 
century,  though  William  and  Mary  College  had 
been  established  in  1692. 

*  A  gentleman  of  the  honorable  family  of 
Beverstone  Castle,  County  Gloucester. 


\'.'i 


VIRGINIA. 


145 


the 


lands,  and  George  Sandys '  as  treasurer,  who  during  his  stay  translated  the 
Metamorphoses  of  Ovid  and  the  First  Book  of  Virgil's  yEncid.  This  first 
Anglo-American  poetical  production  was  published  in  1626.  Sir  Francis 
Wyatt  brought  with  him  a  new  constitution  for  the  colony,  granted 
July  24,  by  which  all  former  immunities  and  franchises  were  confirmed, 
trial  by  jury  was  secured,  and  the  Assembly  was  to  meet  annually  upon 
the  call  of  the  Governor,  who  was  vested  with  the  right  of  veto.  No  act  of 
this  body  was  to  be  valid  unless  ratified  by  the  Company;  but,  on  the  other 
hand,  no  order  of  the  Company  was  to  be  obligatory  without  the  concur- 
rence of  the  Assembly.  This  famous  ordinance  furnished  the  model  of 
every  subsequent  provincial  form  of  government  in  the  Anglo-American 
colonies.^  In  November  Daniel  Gookin  arrived  from  Ireland  with  fifty 
settlers  under  his  control  and  thirty-six  passengers,  and  planted  himself 
in  Elizabeth  City  County,  at  Mary's  Mount,  just  above  Newport  News.'^ 
There  arrived  during  the  year  twenty-one  vessels,  bringing  over  thirteen 
hundred  men,  women,  and  children.  The  aggregate  number  of  settlers 
arriving  during  the  years  1619,  1620,  and  1621  was  thirty-five  hundred  and 
seventy. 

Deluded  by  long  peace,  on  the  22d  of  March,  1622,  the  unsuspecting 
colonists  fell  easy  victims  to  a  frightful  Indian  massacre  of  men,  women, 
and  children,  to  the  number  of  three  hundred  and  forty-seven.  Among  the 
slain  were  Mr.  George  Thorpe,  the  agent  for  the  college  at  Henrico,  and 
Mr.  John  Berkeley,  master  of  the  iron-works  at  Falling  Creek.*  Their 
death  and  the  destruction  of  their  charges  terminated  the  prosecution  of 
these  material  measures  for  the  good  of  the  colony.  The  future  policy 
with  the  savages  was  aggressive  until  the  peace  of  1632.  At  an  Assembly 
held  in  March,  1623,  monthly  courts  to  be  appointed  by  the  Governor 
were  authorized.  The  Virginia  Company,  in  their  opposition  to  the  King 
in  the  nomination  of  their  officers,  had  already  incurred  his  ill-will,  which 
was  increased  by  the  freedom  with  which  they  discussed  public  measures 


1  He  was  the  brother  of  Sir  Edwin  Sandys, 
the  late  Treasurer  of  the  Company.  He  was  born 
in  1577,  and  in  1610  visited  Turkey,  Palestine, 

nd  Egypt.     An  account  of  his  travels  was  pub- 
lished at  Oxford  in  161 5. 

2  Chalmers'  Introduction,  i.  13-16.  The  Or- 
dinance and  Wyatt's  Commission  may  be  seen 
in  Hcning's  Statutes,  i.  110-I13. 

*  In  the  Indian  massacre  of  March  22,  1622, 
Daniel  Gookin  bravely  maintained  his  settle- 
ment. He  served  as  a  burgess  from  Elizabeth 
City,  and  later  returned  to  Ireland.  His  son, 
of  the  same  name,  becoming  a  convert  to  the 
missionaries  sent  from  New  England  in  1642, 
and  declining  to  take  the  oath  of  conformity, 
removed  in  May,  1644,  to  Boston.  He  after- 
wards became  eminent  in  New  England,  was 
the  author  of  several  historical  works,  and  held 
various  offices  of  dignity  and  importance. 
VOL.  in.  — 19. 


*  In  1687,  and  again  in  1696,  Colonel  Wil- 
liam Byrd,  the  first  of  the  name  in  Virginia, 
undertook  the  revival  of  the  iron-works  at  Fall- 
ing Creek;  but  there  is  no  record  preserved  of 
his  plans  having  been  successfully  carried  out. 
New  iron-works  were,  however,  erected  here  by 
Colonel  Archibald  Gary  prior  to  1760,  which 
he  operated  with  i)ig-iron  from  Maryland,  but 
in  the  year  named  he  abandoned  th'i  forge  be 
cause  of  its  lack  of  profit,  and  converted  his 
pond  to  the  use  of  a  grist-mill.  The  site  of  the 
works  of  1622  on  the  western  bank  of  the  creek, 
and  that  of  Cary's  forge  of  1760  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  the  same  water,  have  both  been 
identified  by  the  present  writer  by  the  sco- 
ria; remaining  about  the  ground.  The  manu- 
facture of  iron  in  Virginia  was  revived  by  Gov- 
ernor Alexander  Spotswood  at  Germanna  about 
1716. 


■I'"'-  ;  I 


^A 


146 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


SO  as  to  invoke  his  denunciation  of  them  as  "  but  a  seminary  to  a  seditious 
parliament."  Violent  factions  divided  them,  and  the  massacre  came  at 
a  juncture  to  fan  discontent.  Commissioners  were  sent  to  Virginia  by  the 
King  to  gather  materials  for  the  ruin  of  the  Company.  The  result  was 
the  annulling  of  its  charter  by  the  King's  Bench  on  the  i6th  of  June,  1624. 
Sir  Francis  VVJ/a^t  was  continued  as  governor  by  commission  from  King 
James,  dated  Aug.  26,  1624,  and  again  in  May,  1625,  by  the  >oung  mon- 
arch, Charles  I.,  who  appointed  as  councillors  for  the  colony,  during  his 
pleasure,  Francis  West,  Sir  George  Yeardley  George  Sandys,  Roger  Smith, 
Ralph  Hamor,  John  Martin,  John  Harvey,  Samuel  Matthews,  Abraham 
Percy,  Isaac  Madison,  and  William  Claiborne.  He  omitted  all  mention 
of  an  assembly,  and  there  is  no  preserved  record  of  the  meeting  of  this 
body  again  until  1629.  The  administration  of  Wyatt  was  wise  and  pacific. 
The  death  of  his  father,  Sir  George  Wyatt,  calling  him  to  Ireland,  he  was 
succeeded,  in  May,  1626,  by  Sir  George  Yeardley,  who  dying  Nov.  14, 
1627,  the  Council  elected  as  his  successor,  on  the  following  day,  Francis 
West,  a  younger  brother  of  Lord  Delaware.  West,  departing  for  England 
on  the  5th  of  March,  1628,  was  succeeded  by  Dr.  John  Pott.  The  export 
of  tobacco  in  1628  was  five  hundred  thousand  pounds.  Charles,  desiring 
a  monopoly  of  the  trade,  directed  an  assembly  to  be  called  to  grant  it. 
That  b(  dy,  replying  tlie  26th  of  March,  demanded  a  higher  price  and  more 
favorable  terms  than  his  Majesty  was  disposed  to  yield.  The  colony 
rapidly  increased  in  strength  and  prosperity,  the  population  in  1629  being 
five  thousand.  Pott  was  superseded  as  governor  in  March,  1630,  by  Sir 
John  Harvey,  who  had  been  one  of  the  commissioners  sent  in  1623  to  pro- 
cure evidence  to  be  used  against  the  Virginia  Company.  Between  him 
and  the  colonists  there  was  but  little  good-will,  and  his  arbitrary  rule  soon 
rendered  him  odious.     In  July,  by  a  strange  mutation  of  fortune,  Pott,  the 

late  governor,  was  tried 
for  cattle-stealing,  and 
convicted.  T' is  was  the 
first  trial  by  jury  in  the 
y^~  f     J  y^^^         colony.     It  was  in  1630 

//  C^  that  George  Calvert, with 

^-^  Cf  his  followers,  arrived  in 

the  colonies;  but  the  details  of  his  experience  here  and  of  the  disputes 
about  jurisdiction  arising  out  of  the  grant  of  the  present  territory  of  Mary- 
land, made  to  him  and  confirmed  to  his  son  in  1632,  are  given  in  another 
chapter.^  It  was  under  successive  grants  from  the  governors  in  1627,  1628, 
and  1629,  and  from  Charles  I.  in  1631,  that  William  Claiborne  had  estab- 
lished his  trading-posts  in  the  disputed  territory,  from  which  he  was  driven 
with  bloodshed,  and  by  the  final  decree  of  the  King  in  1639  despoiled  of 
.^6,000  of  property.  Harvey  —  actuated,  it  has  been  charged,  by  motives 
of  private  interest  —  sided  with  Maryland  in  the  disputes,  and  rendered 

'  [See  chapter  xiii.  —  Ed.] 


^OfS^ 


1 1  ; 


VIRGINIA. 


147 


himself  so  obnoxious  that  an  assembly  was  called  for  the  7th  of  May, 
1635,  to  hear  complaints  against  him.  Before  it  met,  however,  he  con- 
sented to  go  to  England  to  answer  the  charges,  and  was  "  thrust  out  of 
his  government "  by  the  Council  on  the  28th  of  April,  and  Captain  John 
West,  a  brother  of  Lord  Delaware,  was  authorized  to  act  as  his  successor 
until  the  King's  pleasure  might  be  known.  In  1634  the  colony  was 
divided  into  eight  shires,'  subject,  as  in  England,  to  the  government  of 
a  lieutenant.2  The  election  of  sheriffs,  sergeants,  and  bailiffs  was  similarly 
provided  for.  The  King,  intolerant  of  opposition,  reinstated  the  hated 
Harvey  as  governor,  by  commission  dated  April  2,  1636.^  During  his 
rule  of  three  years  thereafter,  no  assembly  was  held.  Charles  gradually 
relaxed  his  policy,  and  in  November,  1639,  displaced  Harvey  with  Sir 
Francis  Wyatt,  w  j  in  turn  was 
succeeded  by  Sir  William  Berke- 
ley as  governor  in  February,  0  0  'l/Vlh^n\j  Li.  t^Jll>€/\JCt 
1642.  During  the  year  three 
Congregational  ministers  came  from  Boston  to  Virginia  to  disseminate 
their  doctrines.  Their  stay,  however,  was  but  short;  for  by  an  enact- 
ment of  the  Assembly  all  ministers  other  than  those  of  the  Church  of 
England  were  compelled  to  leave  the  colony.  It  will  be  shown  that  their 
success  was  limited.  On  the  i8th  of  April,  1644,  a  second  Indian  massacre 
occurred.  The  number  of  victims  has  been  differently  stated  as  three  and 
five  hundred.  During  a  visit  by  Berkeley  to  England,  from  June,  1644,  to 
June,  1645,  his  place  Wi^s  filled  by  Richard  Kemp.  In  1642  the  ship  of 
Richard  Ingle,  from  London,  had  been  seized  by  Governor  Brent,  of 
Maryland,  acting  under  a  commission  from  Charles  I.,  and  an  oath  against 
Parliament  tendered  the  crew.  Ingle  escaped,  and,  securing  a  commission 
from  Parliament  to  cruise  in  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake  against  Malig- 
nants,  as  the  friends  of  the  King  were  called,  reappeared  in  February,  1645, 
in  the  ship  "  Reforma*  on,"  near  St.  Inigo  Creek,  where  there  was  a  popular 
uprising,  and  with  the  aid  of  the  insurgents  and  forces  from  Virginia  ex- 
pelled Leonard  Calvert  and  installed  Colonel  Edward  Hill  as  governor. 
Calvert  regained  authority  in  August,  1646.  The  colony  of  Virginia  con- 
tinued to  prosper.  In  164S  the  population  consisted  of  fifteen  thousand 
whites  and  three  hundred  negro  slaves.  Domestic  animals  were  abundant; 
corn,  wheat,  rice,  hemp,  flax,  and  many  vegetables  were  cultivated ;  there 
were  fifteen  varieties  of  fruit,  and  excellent  wine  was  made.  The  average 
export  of  tobacco  for  several  years  had  been  1,500,000  pounds.  Besides 
the  "  old  field  schools,"  there  was  a  free  school  endowed  by  Benjamin 
Symmes  VMth  t\vo  hundred  acres  of  land,  a  good  house,  forty  milch  cows, 
and  other  appurtenances. 


1  These  were  James  City,  Henrico,  Charles 
City,  Elizabeth  City,  Warwick  River,  Warrc- 
squoyoke,  Charles  River,  and  Accomac. 

*  These  magnates,  who  were  called  colonels 
were  usually  members  of  the  Council,  and  their 


functions    were    magisterial    as    well   as    mili 
tary.  • 

'  Hening  states  that  "  there  is  a  patent 
granted  by  Harvey  13th  April,  1636."  —  StatuUi 
at  Lar^,  i.  4. 


kWI 


148 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


i; 


/i.''i 


m 


ipii 


I'i'M 


)l:i    P 


:lf  1: 


The  Dissenters,  who  had  increased  in  number  to  one  hundred  and 
eighteen,  now  encountered  the  rigors  of  colonial  authority  in  imprison- 
ment and  banishment,  and  all  opposition  to  the  Established  Church  was 
decisively  quelled.* 

With  the  beheading  of  Charles  I.  on  the  30th  of  January,  1649,  the 
Commonwealth  of  England  was  inaugurated ;  but  Virginia  still  continued 
its  allegiance  to  his  son,  the  exiled  prince,  and  offered  an  asylum  to  his 
fugitive  adherents.  Three  hundred  and  thirty  of  these,  including  Colonel 
Henry  Norwood  and  Majors  Francis  Morrison  and  Richard  Fox,  arrived 
near  the  close  of  1649  in  the  "  Virginia  Merchant." 

Norwood  was  sent  the  following  year  by  Berkeley  to  Holland  to  invite 
the  fugitive  King  to  Virginia  as  its  ruler,  and  returned  from  Breda  with 
a  new  commission  for  Berkeley  as  governor,  dated  June  3,  and  another  for 
himself  as  treasurer  of  the  colony,  in  approbation  of  the  loyalty  manifested. 
Charles  H.  was  crowned  by  the  Scotch  at  Scone  in  165 1,  and,  invading 
England  with  his  followers,  was  utterly  overthrown  and  defeated  at  Wor- 
cester, September  3.  In  the  same  month  the  Council  of  State  issued 
instructions  to  Captain  Robert  Dennis,  Richard  Bennet,  Thomas  Steg,'*  and 
William  Claiborne,  as  commissioners  for  the  reduction  of  Virginia  to  the 
authority  of  the  Commonwealth.  Captain  Dennis  arrived  at  Jamestown 
in  March,  1652,  and  the  capitulation  of  the  colony  was  ratified  on  the 
1 2th  instant  upon  liberal  terms,  which  confirmed  the  existing  privileges 
of  the  colonists  and  granted  indemnity  for  all  offences  against  Parliament. 
The  commissioners  Bennet  and  Claiborne  soon  after  effected  the  reduction 
of  Maryland,  but  with  singular  moderation  allowed  its  Governor  and  Coun- 
cil to  retain  their  offices  upon  the  simple  condition  of  issuing  all  writs  in  the 
name  of  the  Commonwealth.  A  provisional  government  was  organized  in 
Virginia,  on  the  30th  of  April,  by  the  election  by  the  House  of  Burgesses 
of  Richard  Bennet  as  governor  and  William  Claiborne  as  secretary  of  state, 
and  a  council  of  twelve,  whose  powers  were  to  be  defined  by  the  Grand 
Assembly,  of  which  they  were  ex-officio  members. 

A  remarkable  instance  of  individual  enterprise  was  given  in  the  early 


1  It  was  fully  three  quarters  of  a  century 
thereafter  before  Dissent  became  appreciable  in 
the  colony.  Governor  Spotswood  wrote  the 
Bishop  of  London,  Oct.  24,  1710:  "  It  is  a  pecu- 
liar blessing  to  this  Country  to  have  but  few  of 
any  kind  of  Dissenters  ; "  and  adds  the  follow- 
ing, which  may  be  taken  in  refutation  of  many 
gross  misrepresentations  of  the  moral  and  social 
condition  of  the  colonists  at  the  period  :  "  I  have 
observed  here  less  Swearing  and  Prophaneness, 
less  Drunkenness  and  Debauchery,  less  unchari- 
table feuds  and  animositys,  and  less  Knaverys 
and  Villanys  than  in  any  part  of  the  world 
where  my  L8t  has  been."  He  also  wrote  to  the 
Council  of  Trade,  Dec.  15,  1710:  "That  happy 
Establishment  of  the  Church  of  England,  which 
the   Colony  enjoys  with   less   mixture  of  Dis- 


senters than  any  other  of  her  Majesty's  planta- 
tions ; "  and  to  the  Earl  of  Rochester,  July  30, 
1711,  in  ample  confirmation  of  his  earlier  judg- 
ment, he  wrote :  "  This  Government,  I  can  joy- 
fully assure  your  Lordship,  is  in  perfect  peace 
and  tranquility  under  a  due  Obedience  to  the 
Royal  Authority  and  a  Gen".  Conformity  to  the 
Established  Church  of  England."  See  r/ie  Offi- 
cial Letters  of  Governor  Alexander  Spotswood, 
1710-1722,  published  by  the  Virginia  Historical 
Society,  with  Introduction  and  Notes  by  R.  A. 
Brock,  vol.  i.  pp.  27  and  108. 

2  His  signature  is  Stegge.  He  was  the  ma« 
ternal  uncle  of  Colonel  William  Byrd,  the  first 
of  the  name  in  the  colony,  who  came  thither  a 
youth,  as  the  heir  of  his  large  landed  estate 
which  included  the  present  site  of  Richmond. 


VIRGINIA. 


149 


rly 


part  of  1654  by  Francis  Yeardley,^  who  effected  discoveries  in  North 
Carolina,  "^  ;u  at  the  cost  of  ;^3CX)  purchased  from  the  natives  "three 
great  rivers  and  all  such  others  as  they  should  like  southerly,"  and  took 
possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  Commonwealth.^  In  March, 
1655,  Richard  liennet  was  appointed  the  agent  of  the  colony  at  London, 
and  was  succeeded  as  governor  by  Edward  Digges.  In  1656  Colonel 
Edward  Hill  the  elder,  in  endeavoring  with  one  hundred  men  to  dislodge 
seven  hundred  Ricahecrian  Indians  who  had  seated  themselves  at  the 
Falls  of  James  River,  was  utterly  routed.  Bloody  Run,  near  Richmond, 
significantly  derives  its  name  from  this  encounter.  On  the  13th  of  March, 
1657,  Edward  Digges  was  sent  to  London  as  the  agent  of  the  colony, 
and  was  succeeded  as  governor  by  Samuel  Matthews.  The  government 
of  the  colony  under  the  Commonwealth  was  beneficent,  and  the  people 
were  prosperous. 

Upon  the  reception  of  the  intelligence  of  the  death  of  Oliver  and  of  the 
accession  of  Richard  Cromwell  as  Protector,  obedience  was  acknowledged 
by  the  Assembly  on  the  9th  of  March,  1658.  Richard  Cromwell  resigned 
on  the  22d  of  April,  1659,  and  Matthews  had  died  in  January  previously. 
England  was  for  a  time  without  a  monarch,  and  Virginia  without  a  governor. 
The  Virginia  Assembly,  convening  on  the  23d  of  March,  1660,  elected  Sir 
William  Berkeley  as  governor,  and  declared  that  all  writs  should  be  issued 
in  the  name  of  the  Grand  Assembly.  On  the  8th  of  May  Charles  II. 
was  proclaimed  as  King  in  England,  and  on  the  31st  of  July  following 
he  transmitted  a  new  commission  to  his  faithful  adherent.  Sir  William 
Berkeley.  In  March,  1661,  44,cxx)  pounds  of  tobacco  were  appropriated 
by  the  Assembly  to  defray  the  cost  of  an  address  to  the  King,  praying  him 
to  pardon  the  inhabitants  of  Virginia  for  having  yielded  during  the  Com- 
monwealth to  a  force  they  could  not  resist.  And  in  contrition  for  their 
tacit  submission  to  the  "  execrable  power  that  so  bloodily  massacred  the 
late  King  Charles  the  First  of  blessed  and  glorious  memory,"  it  was 
enacted  that  "  the  30th  of  January,  the  day  the  said  King  was  beheaded, 
be  annually  solemnized  with  fasting  and  prayer,  that  our  sorrows  may 
expiate  our  crime,  and  our  tears  wash  away  our  guilt."  ^  A  little  later,  the 
29th  of  May,  the  date  of  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.,  was  decreed  to  be 
celebrated  annually  as  a  "  holy  day."  * 

Berkeley  being  sent  on  the  30th  of  April,  1661,  by  the  colony  to  Eng- 
land to  protest  against  the  enforcement  of  the  Navigation  Act,  Colonel 
Francis  Morrison  was  elected  in  his  stead.  Berkeley  returned  in  the  fall 
of  1662  with  advantageous  patents  for  himself,  but  without  relief  for  the 
colony.  Colonel  William  Claiborne,  secretary  of  state,  was  displaced  by 
Thomas  Ludwell,  commissioned  by  the  King.     Colonel  Francis  Morrison 

1  A  son  of  Sir  George  Yeardley,  a  former  Papers,  ii.  273,  and  is  republished  in  tlie  Rich- 
governor  of  Virginia,  and  Lady  Temperance,  his  mond  Standard  of  Feb.  11,  1882,  by  the  present 
wife,  who  was  born  in  Virginia.  writer. 

*  The  letter  is  given  in  full  in  Thurloe's  State  '  Hening,  ii.  24.  *  Ibid.  ii.  49. 


v\ 


ISO 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'i,;''j 

•-,;• 


and  Henry  Randolph,  clerk  of  the  Assembly,  were  appointed  to  revise  the 
laws,  and  it  was  ordered  that  all  acts  which  "  might  keep  in  memory  our 
forced  deviation  from  his  Majesty's  obedience "  should  be  "  expunged." 
A  satisfactory  account  of  the  condition  of  the  colony  in  1670  is  afforded 
in  a  report  made  by  Governor  Berkeley  to  the  Lords  Commissioners  of 
Foreign  Plantations.  The  executive  consisted  of  the  Governor  and  sixteen 
councillors  commissioned  by  the  King,  who  determined  all  causes  above 
£1$;  causes  of  less  amount  were  tried  by  the  county  courts,  of  which 
*herc  we:e  twenty.  The  Assembly,  composed  of  two  burgesses  from  each 
"«ty  v",et  annually;  it  levied  the  taxes,  and  appeals  lay  to  it.  The  Icgis- 
i,.(:/e  ait  executive  powers  rested  in  the  Governor,  Council,  Assembly, 
ami  subor'  in  •^e  officers.  The  Acts  of  the  Assembly  were  sent  by  the 
secretary  of  tne  colony  to  the  Lord  Chancellor.  All  freemen  were  bound 
to  muster  monthly  in  their  own  counties.  The  force  of  the  colony 
numbered  upwards  of  eight  thousand  horsemen.  There  were  five  forts, 
mounted  with  thirty  cannon. 

The  whole  population  was  forty  thousand,  of  whi  'h  two  thousand  were 
negro  slaves,  and  six  thousand  white  servants.  Eighty  vessels  arrived 
yearly  from  England  and  Ireland  for  tobacco;  a  few  small  coasters  came 
from  New  England.  The  annual  exportation  of  tobacco  was  15,000  hogs- 
heads (about  12,000,000  pounds),  upon  which  a  duty  of  two  shillings  a 
hogshead  was  levied.  Out  of  this  revenue  the  Governor  received  as  salary 
;^i,200.  The  King  had  no  revenue  from  the  colony  except  the  quit-rents.* 
There  were  forty-eight  parishes,  the  ministers  of  which  were  well  paid.  Un- 
der the  monopoly  of  the  Navigation  Act  the  price  of  tobacco  was  greatly 
depressed,  the  cost  of  imported  goods  enhanced,  and  the  trade  of  the  colony 
almost  extinguished ;  yet  the  profligate  King  oppressed  the  colonists  still 
further,  and  by  a  grant  of  the  whole  territory  of  Virginia  to  Lords  Arlington 
and  Culpeper  they  found  themselves  deprived  of  the  very  titles  to  the  lands 
they  owned.  The  privilege  of  franchise  was  even  virtually  withheld,  for 
there  had  been  no  election  of  burgesses  since  the  Restoration  in  1660,  the 
same  legislature  having  continued  to  hold  its  sessions  by  prorogation.  The 
colonists  grew  so  impatient  under  their  accumulated  grievances  that  a 
revolt  was  near  bursting  forth  in  1674.  It  was  quieted  for  a  time  by  some 
pacific  concessions ;  but  the  fires  only  slumbered,  and  an  immediate 
grievance  and  a  popular  leader  were  alone  required  to  produce  revolution- 
ary measures.  The  severity  of  the  policy  against  the  Indians  incensed 
them  to  hostility,  and  the  lives  of  the  colonists  were  in  constant  jeopardy. 
They  petitioned  the  Governor  for  protection,  and  on  the  meeting  of  the 


1  The  quit-rent  was  one  shilling  for  every 
fifty  acres  of  land,  the  latest  consideration  in  its 
acquirement.  It  was  first  granted  to  the  Adven- 
turers, by  the  Company,  in  tracts  of  one  hun- 
dred acres,  after  five  years'  service  in  the  colony. 
If  planted  and  seated  within  three  years,  the 
quantity  was  augmented  by  another   hundred 


acres.  Later,  each  person  removing  to  the 
colony  at  his  own  expense,  with  the  intention  to 
settle  and  remain,  was  entitled  to  fifty  acres  of 
land.  The  right  extended  also  to  every  mem- 
ber of  his  family  or  person  whose  passage-money 
he  defrayed.  These  rights  upon  "  transports  * 
were  called  "  head-rights,"  and  were  assignable. 


U 


VIRGINIA. 


151 


Assembly  in  March,  1676,  war  was  declared  against  the  IndizTJ  and 
a  force  of  five  hundred  men  raised  and  put  under  the  command  .  >;'  Sir 
Henry  Chicheley  to  subdue  them;  but  when  he  was  about  to  r "ich  he 
was  suddenly  and  without  apparent  cause  ordered  by  Berkeley  to  oisband 
his  forces.  The  Indians  continued  their  murders  until  sixty  lives  had  been 
sacrificed.  The  alarmed  colonists,  having  in  vain  petitioned  the  Governor 
for  protection,  rose  tumultuously  in  self-defence,  including  quite  all  the 
civil  and  military  officers  of  the  colony,  and  chose  Nathaniel  Bacon,  Jr.,  as 
their  leader.  Bacon,  who  was  of  the  distinguished  English  family  of  that 
name,  had  been  but  a  short  time  in  the  colony;  but  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Council,  brave,  rich,  eloquent,  and  popular.  He  had  an  immediate  stimu- 
lant, too,  in  the  murder  at  his  plantation,  near  the  site  of  Richmond,  of  his 
overseer  and  a  favorite  servant.*  Bacor  'uitlessly  applying  for  a  commis- 
sion, marched  at  the  head  of  five  hunu.  ::d  en  against  the  savages;  and 
in  the  mean  time  Berkeley  proclaimf  '  the;n  as  traitors  and  ineffectually 
pursued  them  with  an  armed  force.  Bacon  replied  in  a  declaration  de- 
nouncing the  Governor  as  a  tyrant  and  traitor  to  his  King  and  the  country. 
During  Berkeley's  absence  the  planters  .1  the  lower  counties  rose,  and,  the 
revolt  becoming  general,  he  was  f<  ced  to  return,  when  he  endeavored  to 
quiet  the  storm.  Writs  for  a  new  jsembly  were  issued,  to  which  Bacon 
was  elected.  He,  having  punished  the  savages,  while  on  his  way  to  the 
Assembly  was  arrested  in  James  River  by  an  armed  vessel,  but  was  soon 
released  on  parole.  When  the  Assembly  met  on  the  5th  of  June,  he  read  at 
the  bar  a  written  confession  and  apology  for  his  conduct,  and  was  thereupon 
pardoned  and  readmitted  to  his  seat  in  the  Council.  He  was  also  promised 
a  commission  to  proceed  against  the  Indians ;  but,  being  secretly  informed 
of  a  plot  by  the  Governor  against  his  life,  he  fled,  returning  however  to 
Jamestown  in  a  few  days  with  a  large  force,  when,  appealing  to  the  Assembly, 
they  declared  him  their  general,  vindicated  his  course,  and  sent  a  letter  to 
England  approving  it.  They  also  passed  salutary  laws  of  reform.  Berke- 
ley resisted,  dissolved  them,  and  in  turn  addressed  the  King.  Bacon, 
all-powerful,  having  extorted  a  commission  from  the  Governor,  marched 
against  the  Indians.  Berkeley  once  more  proclaimed  him  as  a  traitor. 
Bacon,  on  hearing  it,  in  the  midst  of  a  successful  campaign  returned ;  and 
Berkeley,  deserted  by  his  troops,  fled  to  Accomac.  Bacon,  now  supreme, 
called  together,  by  an  invitation  signed  by  himself  and  four  of  the  Council, 
a  convention  of  the  principal  gentlemen  of  the  colony,  at  the  Middle 
Plantation,  to  consult  for  defence  against  the  savages  and  protection  against 
the  tyranny  of  Berkeley.  He  also  issued  a  reply  to  the  proclamation  of 
Berkeley,  in  which  he  vindicates  himself  in  lofty  strains.^     He  now  again 


1  The  locality  of  the  murder  is  indicated  by 
a  small  stream  known  as  Bacon  Quarter  Branch. 

^  It  is  given  in  a  rure  little  tract :  An  His- 
torical Account  of  some  Memorable  Actions.  Par- 
ticularly in  Virginia  ;  Also  Against  the  A  Imiral 
of  Algier,  and  in   the   East  Indies:   Perform' d 


for  the  Service  of  his  Prince  and  Country.  By 
S'  Thomas  Granth.im,  K'  [Motto].  London: 
printed  for  J.  Roberts,  near  the  Oxford  Arms  in 
Warwick  Lane.  MDCCVL  i8mo.  The  copy 
in  the  Virgiria  State  Library  is  thought  to  be 
the  only  one  in  this   country,  pp.  12,  13:    "If 


152 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'    .11 


marched  against  the  Indians;  l.i.t  in  his  absence  a  fleet  which  he  had  sent 
to  capture  Ikrkeley  was  betrayed,  and  tlie  Governor  returned  to  James- 
town at  the  head  of  the  forces  sent  to  capture  him.  Bacon  now  returned, 
and  Berkeley,  deserted  by  his  men,  fleeing  again  to  Accomac,  Bacon 
triumphantly  entered  Jamestown  and  burned  the  State  House.  He  died 
shortly  afterwards  from  disease  contracted  by  exposure,  and  his  followers, 
left  without  a  leader,  dispersed,  and  Berkeley  was  finally  dominant.  On 
the  29th  of  February,  1677,  a  fleet  with  a  regiment  of  soldiers,  commanded 
by  Colonels  Herbert  Jeffreys  and  Francis  Morrison,  arrived  in  the  colony 
to  quell  the  rebellion.  Jeffreys,  Morrison,  and  Berkeley  sat  as  a  commis- 
sion to  try  the  insurgents.  They  were  vindictively  punished  :  the  jails  were 
filled,  estates  confiscated,  and  twenty-three  persons  executed.  At  length 
the  Assembly,  in  an  address  to  the  Governor,  deprecated  any  further 
sanguinary  punishments,  and  he  was  prevailed  upon,  reluctantly,  to  desist. 
All  the  acts  of  the  Assembly  of  June,  1676,  called  Bacon's  Laws,  were 
repealed,  though  many  of  them  were  afterwards  re-enacted.  Berkeley, 
being  recalled  by  the  King,  sailed  for  England  on  the  27th  of  April, 
1677,  and  was  succeeded  by  Sir  Herbert  Jeffreys  as  governor.  Jeffreys 
effected  a  treaty  with  the  Indians,  but  dying  in  December,  1678,  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Sir  Henry  Chicheley,  who  in  turn  gave  place,  on  the  10th  of 
May,  1680,  to  Lord  Culpeper,  who  had  been  appointed  in  July,  1675, 
governor  of  Virginia  for  life.  Virginia  was  now  tranquil.  The  resources 
of  the  country  continued  to  be  developed.  The  production  and  export 
of  tobacco  —  the  chief  staple  —  steadily  increased,  and  with  it  the  pros- 
perity of  the  colony.  The  case  with  which  wealth  was  acquired  fostered 
the  habits  of  personal  indulgence  and  ostentatious  expenditure  into  which 
the  Virginia  planter  was  led  by  hereditary  characteristics. 

Undue  stress  has  been  laid  by  many  historians  upon  the  transportation 
of  "  convicts  "  to  the  colony.  Such  formed  but  a  small  proportion  of  the 
population,  and  it  is  believed  that  the  offence  of  a  majority  of  them  was  of 
a  political  nature.  Be  it  as  it  may,  all  dangerous  or  debasing  effect  of  their 
presence  was  effectually  guarded  against  by  rigorous  enactments.  The  vile 
among  them  met  the  fate  of  the  vicious,  while  the  simply  unfortunate  who 


mm 


Virtue  be  a  .Sin,  if  Piety  be  Guilt,  if  all  the  Prin- 
ciples of  Morality  and  Goodness  and  Justice  be 
perverted,  we  must  confess  that  those  who  are 
called  Rebels  may  be  in  Danger  of  those  hi^h 
Imputations,  those  loud  and  severe  Bulls,  which 
would  affright  Innocency,  and  render  the  De- 
fence of  our  Brethren  and  the  Enquiry  into  our 
sad  and  heavy  Oppressions  Treason.  But  if 
there  be  (as  sure  there  is)  a  just  God  to  appeal 
to ;  if  Religion  and  Justice  be  a  Sanctuary  here ; 
if  to  plead  the  Cause  of  the  Oppress'd ;  if 
sincerely  to  aim  at  the  Publick  Good,  without 
any  Reserv.ition  or  By-Interest;  if  to  stand  in 
the  Gap,  after  so  much  Blood  of  our  Dear 
Brethren  bought  and  sold ;  if  after  the  Loss  of  a 


great  Part  of  His  Majesty's  Colony,  deserted 
and  dispeopl'd,  and  freely  to  part  with  our  Lives 
and  Estates  to  endeavor  to  save  the  Remainder, 
be  Treason,  —  Let  God  and  the  World  judge, 
and  the  Guilty  die.  But  since  we  cannot  find  in 
our  Hearts  One  single  Spot  of  Rebellion  and 
Treason,  or  that  we  have  in  any  manner  aimed 
at  the  Subversion  of  the  Settl'd  Government,  or 
attempting  the  Person  of  any,  either  Magistrate 
or  Private  Man,  —  notwithstanding  the  several 
Reproaches  and  Threats  of  some  who  for  sinis- 
ter Ends  were  disaffected  to  Us,  and  censure  our 
Just  and  Honest  Designs,  —  Let  Truth  be  bold 
and  all  the  World  Know  the  Real  Foundation 
of  our  Pretended  Guilt," 


VIRGINIA. 


153 


were  industrious  throve  and  became  good  citizens.     It  is  clearly  indicated 
that  the  aristocratic  element  of  the  colony  preponderated. 

The  under  stratum  of  society,  formed  by  the  "survival  of  the  fittest" 
of  the  "  indentured  servant"  and  the  "  convict"  classes,  as  they  improved 
in  worldly  circumstances,  rose  to  the  surface  and  took  their  places  socially 
and  politically  amon^j  the  more  favored  class.  The  Vir^'inia  planter  was 
essentially  a  transplanted  Knjjlishman  in  tastes  and  convictions,  and  emu- 
lated the  social  amenities  and  the  culture  of  the  mother  country.'  Thus 
in  time  was  formed  a  society  distinguished  for  its  refinement,  executive 
ability,  and  a  generous  hospitality,  for  which  the  Ancient  Dominion  is 
proverbial. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 


THERK  is  abundant  evidence,  as  in.stanced  by  Mr.  Deane  in  a  paper  in  the  linstim 
Diti/y  A(h'ertiscr,]\\\y  II,  1877,  that  the  name  of  Virginia  commemorates  Elizabeth, 
the  virgin  queen  of  England.  Mr.  Deane's  paper  was  in  answer  to  a  fanciful  belief,  ex- 
pressed by  Mr.  C.  VV.  Tuttle  in  A'otes  ami  Queries,  1877,  that  the  Indian  name  VVingina, 
mentioned  by  Hakluyt,  may  have  suggested  the  appellation.''  The  early  patents  are  given 
in  Furchas  (abstract  of  the  first),  iv.  1683-84;  Stith  ;  Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  i.  50 
58,  72  ;  Popham  Memorial  (the  first),  App.  A ;  and  Poor's  Gorges,  App. 

See  a  paper  by  L.  W.  Tazewell,  on  the  "  Limits  of  Virginia  under  the  Charters,"  in  Max- 
well's Virginia  Historical  Register,  i.  12.  These  bounds  were  relied  on  for  Virginia's 
claims  at  a  later  day  to  the  Northwest  Territory.  Cf.  H.  B.  Adams's  Maryland's  Influence 
in  Founding  a  National  Commonweal  tit,  or  Maryland  Historical  Society  Publication  Fund, 
no.  II.  See  also  Lucas's  Charters  of  the  Old  English  Colonies,  London,  1850.  Ridpath's 
United  States,  p.  86,  gives  a  convenient  map  of  the  grants  by  the  English  crown  from 
1606  to  1732.  Mr.  Deane  has  discussed  the  matter  of  forms  used  in  issuing  letters  patent 
in  Mass.  Hist,  Soc.  Proc.  xi.  166. 

The  earliest  printed  account  of  the  settlement  at  Jamestown,  covering  the  interval 
April  26,  1607-June  2,  1608,  is  entitled ;  A  True  Relation  of  such  occurrences  and  acci- 
dents of  noate  as  hath  hapned  in  Virginia  since  the  first  planting  of  that  Collony  which 
is  now  resident  in  the  South  part  thereof,  till  the  last  returne  from  thence.  Written  by 
Captaine  Smith,  Coronell  of  the  said  Collony,  to  a  worshipfull  friend  of  his  in  England. 
Small  quarto,  black  letter,  London,  1608.' 


'  This  is  shown  by  the  preservation  of  books 
to  this  day  in  the  several  departments  of  litera- 
ture which  are  identified,  by  ownership  in  in- 
scribed name  and  date,  with  the  homes  of  the 
Virginia  planter  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
many  of  which  have  fallen  tmder  the  personal 
inspection  of  the  present  writer,  who  h.ts  some 
examples  in  his  own  library.  A  little  later, 
private  libraries  were  numerous  in  Virginia,  and 
in  value,  extent,  and  variety  of  subject  embraced, 
the  exhibit  will  contrast  favorably  with  that  of 
any  of  the  English  colonies  in  America. 

^  [On  the  later  designation  of  "  Old  Domin- 
VOL.   III.  —  20. 


ion,"  see  Ifistorical  Magazine,  iii.  319  ;  and  J.  H. 
Trumbull  on  Indian  name^  in  Virginia  in  Ifistor- 
ical Ma);azine,  xvii.  47.  —  El).] 

3  The  editor  of  the  tract,  "J.  H.,"  in  his 
prcf.ace,  says  :  "Some  of  the  books  were  printed 
under  the  name  of  Thomas  Watson,  by  whose 
occasion  I  know  not,  unlesse  it  were  the  ouer- 
rashnessc  or  mistakinge  of  the  workmen." 

The  words  "  by  a  gentleman  "  got  also  through 
ignorance  of  the  real  authorship  into  the  titles  of 
some  copies  as  author,  there  being  four  varieties 
of  titles.  It  is  sometimes  quoted  (by  1' irchas  for 
instance)  by  the  running  head-line  ^\^wes  from 


154 


NARKATIVK    AND   CKITICAI.    IIISIORV   OF   AMLKICA. 


The  second  contemporary  account  appears  in  I'lirchas  His  IUIgripnts,\\.  1685  |6</}, 
published  in  xUi^,  and  is  entitled,  "  Ol)Hcru.Ui()ns  ^atliercd  out  ol  a  Discourse  of  the 
Plantations  of  the  Soutiierne  Colonic  in  Virginia  by  the  EnKJish,  1606,  written  i)y  tliat 
Honorable  Centlcman  Master  (leorgc  I'ercy. " '  The  narrative  j{ives  in  minute  detail  the 
inciilents  of  the  first  voyage  and  of  the  movements  of  the  colonists  after  their  arrival  at 
Cape  Henry  until  their  landing,  on  the  I4lh  of  May.  at  Jamestown.  It  is  to  be  regretted 
that  a  nieaj^re  abridgment  only  of  so  valuable  a  narrative  should  have  been  preserve<l  by 
I'urchas.  who  assigns  as  a  reason  for  the  omissions  he  made  in  it.  that  "  tlie  rest  is 
mori-  fully  set  down  in  Cap.  .Smith's  Relations." 

The  tliiril  account  of  the  jieriod,  "  New[)ort's  Discoveries  in  Virginia,"  was  published 
for  the  first  time  in  1H60  in  An/iaolof;iti  A iinricaMit,  iv.  40-^)5.  It  consists  of  three 
papers,  the  most  extended  of  which  is  entitled  :  "  A  Relatyon  of  the  Discovery  of  our 
river  from  James  I'orte  into  the  Maine  ;  made  by  Capt.iin  Cliristophcr  .Newport,  and  sin- 
cerely written  and  observed  by  a  (lentleman  of  the  Colony."  This  "  Relatyon  "  is  |)rinci- 
pally  confined  to  an  account  of  the  voyage  from  Jamestown  up  the  river  to  the  "  Falls," 
at  which  Richmond  is  now  situated,  and  back  again  to  Jamestown,  beginning  May  21  and 
ending  June  21.  the  day  before  Newport  sailed  for  England.  The  second  paper,  of  four 
pages,  is  entitle  "The  Description  of  the  new-discovered  river  and  country  of  Virginia, 
with  the  lildyhood  of  ensuing  riches,  by  England's  ayd  and  industry."  The  remaining 
paper,  of  only  a  little  more  than  two  pages,  is  ;  "  A  brief  description  of  the  I'eople." 
These  pajiers  were  printed  from  copies  made  under  the  direction  of  the  Hon.  George 
Bancroft,  LL.  D.,  from  the  originals  in  the  English  State  I'aper  Oftice,  and  were  edited  by 
the  Rev.  Edward  Everett  Hale.^ 


r.v^i 


W\i 


I      t 


m 


Virifiiim.  Mr.  Dcane  edited  an  edition  of  it  at 
Huston  in  1866.  There  are  eight  copies  of  it 
known  to  be  in  America  :  one  each  belonging 
to  Harvard  College,  S.  1..  M.  Harlow,  and  the 
Carter-Ilrown  Library  ;  two  in  the  New  York 
Historical  Society,  and  three  in  the  Leno.x  Li- 
brary, i^/iix'iizind  0/  Ameritini  History,  i.  251.) 
The  text  is  the  same  in  all  cases,  and  those 
copies  in  which  Smith's  name  is  given  have  an 
explanatory  preface  acknowledging  the  mistake. 
Mr.  I'ayne  Collier,  in  his  Karest  Books  in  the  liiif;- 
lis/i  [MN^iiiti^t;  1865,  is  of  the  opinion  that  Watson 
was  the  true  author,  which  Mr.  Deane  shows  to 
be  an  error.  An  earlier,  very  inaccurate  reprint 
was  made  in  the  Soiit/ient  IJltrary  AA-sseni^w, 
February,  1845,  ('^om  the  New  York  Historical 
Society's  copy.  Use  is  also  made  of  it  in  Pink- 
crton's  /'('i'/i,'i'j-,  vol.  xiii.  [Mr.  Deane  suggests 
that  the  reason  Smith  omitted  this  tract  in 
his  Gt-nerall  Historic,  substituting  for  it  the 
Map  of  I'irf^iniii,  is  to  be  found  in  the  greater 
ease  with  which  the  narratives  of  others  in  the 
latter  tracts  would  take  on  the  story  of  Poca- 
hontas, which  his  own  words  in  the  True  AWa- 
tioii  might  forbid. 

Tyler,  History  of  American  Literature,  i.  26, 
calls  this  tract  of  Smith's  the  earliest  contribu- 
tion to  American  literature.  The  latest  copy 
sold  which  we  have  noted  was  in  the  Ouvry 
Sale,  London,  March,  1882,  no.  1,535  of  ''* 
Catalof^ue,  which  brought  £^7-  —  Ed.] 

'  A  portrait  of  "Captaine  George  Percy," 
copied  in  1853  by  Herbert  L.  Smith  from  the 
original  at  Syon  House,  the  seat  of  the  Duke 


of  Northumberland,  at  the  instance  of  Conwaj 
Robinson,  Ks(|.,  then  visiting  Fjigland,  is  among 
the  valuable  collection  of  ])ortraits  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Historical  Society  at  Richmond.  Its  frame, 
of  carved  liritish  oak,  was  a  present  to  the  So- 
ciety from  William  Twopenny,  Esq.,  of  London, 
the  solicitor  of  the  Duke  of  Northumberland. 
Percy  (born  Sept.  4,  1586,  died  uiun.'rried  in 
March,  1632)  was  "  a  gentleman  of  honor  and 
resolution."  He  hatl  served  with  distinction  in 
the  wars  of  the  Low  Countries,  and  his  soldierly 
ipialities  were  evidenced  in  the  colony,  as  well  as 
his  administrative  ability  as  the  successor  of  John 
Smith.  A  mutilated  hand  represented  in  the 
portrait,  it  is  said,  was  a  memorial  of  a  sanguin- 
ary encounter  with  the  savages  of  Virginia.  The 
head  from  this  portrait  is  given  on  an  earlier 
page. 

-  The  author  of  the  "  Relatyon,"  etc.,  was 
identified  by  the  late  Hon.  William  Green, 
LL.D.,  of  Richmond,  as  Captain  Gabriel 
Archer.  [Newport's  connection  with  the'  col- 
ony is  particularly  sketched  in  Neill's  Virj^inia 
and  I'irffiniola,  1878.  Neill  describes  the  MS. 
which  is  in  the  Record  office  as  "a  fair  and 
accurate  description  of  the  first  Virginia  explo- 
rations." Mr.  Hale  later  made  some  additions 
to  his  original  notes  (Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc, 
Oct.  21,  18O4),  where  some  supplemental  notes 
by  Mr.  Deane  will  also  be  found  as  to  the  origin 
of  the  name  Newport-News  as  connected  with 
Captain  Newport.  See  H.  B.  Grigsby  in  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  x.  23 ;  also  Hist.  Mag.  iii.  347 
—  Ed.] 


VIRGINIA. 


155 


The  next  account  to  be  noted,  "  A  Discourse  of  Virginia,"  by  EdwanI  Maria  Wing- 
field,  the  first  I'resident  of  the  colony,  was  also  printed  for  the  first  lime  in  Ari/nrolof;iii 
Americana,  iv.  67-163,  from  a  copy  of  the  original  manuscript  in  the  I-imbeth  Library, 
edited  i)y  Charles  Deane,  LL.I).,  who  alsn  printed  it  upparatcly.  The  narrative  begins 
with  the  sailing  of  Newport  lor  Knglanii,  June  22,  1607,  and  ends  May  21,  1608,  on 
the  author's  arrival  in  England.  'I'he  final  six  pages  are  devoted  by  Wingfield  to 
a  defence  of  himself  from  charges  of  unfaithfulness  in  duty,  on  which  he  had  been 
deposed  from  the  Presidency  and  excluded  from  the  Council.  The  narrative  wa;i  cited 
for  the  first  time  by  I'urchas  in  the  margin  of  the  second  edition  of  his  rH^rimaf^t,  1614, 
pp.  757-76«.  He  also  refers  to  what  is  probably  another  writing,  "  M.  Wingfield's  notes," 
in  the  margin  of  p.  1706,  of  vol.  iv.  of  his  I'il^rimes.  Mr.  Deane  reasonably  conjectures 
that  the  narrative  of  Wingtield  as  originally  written  was  more  comprehensive,  and  that  a 
|)ortion  of  it  has  l)een  lost.'  Chapter  I.  of  Neill's  English  Colonisation  in  America  is 
devoted  to  Wingfield. 

Another  narrative  of  the  period  :  — 

A  Relation  of  I'irf^inia,  written  by  Henry  Spelman,  "the  third  son  of  the  Antiquary," 
who  came  to  the  colony  in  1^)09,  was  privately  printed  in  1872  at  Lon<lon  for  James  Frothing- 
ham  Hunnewell,  Esq.,  of  Charlcstown,  Mass.,  from  the  original  manuscript.'^  Spelman, 
who  was  a  boy  when  he  first  came  to  Virginia,  lived  for  some  time  with  the  Indians, 
became  afterwards  an  interpreter  for  the  Colony,  and  was  killed  by  the  savages  in  1622 
or  1623. 

In  1609  there  were  four  tracts  printed  in  London,  illustrative  of  the  progress  of  the 
new  colony :  — 

1 .  Sanies  Prohibition  staid,  a  reproof  to  those  that  traduce  Virginia. 

2.  William  Symondes'  Sermon  before  the  London  Company,  April  25,  1609.* 

3.  A'o'K'a  Britannia  :  offeringe  most  excellent  I'ruites  by  Planting  in  Virginia.* 

4.  A  Good  Speed  to  Virginia.  The  dedicator  is  R.  G.,  who  "neither  in  person  nor 
purse"  IS  able  to  be  a  "partaker  in  the  business."' 

In  1610,  appeared  the  following  :  — 

1.  W.  Crashaw's  Sermon  before  Lord  Delaware  on  his  leaving  for  Virginia,  Feb.  21, 
1609. 

2.  A  true  and  sincere  declaration  of  the  purpose  and  ends  of  the  plantation  begun  in 
Virginia.* 

3.  A  true  declaration  of  the  estate  of  the  Colonie  in  Virginia.'' 

4.  The  mishaps  of  the  first  voyage  and  the  wreck  at  Bermuda  were  celebrated  in  a  little 
poem  by  R.  Rich,  one  of  the  Company,  called  Netues  from  Virginia,  which  was  printed  in 
London  in  1610.* 


1  Preface  to  Deane's  True  Relation,  p.  xxxiii. 
[Wingfield's  Discourse  was  first  brought  to  the 
attention  of  students  in  1845  by  the  citations 
from  the  original  MS.  at  Lambeth  made  by 
Mr.  Anderson  in  his  History  of  the  Church  of 
England  in  the  Colonies.  —  Ed.] 

^  [The  MS.  was  bought  at  Dawson  Turner's 
Sale  in  1859  by  Lilly,  the  bookseller,  who  an- 
nounced that  he  would  print  an  edition  of  fifty 
copies.  (Deane's  ed.  True  Relation,  p.  xxxv  ; 
Hist.  Mag.,  July,  1861,  p.  224  ;  Aspinwall 
Papers,  i.  21,  note.)  It  was  only  partly  put  in 
type,  and  the  MS.  remained  in  the  printer's 
hands  ten  years,  when  Mr.  Henry  Stevens 
bought  it  for  Mr.  Hunnewell,  who  caused  a 
small  edition  (two  hundred  copies-)  to  be  printed 
privately  at  the  Chiswick  Press.  —  Ed.] 

'  Brinley  Catalogue,  no,  3,800. 


*  This  was  reprinted  in  Force's  Tracts,  i., 
and  by  Sabin,  edited  by  F.  L.  Hawk.",  New 
York,  1867. 

'  Sabin,  vii.  323 ;  Rich  (1832),  ;^i  Sj.j  Ouvry 
Sale,  1882,  no.  1,582,  a  copy  with  the  autograph, 
"  W.  Ralegh,  Turr,  Lend." 

*  There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard 
Library.  (Rich,  1832,  no.  121,  £1  8j.) 
an  official  document  of  the  Company. 

7  Another  official   publication.      A 
Harvard  College  Library.     (Rich,  1832,  no.  122, 
£,2  IS.)     It  is  reprinted  in  Force's  Tracts,  iii. 

'  But  one  copy  is  now  k'-  >wn,  which  is  at 
present  in  the  Huth  coUei 
1247),  having  formerly  belo  . 
mont's  Library  at  DuW 
found  it  in  1864,  bound  up  with  other  tracts. 
The  volume  escaped  the  fire  in  London  which 


College 
It  was 

copy  in 


a  [Catalogue,  iv. 
'  to  Lord  Charle- 
«here    Halliwell 


ii   1^. 


156 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


■I 


J>ii)9ir2j 


William   Strachey  was  not  an  actual  observer  of  events  in  the  colony  earlier  than 

May  23,  1610,  when  he  first  reached  Jamestown.     The  incidents  of  his  letter,  July  15, 

.y^  •  ^  /        1610,  giving  an  account  of   the  wreck  at   Bermuda  and 

'liViM-xa.fn.jtTa.*>'hH    subsequent  events  (Purchas,  iv.    1734),  must,  so   far  as 

^  antecedent   Virginia  events  go,  have  been  derived  from 

others.' 

In  161 2  Strachey  edited  a  collection  of  Lawcs 
Divine  of  the  colony.''' 

There  are  two  MS.  copies  of  his  Historic  of 
Travaile  into  Virginia  Britannia ;  expressing  the 
Cosvwgraphie  and  Comodities  of  the  Coumrv.  to- 
gether with  the  Manners  and  Customes  of  the  Peo- 
— -^     /'  pie,  —  one  pre- 

um  among  the 
Sloane  Collec- 
tion,   and    the 

other  is  among  the  Ashmolean  MSS.  at  C.ford.  They  vary  in  no  important  respect. 
The  former  was  the  cony  '  sed  by  R.  H.  Major  in  editing  it  for  the  Hakluyt  Society  in 
1849.    This  copy  was  dedicated  to  Sir  Francis  Bacon. 

In  161 1  Lord  Delaware's  little  Relation  appeared  in  London. ^  In  1612  the  Virginia 
Company,  to  thwart  the  evil  intentions  of  the  enemies  of  the  col&nj-,  printed  by  authority 
a  second  part  of  Nova  Britannia,  called  The  New  Life  of  Virginia.  Its  authorship  is 
assigned  to  Robert  Johnson.'' 

In  1612  the  little  quarto  volume  commoiily  referred  to  as  the  Oxford  Tract  was  printed, 
with  the  following  title :  A  Map  of  Virginia.  With  a  Description  of  the  Country,  the 
Commodities,  People,  Government,  and  Religion,  Written  by  Captaine  Smith,  sometimes 
Governour  of  the  Country.  Whereunto  is  annexed  the  proceedings  of  those  Colonies 
since  their  first  departure  from  England,  with  the  discoveries.  Orations,  and  relations 
of  the  Salvages,  and  the  accidents  that  befell  them  in  all  their  lournies  and  discoveries . 
Taken  faithfully  as  they  were  written  out  of  the  writings  of  Doctor  Ri'ssell,  Tho. 
Stvdley,  Anas  Todkill,  leffra  Abot,  Richard  Wiffin,  Will.  Phettiplace,  Nathaniel 
Powell,  Richard  Potts.  And  the  relations  of  divers  other  intelligent  observers  there 
present  then,  and  now  many  of  them  in  England,  by  W.  .S.  At  Oxford,  Printed  by 
Joseph  Barnes,  161 2.  As  the  title  indicates,  the  tract  consists  of  two  parts.  The  first, 
written  as  Smith  says,  in  the  Generall Historic,  "with  his  owne  hand,"  is  a  topographical 
description  of  the  country,  embracing  climate,  soil,  and  productions,  with  a  full  account 
of  the  native  inhabitants,  and  has  only  occasional  reference  to  the  proceedings  of  the 


destroyed  the  greater  part  of  the  Charlemont 
collection  in  1865,  and  ?t  the  sale  that  year 
hrought  ^63.  In  the  same  year  Halliwell 
privately  i)rinted  it  (ten  copies).  Winsor's  f/alli- 
welliaiia,  p.  25  ;  AUibone's  Dictionary  of  Authors, 
vol.  ii.  p.  17SS.  In  1874  it  was  again  privately 
reprinted  (twenty-five  copies)  in  London.  It 
once  more  appeared,  in  1878,  in  Neill's  V'ir- 
finia  and  Vir^iniola.  Cf.  Lefroy's  History  of 
Berm  uda. 

1  Tyler'.s  American  Literature,  i.  42.  Malone 
wrote  a  book  to  prove  that  this  description  by 
Strachey  suggested  to  Shakespeare  the  plot  of 
the  Tempest,  —  a  view  controverted  in  a  tract  on 
the  Tempest  by  Joseph  Hunter. 

^  Reprinted   in   Force's    Tracts,  iii.   no.    2. 


The  dedication  is  given  in  the  Al  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.  1866,  p.  36. 

3  [There  is  a  copy  in  the  Lenox  Library ;  it 
was  reprinted  (50  copies)  in  1859,  and  again  I)y 
Mr.  Griswold  (20  copies)  in  186S.  A  letter  of 
Lord  Delaware,  July  7,  1610.  from  the  Harleian 
MSS.,  is  printed  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  edition 
of  Strachey,  p.  xxiii.  —  Ed.] 

*  [There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Li- 
brary. A  very  fine  copy  in  the  Stevens  Sale 
(i88i,  Catalogue,  no.  1,612)  was  afterward  held 
by  Quaritch  at  £,2^.  Fifty  years  ago  Rich  l,Cata- 
togue  1832,  no.  131)  i)riced  a  copy  at  f,z  2s.  (See 
Sabin,  xiii.  53249.)  It  was  reprinted  in  Force's 
Tracts,  vol.  i.  no.  7,  and  in  2  Mass.  Hist.  Colt. 
vol.  viii.  —  Ed.] 


m 


VIRGINIA. 


157 


colony  at  Jamestown.  The  second  part  of  the  Oxford  Tract  has  a  separate  titlepage  as 
loUows:  'The  proceedings  of  the  English  Colonie  in  Virginia  since  their  first  beginning 
from  England  in  the  year  1606,  till  this  present  1612,  with  all  their  accidents  that  befell  them 
in  their  iournies  and  Discoveries.  Also  the  Salvages'  discourses,  orations,  and  relations  of 
the  Bordering  Neighbours,  and  how  they  became  subject  to  the  English.  Vnfolding  even  the 
fundanientall  causes  from  whence  haue  sprang  so  many  miseries  to  the  vndertakers,  and 
scandals  to  the  businesse;  taken  faithfully  as  they  were  written  out  of  the  writings  of 
Thomas  Studley,  the  first  provant  maister,  Anas  Todkill,  Walter  Russell,  Doctor  of 
Phisicke,  Nathaniel  Powell,  William  Phettiface,  Richard  Wyffin,  Thomas  Abbay,  Tho. 
Hops,  Rich.  Potts,  and  the  labours  of  divers  other  diligent  observers,  that  were  residents  in 
Virginia.  And  pervsed  and  confirmed  by  diverse  now  resident  in  England  that  were 
actors  in  this  busines.     By  W.  S.  At  Oxford,  Printed  by  Joseph  Barnes.     i6i2."i 

Alexander  Whitaker's  Good  Newes  from  Virginia  was  printed  in  1613.  He  was  min- 
ister of  Henrico  Parish,  and  had  been  in  the  country  two  years.  The  preface  is  by 
W.  Crawshawe,  the  divine.''^  Ralph  Hamor  the  younger,  "late  secretary  of  that  colony,'' 
printeu  in  London  in  1615  his  True  Discourse  of  the  present  state  of  Virginia,  bringing 
the  story  down  to  June  i8,  1614.  It  contains  an  account  of  the  ciiristening  of  Pocahontas 
and  her  marriage  to  Rolfe.  It  was  reprinted  in  i860  at  Albany  (200  copies)  for  Charles 
Gorham  Barney,  of  Richmond.^  Rolfe's  Relation  of  Virginia,  a  MS.  now  in  the  Britisli 
Museum,  was  abbreviated  in  the  1617  edition  of  Purchas's  Pilgrimage,  and  printed  at  lengtli 
in  the  Soi't/iern  Literary  Messenger,  1839,  and  in  tlie  Virginia  Historical  Register,  \.  102. 
(See  also  Neill's  Virginia  Company,  ch.  vi.)  There  are  various  other  early  printed  tracts, 
besides  those  already  mentioned,  reprinted  by  Force,  which  are  necessary  to  a  careful 
study  of  Virginian  history.* 


•  [A  further  account  of  this  tract  will  be  found 
in  a  subsequent  editorial  note  on  the  "  Maps  of 
Virginia;"  and  of  .Smith's  Generall  Histories,  full 
account  will  be  found  in  the  Editorial  Note  at 
the  end  of  Dr.  De  Costa's  chapter.  —  En.] 

■*  [Tyler,  American  Literature,  i.  46;  Neill, 
Vir^-inia  Company,  78;  Rich  (1832),  no.  135, 
priced  at  £z  zs.  Mr.  Neill  has  told  the  story  of 
Wliitaker  and  others  in  his  Alotes  on  the  Virginian 
Colonial  Clergy,  Philadelphia,  1877.  —  Ed.] 

'  [The  original  edition  is  in  the  Lenox  Library 
and  the  Deane  Collection ;  and  copies  at  public 
sales  in  America  have  brought  Si  50  and  $170. 
(Field,  Indian  Bibliography,  nos.  642-43,  where 
he  cites  it  as  one  of  the  ear'iest  accounts  of  tlie 
Indians  o£  Virginia;  Sabin,  viii.  46.)  A  German 
translation  was  published  at  Hanau  as  part  xiii. 
of  the  I/utsiiis  Voyages  in  1617  (containing  more 
than  was  afterwards  included  in  De  Bry's  Latin), 
and  there  were  two  issues  of  it  the  same  year 
with  slight  variations.  The  map  is  copied  from 
Smith's  A'eni  England,  not  from  his  Viri^inia. 
Carter-Bro^vn  Catalogue,  \.  491 ;  Lenox  Contribu- 
tions (Hulsius),  p.  15. 

In  1619  De  Bry  gave  it  in  Latin  as  part  x.  of 
his  Great  Voyages,  having  given  it  in  German  the 
yeur  before.  Carter-Bro^vn  Catalogue,  i.  348, 
368.  —  Ed.] 

*  [Some  of  them  follow  in  chronological 
order: — 

Norwood's  Voyage  to  Virginia,  1649;  Force's 
Tracts,  vol.  iii. ;   Virginia  Hist.  Reg,  ii.  121. 

Perfect  Description  of  Virginia,  1649;  Force's 


Tracts,  vol.  ii.;  Virginia  Hist.  Reg.  ii.  60;  original 
edition  in  Harvard  College  Library;  priced  by 
Rich  in  1832,  £1  los.,  by  Quaritch  in  1879,  £20. 

William  Bullock's  Virginia  impartially  Ex- 
amined, London,  1649;  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  iii. 
The  original  is  now  scarce.  Rich  in  1832  (Cata- 
loi;ue,  no.  271)  quotes  it  at  £1  los.  (it  is  now 
worth  $75).  Sabin,  iii.  9145;  Ternau.v,  685; 
Brinley,  3725. 

Extract  from  a  manuscript  collection  of  annals 
relative  to  Virginia,  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  ii. 

A  short  Collection  of  the  most  remarkable  pas- 
sages from  tlie  Originall  to  the  Dissolution  of  the 
Virginia  Company,  London,  1651  ;  there  are 
copies  in  the  Library  of  Congress  and  in  that 
of  Harvard  College. 

The  Articles  of  Surrender  to  the  Common- 
wealth, March  12,  1651 ;  Mercurius  Politicus, 
May  20-27,  1652;   Virginia  Hist.  Reg.  ii.   182. 

Virginia's  Cure  ;  or,  an  adr'isi-'c  narrati-e  Con- 
cerning Virginia ;  Discovering  the  True  Ground 
of  that  churches  unhappincss,  by  R.  G.  1662. 
Force's  Tracts,  vol.  iii.  The  original  is  in  Har- 
vard College  Library. 

.Sir  William  Berkeley's  Discourse  and  View  oj 
Virginia,  1663;  Sabin's  Dictionary,  ii.  4889. 

Nathaniel  Shrigley's  True  Relation  of  Virginia 
and  Maryland,  1669;  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  v. 

John  Lederer's  Discoveries  in  Three  Marches 
from  Virginia,  1669,  1670,  London,  1672,  with 
map  of  the  country  traversed.  It  was  "collected 
out  of  the  Latin  l)y  Sir  William  Talbot,  Baronet." 
There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Library. 


1 


'I 


I5& 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


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M  ]'■ 


Fortunately  a  copy  of  the  records  of  the  Company*  from  April  28,  1619,  to  June  7,  1624, 
is  preserved.  This  copy  was  made  from  the  originals,  which  are  not  now  known  to  exist, 
at  a  time  when  the  King  gave  sign  of  annulling  their  charter.  Nicholas  Ferrar  (see  the 
Memoir  of  Nicholas  Ferrar  by  Peter  Peckard,  London,  1790,  a  volume  throwing  much 
light  on  early  Virginian  history,  and  compare  Palfrey's  New  England,  i.  192),  with  the 
aid  of  Collingwood  the  secretary,  seems  to  have  procured  the  transcription  at  the  house  of 
Sir  John  Danvers,  in  Chelsea,  an  old  mansion  associated  with  Sir  Thomas  More's  memory. 
Collingwood  compared  each  folio,  signed  it,  —  the  work  being  completed  only  three  days  be- 
fore judgment  was  pronounced  against  the  Company,  —  and  gave  the  whole  into  the  hands 
of  the  Earl  of  Southampton  for  safe  keeping,  from  whom  the  records  passed  to  his  son 
Thomas,  Lord  High  Treasurer,  after  wiiose  death,  in  1667,  William  Byrd,  of  Virginia,  bought 
them  for  sixty  guineas,  and  it  was  from  the  Byrd  family,  at  VVestover,  that  Stith  obtained 
them,  to  make  use  of  in  his  History.  I5y  some  means  Stith's  brother-in-law,  Peyton  Ran- 
dolph, got  them,  and  at  his  death  in  1775  his  library  was  sold,  when  Jefferson  bought  it, 
and  found  these  records  among  the  books.  Jefferson's  library  afterwards  becoming  the 
property  of  the  United  States,  these  records  in  two  volumes  (pp.  354  and  387  respec- 
tively) passed  into  the  Library  of  Congress,  where  they  now  are. 

In  May,  1868,  Mr.  Neill,  who  had  used  these  records  while  working  on  his  Terra 
Maria,  memorialized  Congress,  explaining  their  value,  and  offering,  without  compensation, 
to  edit  the  MS.,  under  the  direction  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress.^  The  question  of 
their  publication  had  already  been  raised  by  Mr.  J.  Wingate  Thornton  ten  years  earlier, 
in  a  paper  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  February,  1858,  p.  33,  and  in  a  pamphlet,  The  First 
Records  of  Anglo-American  Colonization,  Boston,  1859.  I"  these  the  history  of  their 
transmission  varies  a  little  from  the  one  given  above,  which  follows  Neill's  statements.* 
Being  thwarted  in  his  original  purpose,  Mr.  Neill  made  the  records  the  basis  of  a  History 
of  the  Virginia  Cotnpany  of  London,  Albany,  1869,  which,  somewhat  changed,  appeared 
in  an  English  edition  as  English  Colonization  in  America  in  the  Seventeenth  Century.^ 


Cris7uold   Catalogue,   422 ;    Hiith    Catalogue,   iii. 
829. 

There  are  in  the  early  Virginian  bibliography 
a  few  titles  on  the  efforts  made  to  induce  the  cul- 
tivation of  silkworms.  The  King  addressed  a 
letter  to  the  Earl  of  .Southampton  with  a  review 
of  Bonceil's  treatise  on  the  making  of  silk,  and 
this  was  published  by  the  Company  in  1622. 
(Harvard  Collci^'f  Library  MS.  Catalogue  ;  Briit- 
ley  Catalogue,  no.  3,760.)  The  Company  also 
published,  in  1629,  Obserfations  . .  .of  Fit  Rooms 
to  kcepe  .':ilk  'aiornies  in  ;  and  as  late  as  1655  Hart- 
lib's  Reformed  Virginian  Silk-worm  indicated 
continued  interest  in  the  subject.  This  last  is 
reprinted  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  iii.  no.  13,  and 
the  originals  of  this  and  of  the  preceding  are 
in  Harvard  College  Library.  Sabin's  Dictionary, 
viii.  121. —  Ed.] 

'  The  Orders  and  conslitutions  ordained  by 
the  treasvror,  ccvnseil,  and  companie  of  Virginia, 
for  the  better  gouerning  of  said  companie,  is  re- 
printed in  F'orce's  Tracts,  vol.  iii. 

'■  Fortieth  Congress,  Second  Session,  Afisc. 
Doe.  no.  84,  Senate.  Another  effort  was  niP'li-  in 
Congress  for  this  eminently  desirable  in 
in  18S1.  The  bill  introduced  by  Senate  ^ .  .ui 
\V.  Johnston,  of  Virginia,  passed  the  &v;nate, 
but  for  some  reason  failed  in  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives. 

■*  [While  these  two  volumes  were  yet  in  his 


possession,  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  Colonel 
Hugh  P.  Taylor,  dated  October  4,  1823,  says, 
that  the  volumes  came  lO  him  with  the  Library 
of  Colonel  Richard  Bland,  which  Mr.  Jefferson 
had  purchased,  —  Colonel  Bland  having  bor- 
rowed them  of  the  Westover  Library,  and  never 
returned  them.  (See  H.  A.  Washington's  ed.  of 
Ji-ff'erson's  IVritings,  vii.  312.)  Colonel  Bland 
died  in  October,  1776.  A  duplicate  set  of  these 
Records  (transcripts  made  in  Virginia  some 
hundred  and  fifty  years  ago)  are  now  in  the 
possession  of  Conway  Robinson,  Esq.,  of  Rich- 
mond. They  were  deposited  with  him  by  Judge 
William  Leigh,  one  of  the  executors  of  John 
Randolph  of  Roanoke,  in  whose  library  they 
were  found  after  his  death,  in  1833,  w'here  they 
were  inspected  and  described  by  the  late  Hugh 
Blair  Grigsby,  before  the  dispersion  of  the 
library  at  a  later  period.  {Letters  of  Coinvay 
Robinson  and  H.  B.  Grigsby  to  Mr.  Dcane). 
These  Randolph-Leigh-Robmson  volumes  were 
exannned  by  Mr.  Dcane  in  Richmond,  in  April, 
1872,  just  after  he  had  inspected  the  Byrd-Stith- 
Jefferson  copy  in  the  Law  Library  in  Washing- 
U.i.  —  Kd.] 

*  [Mr.  Neill  has  published  numerous  notes 
on  early  Virginia  history  in  "he  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.,  namely,  "  English  maids  for  Vir- 
ginia," 1876,  p.  410;  "Transportation  of  Home- 
less Children,"  1876,  p.  414;  "Lotteries,"  1877, 


!|^ 


Hi!        1; 


VIRGINIA. 


159 


the 


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otes 
and 
Vir- 
me- 

■877. 


Of  considerable  importance  among  the  papers  transmitted  to  our  time  is  the  collection 
which  had  in  large  part  belonged  to  Chalmers,  and  been  used  by  him  in  his  Political 
Annals;  when  passing  to  Colonel  William  Aspinwall,'  they  were  by  him  printed  in  the 
Mass.  Hist.  Cull.  4th  series,  vols.  ix.  and  x.,  witli  numerous  notes,  particularly  concern- 
ing the  earlier  ones,  beginning  in  1617,  in  which  the  careers  jf  Gates,  Pory,''  and  Argall 
are  followed. 

Mr.  Deane,  True  Relation,  p.  14,  quotes  as  in  Mr.  Bancroft's  hands  a  copy  from  r. 
paper  in  the  English  State-Paper  Office  entitled  "  A  Briefe  Declaration  of  the  Plantation 
of  Virginia  during  tlie  first  twelve  years  when  S'  Thomas  Smyth  was  Governer  of  the 
Companie  [1606-1619],  and  downe  to  the  present  tyme  [1624],  by  the  Ancient  Planters 
now  remaining  alive  in  Virginia."  Mr.  Noel  Sainsbury,  in  his  Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Colonial  Series,  London,  1S60,  etc.,  has  opened  new  stores  of  early  Virginian  as  well 
as  of  general  Anglo-Ameiican  history,  between  1574  and  1660.  The  work  of  the  Public 
Record  Office  has  been  well  supplemented  by  the  Reports  of  the  Historical  Commission, 
which  has  examined  the  stores  of  historical  documents  contained  in  private  depositaries 
in  Great  Britain.  Their  third  Report  of  1872  and  the  appendix  of  their  eighth  Report  are 
particularly  rich  in  Virginian  early  history,  covering  documents  belonging  to  the  Duke 
of  Manchester.  The  /ndex  to  the  Catalogue  of  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum  discloses 
others. 

In  i860  the  State  of  Virginia  sent  Colonel  Angus  W.  McDonald  to  London  to  search 
for  papers  and  maps  elucidating  the  question  of  the  Virginia  bounds  with  Maryland,  Ten- 
nessee, and  North  Carolina,  which  resulted  in  the  accumulation  of  much  documentary 
material,  and  a  report  to  the  Governor  in  March,  1861,  Document  39  (i86i),  which  was 
printed.     See  Hist.  Mag.  ix.  13. 

Matter  of  historical  interest  will  be  found  in  other  of  the  documents  of  this  boundary 
contest:  Document  40,  Jan.  9,  i860;  Senate  Document,  Report  of  Commissioners,  Jan. 
17,  1872,  with  eleven  maps,  including  Smith's  ;  Final  Report,  1874;  Senate  Document  No. 
21,  being  reprints  in  1874  of  Reports  of  Jan.  9,  i860,  and  March  9,  1861;  House  Docu^ 
ment  No.  6,  Communication  of  the  Governor,  Jan.  9,  1877.  There  were  also  publications 
by  the  State  of  Maryland  relating  to  the  contest. ^ 

In  1874  there  was  published,  as  a  State  Senate  Document,  Colonial  Records  of  Vir' 
ginia,  quarto,  which  contains  the  proceedings  of  the  first  Assembly,  convened  in  1619  at 
Jamestown,''  with  other  early  papers,  and  an  Introduction  and  Notes  by  the  late  Hon. 
Thomas  H.  Wynne.  Attention  was  first  called  in  America  to  these  proceedings  by  Con- 
way Robinson,  Esq.  (who  had  inspected  the  original  manuscript  in  the  State-Paper 
Office,  London),  in  a  Report  made  as  chairman  of  its  Executive  Committee,  at  an  annual 
meeting  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  held  at  Richmond,  Dec.  15,  1853,  and  pub- 


p.  21 ;  "  Daniel  Gookin  of  Virginia,"  1877,  p.  267 
(sec  also  i.  345;  ii.  167;  Paige's  Cambridge,  563, 
and  Terra  Mariit,  76).  —  El).] 

'  [Colonel  Aspinwall  collecteckluring  his  long 
consulship  at  Liverpool  a  valu.ible  American 
library,  of  about  four  thousand  volumes  (771 
titles),  which  in  1863  was  sold  to  Samuel  L.  M. 
Harlow,  Esq.,  of  New  York,  but  all  except  about 
five  hundred  of  the  rarest  volumes  which  Mr. 
Barlow  had  taken  possession  of  were  burned  in 
that  city  in  1864.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  xv.  2. 
This  collection  w.as  dercribed  in  a  catalogue  (a 
few  copies  privately  printed),  Bibliotheca  Bar- 
Unuiana,  compiled  by  Henri  Harrisse.  —  Ed.] 

-  John  Pory's  lively  account  of  excursions 
among  the  Indians  is  given  in  Smith's  Generall 
Historie.  Neill,  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Genial.  Keg. 
1875,  P'  296,  thinks  that  George  Ruggles  was 


the  author  of  several  of  the  early  tracts  in 
Force's  Tracts.  See  Neill's  Virginia  Company, 
p.  362. 

■'  [The  history  of  the  dividing  line  (i'2S)  be- 
tween Virginia  and  North  Carolina  is  f  )inul  in 
William  Byrd's  Westcn'cr  MSS.,  jirintec  in  Pe- 
tersburg in  1S41.  It  shows  how  successive 
royal  patents  diminished  the  patent  rights  of 
Virginia.  See  Virginia  Hist.  Reg.  i.  and  iv.  77  ; 
Williamson's  North  Carolina,  .'\pp.  —  F.I>  ] 

^  A  copy  of  this  portion  of  the  Records,  col- 
lated with  the  original  by  Mr.  Sainsbury,  is  in 
the  library  of  the  present  writer.  The  other 
papers  of  this  1874  volume  included  a  list  of 
the  living  and  dead  in  1623,  a  Hrief  Declara- 
tion of  the  Plantation  during  the  first  twelve 
years  (already  mentioned),  the  census  of  1634, 
etc. 


V   t' 


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1 60 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   O^    AMLRICA. 


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lished  in  the  rirginia  Historical  Reporter,  i.  7.  Tliey  were  first  published  in  the 
Collections  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  1857,  with  an  Introduction  by  George 
Bancroft.  1 

Ai)stracts  from  the  English  State-Paper  Ofiice  have  been  furnished  the  State  Li- 
brary of  Virginia  by  W.  Noiil  Sainsbury,  to  Dec.  30,  1730. 

Ther-i  are  various  papers  on  \\\e  personnel  oi  the  colony  in  the  lists  of  passengers  for 
Virginia  of  1635,  which  Mr.  H.  G.  Somerby  pr'nted  in  the  A''.  E.  }{ist.  and  Geneal. 
/vV^,^  ii.  111,211,268;  iii.  184,388;  iv.  61,  189,  :?6i  ;  v.  61,  343;  and  x\  142;  and  in  the 
collection  of  such  documents,  mostly  before  published,  which  are  conveniently  grouped 
in  Hotten's  Original  Lists  (1600-1700),  London,  1874  and  1881  ;  and  in  S.  G.  Drake's 
Researc/tes  among  the  British  Archives,  i860. 

The  Virginia  Company  published  three  lists  of  the  venturers  and  emigrants  in  1619, 
and  in  1620  a  similar  enumeration  in  a  Declaration  of  the  State  of  the  Colonie!^  This  was 
dated  June  24  ;  another  brief  Declaration  bears  date  Sept.  20,  1620.  \  list  of  ships 
arriving  in  Jamestown  1607-1624  is  given  by  Neill  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg., 
1876,  p.  415. 

Neill  has  published  various  studies  of  the  census  of  1624  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.  for  1877,  pp.  147,  265,  393.8 

The  most  trustworthy  source  of  information  as  to  those  who  became  permanent  plant- 
ers and  founders  of  families  is  afforded  by  tlie  Virginia  records  of  land  patents,  which 
are  continuous  from  1620,  and  are  no  less  valuable  for  topographical  than  for  genealogi- 
cal refrrenr  ■\.^ 

The  manuscript  materials  of  the  history  of  Virginia  have  been  ever  subject  to  casualty 
in  the  varied  dangerous  and  destructive  forms  of  removal,  fin',  aid  war.  The  first  capital, 
Jamestown,  was  several  times  the  scene  of  violence  and  conflagration.  The  colonial 
archives  were  exposed  to  accident  when  the  seat  of  government  was  removed  to  Williams- 
burg;  and  finally  when,  in  1779,  the  latter  was  abandoned  for  the  growing  town  of 
Richmond,  and  when,  upon  the  apprehended  advance  oi'  th.?  British  forces  during  the 
Revolution,  they  were  again  disturbed  and  removed  hastil\  ivi  cue  last  place.  It  is  prob- 
able that  at  the  destruction  by  fire  of  the  buildings  of  William  and  Mary  College,  in  1705, 
many  valuable  manuscripts  were  lost  which  had  been  leu  in  them  when  the  royal 
governors  ceased  to  hold  sessions  of  the  Council  within  her  walls,  and  v  hen  other  gov- 
ernment functionaries  no  lor"-et  performed  their  duties  there.  Many  doubtless  suffered 
the  consequences  of  Anio:'  invasion  in  1781,  upon  whose  approach  the  contents  of  the 
public  offices  i.  Richmoiid  -vr c  hastily  tumbled  into  wagons  and  hurried  off  to  distant 
counties.  The  crowning  and  fell  period  of  universal  destruction  to  archives  and  private 
papers  was,  however,  that  of  our  late  unhappy  war,  when  seats  of  justice,  sanctuaries, 
and  private  dwe'.!^:igs  alike  were  subjected  to  fire  and  pillage.  The  mo^^t  serious  loss 
sustained  was  at  the  burning  of  the  State  Court  House  at  Richmond,  incidental  on  the 


'  [The  -Speaker's  Rt'i)ort  of  their  doings  to  the 
Company  in  Enghiiid  was  printed  in  tlie  Acw 
York  I/iit.  Coll.  in  1S57.  See  also  on  these  pro- 
ceedings the  Aiitiijiiarv,  London,  Jiilj',  l8Sl.  — 

■^  [There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Li- 
brary; Rich  (1832),  no.  133,  £2  2s.;  l?rinle\%  nos. 
3,739-40.  It  was  reprinted  in  Force's  Tracts, 
vol.  iii.  no.  5.  Mr.  Ucane,  True  Me/ciiio.<i,  p.  xli, 
examines  the  conflicting  accounts  as  to  the  num- 
ber of  persons  constituting  the  first  immigration. 
—  El).] 

■'  [Tlie  vexed  question  as  to  how  far  the  con- 
vict class  nade  part  of  tlie  early  corners  is  dis- 
cussed ill  Jones's  ed.  Hakluyt's  Divers  p'oyafts, 
p.  10;  /nJex  to  Remembrancia,  1519-1664,  with 


citations  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  xvii.  297  ; 
As/iiiiwall  Papers,  \.  ;,  note;  E.  D.  Neill,  Eng- 
lish Colonization  in  North  America,  p.  171,  and 
his  "  Virginia  as  a  Penal  Colony,"  in  Hist. 
Mag.,  May,  1869.  "It  would  be  wholly  wrong, 
however,  to  suppose  that  immigrants  of  this 
sort  were  a  controlling  element,"  says  Lodge  in 
his  English  Colonies,  p.  66;  and  this  is  now  the 
general  opinion.  —  En.j 

■•  Bishop  Meade's  Old  Churches  and  Families 
of  Virginia,  2  vols.  8vo,  l?S5,  Slaughter's  His- 
tory of  St.  Mark's  Parish,  Culpeper  County,  I'^Tl, 
and  Bristol  Parish,  Dinwiddle  County,  2d  edition, 
1879,  and  the  files  of  the  Richmond  Standard 
may  he  referred  to  for  purposes  of  genealogical 
investigation. 


;A 


-•ix*^ 


VIRGINIA. 


I6i 


loss 
the 


^0    111 

tlie 


evacuation  fire  of  April  3,  1865,  when  were  consumed  almost  the  entire  recor.ls  of  *>■' 
old  General  Court  from  the  year  1619  or  thereabout,  together  with  those  o(  rrafi  ■  )t 
the  county  courts  (which  had  been  brought  th'tlier  to  guard  against  the  accidents  cu  e 
war)  and  the  greater  part  of  the  records  of  the  State  Court  of  Appeals. 

Of  the  records  of  the  General  Court,  a  fragment  of  a  volume  covering  the  period  April 
4,  1670-March  16,  1676,  is  in  the  Collections  of  the  V^irginia  Historical  Society,  and 
another  fragment  —  Feb.  21,  1678-October,  1692- — is  in  the  archives  of  Henrico  County 
Court  at  Richmond.  In  the  State  Library  are  preserved  the  journals  of  the  General 
Assembly  from  1697  to  1744,  with  occasional  interruptions. 

Of  the  records  of  the  several  counties,  the  great  majority  of  those  of  an  early  period, 
it  is  certain,  have  been  destroyed.  Information  as  to  the  preservation  of  the  following  has 
been  received  by  the  writer :  Northampton  (old  Accomac),  continuous  from  1634 ; 
Northumberland,  from  1652 ;  Lancaster,  from  1652 ;  Surrey,  a  volume  beginni  ig  in 
1652  ;  Rappahannock,  from  1656  ;  Essex,  from  1692  ;  Charles  City,  a  single  volume, 
from  Jan.  4,  1650,  to  Feb.  3,  1655,  inclusive  ;  Henrico,  a  deed  book,  1697-1704,  and,  with 
interruptions,  the  same  records  to  1774,  —  all  classes  of  records,  unbroken,  from  Octo- 
ber, 1 78 1. 

In  elucidation  of  the  social  life  and  commerce  of  the  period,  — the  thiee  decades  of  the 
seventeenth  century,  —  the  following  may  be  named  :  Letters  of  Colonel  William  Fitzhugh, 
of  Stafford  County,  a  lawyer  and  planter,  May  15,  1679-April  29,  1699  ;  Letters  of  Colonel 
William  Byrd,  of  the  "  Falls,"  James  River,  planter  and  Receiver-General  of  the  colony, 
January,  i683-.^ug.  3,  1691,  —  in  the  Collections  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society. 

The  following  parish  records  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  Theological  Seminary 
near  Alexandria,  V^a.,  are  valuable  sources  of  early  genealogical  information;  Registers 
of  Charles  River  Parish,  York  County,  —  births  1648-1800,  deaths  1665-1787;!  Vestry 
Books  (some  with  partial  registers)  of  Christ  Church  Parish,  Middlesex  County,  \f/'}i- 
1767;  Petsoe  Parish,  Gloucester  County,  from  June  14,  1677;  Kingston  Parish,  Matthev..; 
County,  from  1679 ;  St.  Peter's  Parish,  New  Kent  County,  from  16S6. 

Of  such  of  the  early  papers  in  the  State  archives  at  Richmond  as  escaped  the  casualties 
of  the  war,  the  Commonwealth  intrusted  the  editing  to  William  P.  Palm'  ;  and  vol  I , 
covering  1652-1781  (with  a  very  few,  however,  before  1689),  was  publis!.!;J  >  1R75  ■■= 
Calendar  of  State  Papers  and  other  Manuscripts  preserved  in  the  Capitol  ,■"  .    '.citmn:  t!^ 

On  the  life  of  Captain  John  Smith  in  general,  some  notes  are  made  ir  •  her  chtipter 
of  this  volume.^  It  will  be  remembered  that  Fuller  —  in  the  earliest  pr  led  biography 
of  Smith,  contained  in  his  Worthies  of  England — says  of  him,  "  It  scuml.  th  much  'o 
the  diminution  of  his  deeds,  that  he  alone  is  the  herald  to  publish  and  proclaim  therj  " 

Mr.  Deane  first  pointed  out  (i860),  in  a  note  tn  his  edition  of  Wingfie!c''s  /'.  ■  .'vw, 
that  the  siv,ry  of  Pocahontas's  saving  Smith's  lifi  from  the  infuriated  Per  ,atan,  >vhicli 
Smith  interpolates  in  his  Generall  Historie,  was  at  variance  with  Smith's  earlier  recitals 
in  the  tracts  of  which  th?t  book  was  composed  %vhen  they  had  been  issued  contemporane- 
ous with  the  events  of  which  he  was  treating  some  years  earlier,  and  that  the  inference 
was  that  Smith's  natural  propensity  for  embellishment,  as  well  as  a  desire  to  feed  the 
interest  which  had  been  incited  in  Pocahontas  when  she  visited  England,  was  the  real 
.source  of  the  story.  Mr.  Deane  still  farther  enlarged  upon  this  view  in  a  note  to  his  edi- 
tion (p.  38)  of  Smith's  Relation  in  1866.^     It  has  an  important  bearing  on  the  qae.stion  that 


*  A  transcript  of  this  "  Register  "  is  in  the 
hands  of  the  present  writer  for  preparation  for 
pulilication,  with  uu  Ir.troduction,  Notes,  and 
Indices. 

'■^  A  second  vohime,  continuing  the  series, 
has  been  jjublished  tiie  present  year  (1882).  An 
Introduction  in  vol.  i.  recounts  the  losses  to 
which  the  archives  have  been  subjected,  and 
enumerates  the  resources  still  remaimng. 
VOL.   in. —  21. 


5  Chapter  vi. 

*  This  iconoclastic  view  was  also  sustTined  by 
Mr.  E.  D.  Neill  in  chapter  v.  of  his  Virginia  Com- 
pany ill  Loinion,  1869,  which  was  also  printed 
separately,  and  in  cl  apter  iv.  oi  his  English 
Colonization  in  America.  He  goes  farther  than 
Mt  Deane,  and,  following  implicitly  Strachey's 
statt.'nent  of  an  earlier  marriage  for  Pocahontas, 
he  impugns  other  characters  than  Smith's,  and 


f^ 


J  /i 


Mi  m 


l62 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


i'l- 


1 7 -Mils 


:|     U 


K    i,',     |l;l 


Hamor,  who  says  so  much  of  Pocahontas,  makes  no  allusion  to  such  a  striking  service. 
The  substantial  correctness  of  Smith's  later  story  is  contended  for  by  W.  Robertson  in  the 
//is/.  Mag.,  October,  i860  ;  by  William  Wirt  Henry,  in  fatter' s  American  Monthly,  1875  ; 
and  a  general  protest  is  vaguely  rendered  by  Stevens  in  h\s  //istnricai  Collections,  p.  102. 

The  file  of  the  /•iichmond  Dispatch  for  1877  contains  various  contributions  on  the 
early  governors  of  the  colony  of  Virginia  by  E.  D.  Neill,  William  Wirt  Henry,  and  R.  A. 
Brock,  in  which  the  claims  of  Smith's  narrative  to  consideration  are  discussed.  Charles 
Dudley  Warner,  in  A  Study  of  the  Life  and  U'rittiigs  of  John  Smith,  1881,  treats 
the  subject  humorously  and  with  sceptical  levity.  Smith  finds  his  latest  champion,  a 
second  time,  in  William  Wirt  Henry,  in  an  address,  The  Early  Settlement  at  Jamestown, 
with  Particular  Reference  to  the  late  Attacks  upon  Captain  John  Smith,  Pocahontas, 
and  John  I^olfe,  (XeWv^red  before  the  annual  meeting  of  the  Vliginia  Historical  Society, 
held  Feb.  24,  1882,  and  published  with  the  /Proceedings  of  the  Society.  Mr.  Deane's 
views  are,  however,  supported  by  Henry  Adams  {Aorth  American  Review,  January, 
1867,  and  Chapter  of  Erie,  and  other  Essays,  p.  192)  and  by  Henry  Cabot  Lodge  (Eng- 
lish Colonies  in  America,  p.  6).  Mr.  Bancroft  allowed  for  a  while  the  original  story  to 
stand,  with  a  bare  reference  to  Mr.  Deane's  note  {//istory  of  the  United  States,  1864, 
i.  132);  but  in  his  Centenary  Edition  (1879,  '^ol-  '•  P-  '°2)  he  abandoned  the  former  asser- 
tion, without  expressing  judgment.  The  most  recent  recitals  of  the  story  of  Pocahontas 
under  the  color  of  these  later  investigations  have  been  by  Gay.  in  the  Popular  History 
of  the  United  .S'tatcs,  \.  283,  and  by  Charles  D.  Warner  in  his  Captain  John  Smith, 
before  named,  —  the  latter  carefully  going  over  all  the  evidence. 

Alexander  Brown  has  contributed  several  articles,  published  in  the  Richmond  Dis- 
patch in  April  and  May,  1882,  in  which  he  controverts  the  views  of  Mr.  Henry,  not 
only  as  to  the  truth  of  the  story  of  the  rescue,  but  as  to  the  general  veracity  of  Smith 
as  a  historian,  taking  a  more  absolute  position  in  this  respect  than  any  previous  writer 
has  done. 

Pocahontas  is  thought  to  have  died  at  Gravesend  just  as  she  was  about  re-embarking 
for  America,  March  21,  1617;  and  the  entry  on  the  records  of  St.  George's  Church  in 
that  place  —  which  speaks  of  a  "  lady  Virginia  born,''  and  has  been  supposed  to  refer  to 
her  —  puts  her  burial  March  21,  1617.' 

For  the  tracing  of  Pocahontas's  descendants  through  the  Boilings, —  Robert  Boiling 
having  married  Jane  Rolfe,  the  daughter  of  Thomas  Rolfe,  the  son  of  Powhatan's  daugh- 
ter,—  see  The  Descendants  of  Pocahontas,  by  Wyndham  Robertson,  1855,  and  Wynne's 
historical  Documents,  vol.  iv.,  entitled  A  Memoir  of  a  Portion  of  the  Boiling  I-'amily, 
Richmond,  1S68  (fifty  copies  printed),  which  contains  photographs  of  portraits  of  the 
Bollings.2 


4ri 


i)' 


:    'I ■].,!. I,li 


repeats  the  imputations  in  his  Virginia  and 
Virginiola,  p.  20.  There  is  a  jjaper  on  the 
marriage  of  Pocahontas  by  Wyndham  Robert- 
son, in  the  Virginia  Historical  Reporter,  vol.  ii. 
part  i.  (i860),  p.  6r.  (Cf.  Field's  Indian  Bibliog 
r,>pliy,  p.  383.)  See  NeiU's  view  pushed  to  an 
cxlr.me  in  I/ist,  Mag.  xvii.  144.  A  writer  in  the 
Virgi'ir'a  Hist.  Reg.  iv.  37,  undertook  to  show 
thai  Kdko  u:i  and  Rolfe  were  the  same.  Mat- 
thew s.  Henry,  in  a  letter  dated  Philadelphia, 
Sept.  II,  1857,  written  to  Dr.  \Vm.  P.  Palmer, 
then  Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  Virginia 
Historical  Society,  gives  us  the  Lenni  Lenape 
signification  of  Ka'^oom  or  Kokoum,  as  "'to 
come  from  somewhere  elee,'  as  we  would  say, 
■a  foreigner.' " 

^  [Sec  Maxwell's  Hist.  Reg.  ii.,   189;  and  a 
note  to  tbc  earlier  part  of  this  chapter.    Her 


story  is  likely  still  to  be  told  with  all  the  old  em- 
bellishment. See  Prof.  Scheie  de  Vere's  Romance 
of  American  History,  1872,  ch.  iii.  A  piece  of 
sculpture  in  the  Capitol  at  Washington  depicts 
the  apocryphal  scene.  W.  G.  .Simms  urges  her 
career  as  the  subject  for  historical  painting 
(^Verses  and  Reviews).  She  figures  in  more  than 
one  historical  romance :  J.  Davis's  First  Settlers 
of  Virginia,  New  York,  1805-6,  and  again,  Phila- 
delphia, 1817,  with  the  more  definite  title  of 
Captain  Smith  and  the  Princess  Pocahontas ; 
Samuel  Hopkins,  Youth  of  the  Old  Dominion. 
There  are  other  works  of  fiction,  prose  and 
verse,  bearing  on  Pocahontas  and  her  father, 
by  Seba  Smith,  L.  H.  Sigourney,  M.  W.  Mose- 
by,  R.  D.  Owens,  ().  P.  Miliar,  etc.  — Ed.] 

''■  [.See  an  earlier  note  on  her  descendants. 
—  Eu.J 


h^: 


Is  if  Ii       '' 


VIRGINIA. 


I6i 


There  is  an  engraving  of  Pocahontas  by  Simon  Pass,  which  perhaps  belongs  to,  but 
Is  seldom  found  in,  Smith's  Gt-ncriill  Historic}  The  original  painting  is  said  to  have 
belonged  to  Henry  Rolfe,  of  Narford,  — a  brother  of  John,  tlie  husband  of  Pocahontas,  — 
and  from  him  passed  to  Anthony  Rolfe,  of  Tuttington,  and  from  him  again,  probably 
by  a  marriage,  to  the  Ehves  of  Tuttington,  and  it  is  mentioned  in  a  catalogue  of  a  sale  of 
their  effects  in  the  last  century.     It  has  not  since  been  traced. - 

Richard  Randolph,  of  \'irginia,  is  said  to  have  procured  from  England  two  portraits, 
—  one  of  Rolfe,  and  the  other  of  Pocahontas,  —  and  they  were  hung  in  his  house  at  Turkey 
Island.  After  his  death,  in  1784,  they  are  said  to  have  been  bought  by  Thomas  Boiling, 
of  Cobbs,  Va.,  and  the  inventory  showing  them  is,  or  was,  in  the  County  Court  of  Henrico. 
In  1830  they  were  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Thomas  Robinson,  of  Petersburg,  when  he 
wrote  of  the  portrait  of  Pocahontas  that  "it  is  crumbling  so  rapidly  that  it  may  be  con- 
sidered as  having  already  passed  out  of  existence."  A  letter  of  the  late  H.  15.  Grigsby 
to  Mr.  Charles  Deane  states  that  he  had  heard  it  was  on  panel  let  into  the  wainscot.  In 
1843,  while  still  owned  by  Mr.  Robinson,  R.  M.  Sully  made  a  copy  of  it,  which  .seems 
to  have  proved  acceptable,  as  appears  from  the  attestations  printed  in  M "Kinney  and 
Hall's  Indian  Tribes  of  North  America,  1844,  vol.  iii.,  where  at  p.  64  is  a  reproduction 
in  colors  of  Sully's  painting.  Mr.  Grigsby  says  that  the  original  was  finally  destroyed  in 
a  contest  which  grew  out  of  a  dispute  when  the  house  was  sold,  whether  the  panel  went 
with  it  or  could  be  reserved.'' 

Of  the  massacre  at  Falling  Creek,  March  22,  1621-22,  the  Virginia  Company  printed, 
in  Edward  Waterhouse's  Declaration  of  the  State  of  the  Colony  and  Affairs  in  Virginia, 
a  contemporary  account.*  Mr.  Neill  has  made  the  transaction  the  subject  of  special 
consideration  in  the  Magazine  of  American  History,  \.  222,  and  in  his  Letter  to  A.  O'. 
Taylor  in  1868,  and  has  printed  a  considerable  part  of  Waterhouse's  account  in  his  I'ir- 
ginia  Company,  p.  317  et  scq. 

The  massacre  is  also  incidentally  mentioned  by  the  present  writer  in  a  paper,  "Early 
Iron  ManufLXCture  in  Virginia,  1619-1776,"  in  the  Richmond  Standard,  Feb.  8,  1879, 
and  by  James  M.  Swank,  in  "  Statistics  of  the  Iron  and  Steel  Production  of  the  United 
States,"  compiled  for  the  Tenth  Census,  which  may  also  be  referred  to  for  information  as 
to  that  industry  in  the  Colony  of  X'irginia. 


1  Its  place  is  sometimes  supplied  by  a  fac- 
simile engraved  for  \V.  Richardson's  Granger's 
Portraits,  1792-96.  The  original  Mataoka  or 
Pocahontas  picture  was  neither  i"  the  Brinley, 
the  Medlicott,  nor  the  Menzies  copies,  and  is 
not  in  the  Harvard  College,  Dowse,  Deane,  or 
in  '.Host  of  the  known  copies. 

The  Crowninshield  copy  (Catalogue,  no.  992) 
had  the  original  plate ;  and  that  copy,  after 
going  to  England,  came  back  to  America  as  the 
property  of  Dr.  Charles  G.  Barney,  of  Virginia, 
and  at  the  sale  of  his  library  in  New  York  in 
1870  it  brought  S247.50;  but  it  is  understood 
that  it  returned  to  his  own  shelves.  The  Carter- 
Brown  (1632)  edition,  the  Barlow  large-paper 
copy,  and  one  copy  at  least  in  the  Lenox  Library 
have  it. 

-  There  exists  at  Ileacham  Hall,  Norfolk, 
the  scat  of  the  Rolfes,  a  portrait  thought  to  be 
of  Henry,  the  son  of  Pocahontas.  This  is  the 
painting  mentioned  by  error  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc.  xiii.  425,  as  of  Pocahontas. 

■'  Grigsby's  authority  for  his  statements  was 
the  son  of  Sully,  who  also  painted  an  ideal  ])or- 
trait  of  Pocahontas.    Copies  of  a  picture  of  Poca- 


hontas by  Thomas  Sully,  and  of  another  painted 
by  R.  M.  Sully  are  in  the  Collections  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Historical  Society,  and  it  is  palpable  that 
they  are  both  mere  fanciful  representations.  The 
original  of  the  picture  which  was  at  Cobb's,  the 
writer  was  informed  by  the  late  Hon.  John  Rob- 
ertson, a  descendant  of  Pocahontas,  represented 
"a  stout  blonde  English  woman," — a  descri|>- 
tion  which  does  not  agree  with  the  picture  by 
Robert  M.  Sully  purporting  to  be  a  copy. 

The  late  Charles  Campbell,  author  of  a  Ilii- 
tory  of  'irginia,  stated  that  Thomas  Sully  was 
alloweci  to  take  the  original  front  Cobb's  (it 
being  little  valued),  and  that  after  cleaiiiug  it 
he  altered  the  features  and  complexion  to  his 
own  fancy.  Of  the  picture  by  Thomas  Sully  he 
states:  "The  portrait  I  jiainted  and  presented 
to  the  Historical  Society  of  Virginia  was  copied, 
in  i)art,  from  the  lortrait  of  Pocahontas  in  the 
'Indian  Gallery,'  jjublished  by  Daniel  Rice  and 
Z.  Clark.  In  my  opinion  the  copy  by  my  nephew 
[Robert  M.  Sully)  is  best  entitled  to  authen- 
ticity." 

■•  There  is  a  copy  in  Harrard  College  Li- 
brary ;  Rich  (1832),  no.  165,  priced  it  at  jQz  is. 


1 64 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


i;i-] 


An  examination  of  tiie  story  of  Claiborne's  reiieliion  is  made  in  the  Maryland  chapter 
in  the  present  volume. 

Respectln)^  IJacon's  rebellion,  the  fullest  of  the  contemporary  accounts  is  that  of 
T.  M.  on  "Tiie  beginning,  progress,  and  conclusion  of  Bacon's  Rebellion,"  which  is 
printed  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  i.  no.  8.'  Equally  important  is  a  MS.  "  Narrative  of  the 
Indian  and  Civil  Wars  in  Virginia,"  now  somewhat  defective,  which  was  found  among  the 
pajiers  of  Captain  Nathaniel  lUirwell,  and  lent  to  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  and 
printed  carelessly  in  their  Collections  in  1814,  vol.  xi.,  and  copied  thence  by  Force  in  his 
Tracts,  vol.  i.  no.  11,  in  1836.  The  MS.  was  again  collated  in  1866,  and  reprinted  accu- 
rately in  the  Society's  Proceediiixs,  ix.  299,  when  the  original  was  surrendered  to  the  Vir- 
ginia Historical  Society  {Troccediii^s,  ix.  2.\^,  298;  x.  135).  Tyler,  American  Literature, 
i.  80,  assigns  its  authorship  to  one  Cotton,  of  Aquia  Creek,  whose  wife  is  said  to  be 
the  writer  of  "An  Account  of  our  late  troubles  in  Virginia,"  which  was  first  printed  in 
the  Richmond  Enquirer,  Sept.  12,  1804,  and  again  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  i.  no.  9.  The 
popular  spreading  of  the  news  in  England  of  the  downfall  of  the  rebellion  was  helped  by 
a  little  tract,  .Strange  news  from  Virginia,  of  which  there  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College 
Libr.uy.  There  is  in  the  liritish  Museum  Sir  William  Berkeley's  list  of  those  executed 
under  that  governor's  retaliatory  measures,  which  has  been  printed  in  Force's  Tracts, 
vol.  i.  no.  10. 

Other  original  documents  may  be  found  in  Hening's  Statutes  at  Large,  vol.  ii. ;  in 
the  appendix  of  Burk's  Virginia  ;  and  in  the  Aspinwall  Tapers,  i.  162,  189,  published  in 
the  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  An  Historical  Account  of  some  Memorable  Actions,  particularly 
in  Virginia,  etc.,  by  "Sir  Thomas  Grantham,  Knight"  (London,  1716),  was  reprinted 
in  fac-simile  with  an  Introduction  by  the  present  writer  (Carlton  McCarthy  &  Co., 
Richmond,  1882).-  The  fragment  of  the  records  of  the  General  Court  of  Virginia,  cited 
as  being  in  the  Collections  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  contains  details  of  the 
trial  of  the  participants  in  the  "rebellion"  not  included  in  Hening,  and  the  abstracts 
from  the  English  State-Paper  Office,  furnisiied  by  Mr.  Sainsbury  to  the  State  Library  of 
Virginia,  give  unpublished  details.  Extracts  from  the  same  source  are  in  the  library  of  the 
present  writer.  There  are  various  papers  in  the  early  volumes  of  the  Hist.  Mag.;  see  April, 
1867,  for  a  contemporary  letter.     Massachusetts  Bay  proclaimed  the  insurgents  rebels.' 


W\ 


The  earliest  History  of  Virginia  after  John  Smith's  was  an  anonymous  one  published 
in  London  in  1705,  with  De  Bry's  pictures  reduced  by  Gribelin.  When  it  was  translated 
into  French,  and  published  two  years  later  (1707)  both  at  Amsterdam  and  Orleans  (Paris), 
the  former  issue  assigned  the  authorship  to  D.  S.,  which  has  been  interpreted  D.  Stevens, 
and  so  it  remained  in  other  editions,  some  only  title  editions,  printed  at  Amsterdam  in 
1712,  1716,  and  1718,  though  the  later  date  may  be  doubtful.  (Sabin,  ii.  5112.)  The  true 
author,  a  native  of  Virginia  and  a  Colonial  official,  had  meanwhile  died  there  in  1716. 


,  I 


m 


'  [Force  copied  from  the  Kichtnoud  Inquirer 
of  September  1804,  where  Jefferson  had  printed 
it  from  a  copy  in  his  possession.  Another  copy 
was  followed  in  the  Virt^inia  Evant;clical  and 
Literary  Afiii;aziiie  in  1820,  which  is  the  source 
from  which  it  w.-is  again  printed  in  the  Vir- 
ginia Hist.  Rcj^.,  iii.  61,  621.  —  Eu.] 

-  [See  an  earlier  note.  —  Kn] 

•'  [See  .V:  E.  Hist,  and  Cencal.  Re^;.  1861, 
p.  320,  and  Massachusetts  Archives,  Colonial,  I, 
475;  Demoeratie  Krciew,  vii.  243,  453.  For  the 
later  historians  see  Hancroft'«  History  of  the 
United  States,  vol.  ii.  ch.  14,  and  Centenary  Edi- 
tion, vol.  i.  ch.  20  ;  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the 
United  States,  ii.  296;  and  the  memoir  of  Bacon 


by  William  Ware  in  Sparks's  American  Bioi^ra- 
phy,  vol.  -xiii. 

Articles  of  peace  were  signed  by  John  West 


V/      and  \ 


ri 


and  the  native  kings,  May  29,  1677.     (Brin- 
ley  Catalo^'tie,  5484.) 

Mrs.  Aphra  Behn  made  the  events  rather 
dist.intly  the  sabject  of  a  drama,  The  JViddino 
Ranter  ;  and  in  our  day  St.  George  Tucker  based 
his  novel  of  Hansford  upon  them.  See  Sabin 
ii'  4372-  — Ed- I 


I    \ 


U  i:  i 


true 
1716. 


West 


[Brill- 

rather 
'idi/tno 
based 
jabiu 


VIRGINIA. 


165 


This  was  Pobert  Beverley.'  The  book  is  concisely  written,  and  is  not  without  raciness 
and  crisp...  ',.1 ;  but  its  merits  are  pcrliaps  a  little  overestimated  in  Tyler's  Awrnuin  Liter- 
ature, ii.  264.  His  considerate  judgment  of  the  Indians  is  not,  however,  less  striking 
than  praiseworthy.  For  the  period  following  the  Restoration  he  may  be  considered  the 
most  useful,  though  lie  is  not  independent  of  a  partisan  sympathy. 

Sir  William  Keith's  History  of  Virginia  was  undertaken,  at  the  instance  of  the  Society 
for  the  Encour.igement  of  Learning,  as  the  beginning  of  a  series  of  books  on  the  English 
plantations;  but  no  others  followed.  It  was  published  in  1738  with  two  maps,  —  one  of 
America,  the  other  of  Virnmia,  —  and  he  depended  almost  entirely  on  lieverley,  and  l)rin;,'s 
the  story  down  to  1723.'-  Forty  years  after  lieverley  the  early  history  of  the  colony  was  again 
told,  but  only  down  to  1624,  by  the  Rev.  William  Stith,  then  rector  of  Henrico  Parish  ; 
being,  however,  at  the  time  of  his  death  (i7SS),  the  president  of  William  and  Mary  Col- 
lege. He  seems  to  have  been  discouraged  from  continuing  his  narrative  because  the 
" generous  and  public-spirited  "  gentlemen  of  Virginia  were  unwilling  to  pay  the  increaicd 
cost  of  putting  into  his  Appendix  the  early  documents  which  give  a  chief  value  to  his 
book  to-day.  He  had  the  use  of  the  Collingwood  transcript  of  the  records  of  the  Virginia 
Company.  His  book.  History  of  tlie  First  Discoi'cry  and  Settlement  of  Virginia,  was 
publislied  at  Williamsburg  in  1747,  and  there  are  variations  in  copies  to  puzzle  the  biblio- 
grapher." Stith's  diffuseness  and  lack  of  literary  skill  have  not  prevented  his  becoming  a 
high  authority  with  later  writers,  notwithstanding  that  he  implicitly  trusts  and  even  praises 
the  honesty  of  Smith.'' 

The  somewhat  inexact  History  of  Virginia  by  John  IJurk  has  some  of  the  traits  of 
expansive  utterance  which  might  be  expected  of  an  expatriated  Irishman  who  had  been 
implicated  in  political  hazards,  and  who  was  yet  to  fall  in  a  duel  in  1808.*  This  book, 
which  was  published  in  three  volumes  at  Petersburg  (1804-5),  was  dedicated  to  Jefferson. 
A  fourth  volume,  by  Skelton  Jones  and  Louis  Hue  Girardin,  was  added  in  1816;  but 
as  the  edition  was  in  large  part  destroyed  by  a  fire,  it  is  rarely  found  witli  the  other 
three."  Burk  used  the  copy  of  the  Virginia  Company  records  which  had  belonged 
to  John  Randolph,  as  well  as  some  collections  made  by  Hickman  (which  Randolph  had 
had  made  when  it  was  his  intention  to  write  on  Virginian  history),  and  Colonel  Byrd's 
Journal. 

The  name  of  Campbell  is  twice  associated  with  the  history  of  Virginia.  J.  W.  Camp- 
bell published  in  1813  at  Petersburg  a  meagre  and  unimportant  History  of  Virginia,  coming 
down  to  1 781.  The  best  known,  however,  is  the  work  of  Charles  Campbell,  his  son,  who 
in  1847,  at  RichmontI,  published  a  well-written  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Virginia, 
and  in  i860,  at  Philadelphia,  a  completed  History  of  the  Colony  and  Amient  Dominion 
of   Virginia,  coming  down  to  1783,  —  a  book  written  before  John   Smith  was  called  a 


1  In  1722  the  book  was  rc-issucd  in  London, 
revised  and  enlarged  as  the  author  had  left  it, 
and  this  edition  is  now  worth  ;^io  lOf.  It  was 
again  reprinted  in  1S55,  edited  by  Charles 
Campbell.  (S.abin,  vol.  ii. ;  Brinley,  3719; 
Muller,  1877,  no.  318,  etc.)  Jones's  Present 
S/dte  of  Viri^iniii,  1724,  may  also  lie  noted. 

-  [Thomas  Hollis  wrote  in  the  copy  uf  Keith 
which  he  sent  to  Harvard  College  in  1768,  "  T/ie 
Society,  the  glorious  society,  instituted  in  London 
for  promoting  Learning,  having  existed  but  a 
little  while,  through  scrubness  of  the  times,  no 
other  than  Part  L  of  this  history  was  published, 
and  it  is  very  scarce."  —  Ec] 

■■'  [Some  claim  to  be  printed  in  London  in 
'753  !  die  copy  in  Harvard  College  Library  is 
of  this  1753  imprint;  .see  Hist.  Mag-  i.  59,  and 


ii.  61  (where  it  is  asserted  th.it  only  the  title 
is  of  new  make),  and  the  bibliographical  note 
which  Sabin  .added  to  his  reprint  of  Stith  in 
1865,  where  he  describes  three  varieties.  There 
is  a  collation  in  the  Brinley  Catalos^iie,  no.  3,796, 
not  agreeing  with  either;  cf.  Hist.  .Vcii;.  ii.  iS.}, 
and  A'ortli  American  A'c-vWc,  October,  JS66, 
p.  605.  —  Ed.] 

*  [.Adams,  Manned  of  Historical  Litc-atnre, 
557  ;  Hist.  Mag.  i.  27  ;  Field,  Indian  Bibliography, 
no.  1,502 ;  Tyler,  American  lileratnrc,  ii.  2S0 ; 
-Allibone,  ii.  2264;  article  by  William  Green  in 
Southern  Literary  JMessem^er,  September,  1863. 
—  Ed.] 

■'•  See  Charles  Campbell's  Memoir  of  John 
Daly  Burk,  1868. 

"  Sabin,  iii.  9273. 


?  '       '. 


ii\J 


W\iA 


1 66 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


romancer.  Tlic  book,  however  defective  in  arrangement  and  execution,  is  thought  to 
be  the  best  general  authority  ' 

The  most  <  ompreliensive  History  of  Virf^inux  is  that  of  Robert  R.  Howison,  vol.  i. 
coming  down  to  1763,  being  published  at  I'hiladclpliia  in  1846,  and  vol.  ii.,  ending  in 
1847,  Ijeing  pui)lislied  at  Richmond  the  ni'.xt  year.  He  is  a  pleasing  writer,  but  sacrifices 
fact  to  rhetoric,  thougli  he  makes  an  imposing  ilisplay  of  references. 

To  tliese  may  be  added,  in  |.  issing,  William  H.  llrockcniirough's  Outline  of  History  of 
Virginia  to  1734  ;  .Martin's  Oazittier,  1835,  and  Howe's  Historinil  Collections  of  Virginia, 
printed  in  Giarleston,  1856. 


!  -ill 


% 


H, ! 


}     'l 


ii']. 


Mr 

t  Hi 


■|:'i! 


Respecting  the  religious  history  of  the  colony,  besides  the  general  historians,  there 
have  been  several  special  treatments,  Mr.  Neill  has  written  upon  tlie  I'uiitan  afiinities  in 
Hours  at  Home,  Novemlier,  1867,  and  on  Thomas  Harrison  and  the  \'irginia  I'uritans  in  his 
English  Colonization,  where  is  also  a  chapter  on  the  planting  of  the  Church  of  Ijijiand. 

I'atrick  Copland's  sermon,  Virginia's  God  be  thanked,  was  preached  before  the  Com- 
pany in  London,  April  18,  iGz2  ;  a  copy  of  which  is  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Cf. 
Mr.  Neill's  Memoir  of  Rev.  Patrick  Copland,  New  York,  1871,  p.  52,  and  his  English 
Colonization,  p.  104. 

Further,  see  Hawkes's  Contributions  to  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  the  United  States, 
"Virginia,"  1836;  Hening's  .Statutes;  Papers  relating  to  the  History  of  the  Church  in 
Virginia,  1650-1770,  by  VV.  S.  Perry,  1S70;  Hammond's  Leah  and  Rachel,  1656  ;  Bishop 
Meade's  Old  Churches,  etc.,  1855  ;  "  Notes  on  the  Virginia  Colonial  Clergy"  in  the  Epis- 
copal Recorder,  and  reprinted  sejjarately  by  E.  D.  Neill,  1877;  Savage's  VVinMirop's  His- 
tory of  New  England,  and  Anderson's  Church  f  England  in  the  Colonies,  1856. 

The  writer  has  also  in  his  possession  the  R. -cords  of  the  Monthly  Meeting  of  Hen- 
rico County,  June  10,  1699-1797,  wliicli  he  designs  to  use  in  a  history  of  the  Society  of 
Friends  in  \'irginia.  He  has  also  earlier  isolated  records,  and  a  partial  registry  of  births, 
marriages,  and  deaths  of  those  of  the  faith  of  the  Society  in  Henrico  and  Hanover  coun- 
ties in  the  eighteenth  century. 

For  an  account  of  early  manufactures  in  Virginia,  see  Bishop's  History  of  American 
Manufactures,  1866.  For  a  view  of  the  early  agriculture,  see  a  paper  by  the  present 
writer  on  the  History  of  Tobacco  in  Virginia  from  its  Settlement  to  1790;  Statistics, 
Agriculture,  and  Commerce,  prepared  for  the  Tenth  Census ;  History  of  Agriculture  in 
Virginia,  by  N.  F.  Cabell,  1857;  the  Farmers'  Register,  1833-42;  Transactions  ^y' the 
State  Agricultural  Society  of  Virginia,  1855  ;  and  "  Virginia  Colonial  Money  and 
Tobacco's  Part  therein,"  by  W.  L.  Royall,  in   Virginia  Law  fournal,  August,  1877. 

For  a  view  of  slavery  in  the  colony,  see  Bancroft,  ch.  v.  ;  O'Callaghan's  Voyages  of 
the  SloTcrs  J-  Wilson's  Rise  and  Pall  of  the  Slave  Power ;  Cobb's  Inquiry ;  and  the 
works  of  Cabell,  Fitzhugh,  Fletcher,  Hammond,  Ross,  Stringfellow,  and  general  histories. 

It  is  evident  that  no  single  author  has  yet  given  an  adequate  history  of  Virginia; 
and  while  it  is  true  that  much  precious  material  therefor  has  perished,  it  is  believed  that 
the  original  record  is  yet  not  wanting  for  such  a  repre.sentjtion  of  the  past  of  the  State 
as  would  be  at  once  more  intelligible  as  to  the  motives  which  occasioned  events,  and  inore 
convincingly  just  in  the  recital  of  them. 


11,"  ■ , 


1  [C.  K.  Adams,  Manual  of  Historical  Literature,  557  ;  Potter's  American  Monthly,  December, 
1S76,  the  year  of  Campbell's  death.  —  Ed.] 


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A.  Maps  ok  ViRr.rNrA  <ir  tiii  Ciiksa- 
PKAKK.  —  There  »ccm  to  have  been  visits  of 
the  Spaniards  to  the  Chesapeake  at  an  early  day 
(1 566-1 57 j),  and  they  may  have  made  a  tem- 
porary settlement  (1570)  <in  the  Rappahannock. 
(Uolwrt  (ireenhow  in  C  Kohinson's  /)isi<nrrifs 
ill  the  Wi-sl,  p.  487,  l)asin|{  on  llarcia's  Ensnyo 
C/iroHolojfiiO ;  llisloruixl  M,i\^iizint,  iii.  26S,  ji.S; 
J.  («.  Shea  in  Heacli's  liuiUtn  Misci-Uiiiiy.)  In 
the  map  whiih  De  llry  gave  with  the  several 
editions  of  Ilariot  in  iS</>,  the  liay  ap|)ears  as 
"Chesepiooc  Sinus;"  Init  in  the  more  (;<-'ncral 
maps,  shortly  alter,  the  name  Chesipooc,  or 
some  form  of  it,  is  applied  rather  wildly  to  some 
hay  on  the  toast,  as  by  Wyttliet's  in  159",  or 
earlier  still  by  Thomas  Hood,  159.',  where  the 
"  H.  de  S.  Maria"  of  the  Spaniards,  if  intended 
for  the  Chesapeake,  is  given  an  outline  as  vague 
as  the  rest  of  the  ncighlxiring  coast,  where  it 
appears  as  shown  in  the  sketch  in  chapter  vi. 
I>etween  the  Fig*.  I  and  2.  It  may  l)e,  as  Ste- 
vens contends  (Historical  and  Cii>xr,ipliiiiil 
Kotts),  that  not  before  Smith  were  the  entang- 
ling Asian  coast-lines  thoroughly  eliminated 
from  this  region  ;  but  certainly  there  was  no 
wholly  recognizable  delineatioiT  of  the  bay  till 
Smith  recorded  the  results  of  the  explorations 
which  he  descrilics  in  his  Goicrall  I/islorie, 
chs.  v.  and  vi.  Smith  indicates  by  crosses  on 
the  aftluents  o.'  the  bay  the  limits  of  his  own 
observations.  Strachcy's  llislorie  of  /VinM/'/r, 
p.  4:. 

In  Smith's  Map  of  Virginia,  toilli  a  Dcscrif^ 
tioii  of  Iht  Country,  etc.,  Oxford,  1612,  \V.  .S.,  or 
William  Symons,  eked  out  the  little  tract  with 
an  ap|>endix  of  others'  contributions.  Strachcy 
afterwards  adopted  a  considerable  part  in  his 
J/iitorit  of  Trofaili:  Mr.  Deane,  in  his  edition 
oi  the  True  Ktlalioii,  p.  xxi,  has  given  a  full 
aicmmt  (jf  this  tract.  Smith  reprinted  it  i'l  his 
lii-ncralt  Historic  with  some  changes  and  addi- 
tions and  small  emissions.  I'urchas  reprinted 
it  in  his  Pitgrimcs,  but  not  without  changes  and 
omissiims  of  small  extent,  and  with  .some  ad- 
ditions, which  he  credits  on  the  margin  to  Smith ; 
and  he  had  earlier  given  an  alMtract  of  it  in  his 
rili^rimage.  There  is  a  copy  of  the  original  in 
the  I^nox  Librnry.  Tyler,  Amtricau  Literature, 
i.  JO,  notices  it. 

The  map  accompanying  this  tract,  engraved 
by  W.  Hole,  ap|)carcd  in  three  impressions 
(Stevens's  Bibliotheca  /fistori,a,  1870,  no.  1,903). 
It  was  altered  somewhat,  and  the  words,  "  I'iige 
41,  Smith,"  were  put  in  the  lower  right-hand 
corner,  when  it  was  next  used  in  the  iicitfrall 
Uistorie,    1624   and   later;   and   in   1625  it  was 


again  in-ierted  at  pp.  1836-37  of  I'urchas's  /'//• 
grimts,  vol.  iv.  De  Itry  next  re-engraved  it  in 
part  xiii.  of  his  Ureal  \'oyai;,i,  printed  in  CJer- 
man,  1627,  and  in  Latin  1634:  and  in  part  xiv. 
in  (ierman  in  1630  {Carlii-lirttvii  i'ata/o\'u,;  i. 
370-71).  It  was  also  ri-engraved  for  <jottfrie<lt's 
A'inci-  tl'/t,  published  at  I'rankfur',  and  marked 
"  Krforshet  und  lK-schril)en  durch  C'apitain  Inhan 
Schmidt."  The  compiler  of  iliis  l.ist  Ixiok  was 
J.  I'h.  .\l)elin,  who  had  lieen  ■•m-  of  De  Itry's  civ 
workers,  and  he  made  this  work  in  some  sort 
an  abridgment  of  De  Dry's,  use  l)eing  made  of 
his  plates,  often  in.serting  them  in  the  text,  the 
l)ook  l)cing  lirst  issued  in  1631,  and  again  in 
1655.  (Muller's  /iooi'f  on  America  (187J),  no. 
C36,  and  (1877)  no.  1,269.) 

The  map  was  next  used  in  two  English  edi- 
tions of  Ilondy's  .l/<-ni/A>»-,  "  Knglished  by  \V. 
S."  1635,  el :.,  but  with  some  fanciful  additions, 
as  Mr.  Deane  says  (Hohn's  /.montiii,  p.  1103). 
The  map  of  the  co  1st  in  De  I.aet,  1633  and  1640, 
was,  it  \.  I'lld  -iccni,  lounded  upon  it  for  the 
ChesajK-ake  region;  cf.  also  the  map  of  Vir- 
ginia and  Florida  called  "  par  Mercator,"  of 
dale  1633,  and  the  maps  by  Hlaeu,  of  1655  and 
1696. 

Once  more  Smith's  plot  adorned,  in  1671, 
(Jgilby's  large  folio  on  Amerioi,  p.  193,  as  it  had 
also  found  place  in  the  prototype  of  ( )gilby,  the 
Amsterdam  Montanus  of  1671  and  1673.  In 
these  two  l)ooks  (1671-73)  •''''"'  appeared  the 
map  "  V'irginix,  partis  australis  et  Florid.-v,  par- 
tis orientalis,  nova  descriptio,"  which  shows  the 
coast  from  the  Chesapeake  down  to  the  30th 
degree  of  north  latitude. 

Smith's  was  finally  substantially  copied  .as 
late  .IS  1735,  as  the  liest  available  source,  in 
.•/  Short  Aetouiit  of  the  First  SettUmcnl  of  the 
J'ro^'inees,  etc.,  London,  1735,  —  a  cimtribution 
to  the  literature  of  the  boundary  dispute,  and 
was  doubtless  the  basi  ■■(  the  map  in  Keith's 
l'iri;inia  in  1 738;  but  it  finally  gave  place 
to  Fry  and  Jeffer.son's  map  of  the  region  in 
1750. 

A  phototype  f.ic-simile,  reduced  about  one 
quarter,  of  the  earliest  state  of  the  origin.il  map 
in  the  Harvard  College  copy  of  the  <  )xford  tract 
of  1612  is  given  herewith.  A  similar  fac-simile, 
full  size,  is  given  in  Mr.  Deane's  reprint  of  the 
True  delation,  though  it  was  not  published  in 
that  tract.  A  lithographic  fac-simile,  full  size, 
but  without  the  pictures  in  the  upper  corners, 
is  given  in  the  Hakluyt  Society's  edilicm  of 
Strachcy,  p.  23.  Other  reproductions  will  In; 
found  in  Scharf's  AfarylanJ,  i.  6,  Scharf's  /ialli- 
more  City  anJ  County,  1881,  p.  38,  and  in  Cas- 


';  '^1 


i68 


NARRATIVE   AM)    CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


):' !  I 


,.    I  ; 


ru 


»e'i\'»  l/m'/fif  States,  p.  27.  That  in  the  Rich- 
mond (l8iy)  reprint  of  the  Unurnlt  I/istorie  is 
well  d<.ne,  full  size,  on  cop|)er.  This  copjicr- 
plate  waH  rcKciied  in  1867  from  the  brazier's 
put  by  the  late  Thomas  II.  Wynne,  and  M  the 
sale  of  his  lilirary  in  1875  was  purchased  for 
the  State  Library  of  Virginia. 

Neill,  in  his  I'irginia  C'l'm/iiny,  p.  191.  men- 
tions "  A  mapp  of  V'irginia,  discovered  to  y"= 
Hills  and  its  latt.  from  35  dcg.  and  ^  necr 
Florida  to  41  deg.  bounds  of  New  Kiigland. 
Doniina  Virginia  Fcrrar  collegit,  1651,"  and  idcn- 
tifies  this  compiler  of  the  map  as  a  daughter  of 
John  Ferrar.  The  map  we  suppose  to  \x  the  one 
engraved  by  Go<ldard.  This  map  is  a.ssociatc(l 
with  a  Ixtndon  publication  of  1650,  called  I'ir^c 
triumf'/iiiHs,  or  l'ir);hiia  richly  and  truly  val- 
lilt/,  which  is  usually  ascribed  to  Edward  Wil- 
liams, but  is  held  nevertheless  to  Ik-  in  .substance 
the  work  of  John  Ferrar  of  (leding.  There 
were  two  editions  of  this  year  (1650):  firinky 
Cn/a/c^i/^  no.  3,816;  Quaritch,  Cenernl  Caliiloj^tu, 
no.  12,535,  held  at  ^'36  John  Fcrrar's  copy  of 
the  first  edition,  with  his  notes,  and  the  original 
drawing  of  the  map,  inserted  by  Ferrnr  to  make 
up  a  deficiency  in  the  first  editicm,  of  which  he 
complains.  Quaritch  prices  a  goinl  copy  with- 
out such  annotations  at  £^1.  The  second  edi- 
tion (1650)  had  additions,  .is  shown  in  the  title, 
/  'irginia,  more  esfei  tally  the  South  fart  thereof, 
secouil  edition,  with  addition  of  the  discitery  of 
sillaoorms,  etc.  In  this  the  same  map  ap|)eared 
engraved  as  a1x)ve,  and  the  Iluth  copy  of  it  has 
it  in  two  states,  one  without,  and  the  other  with 
an  jval  portrait  of  Sir  Francis  Drake.  (Ifuth 
C.italoque,  V.  1 594.)  The  Harvar<l  College 
copy  lacks  the  map,  which  is  descriljcd  by  Quar- 
itch (no.  12,536,  who  prices  this  edition  af  £y) 
in  a  copy  from  the  Bathurst  Library,  as  a  folding 
sheet  exhibiting  \ew  .Mbion  as  well  as  Virginia, 
with  the  purpose  of  showing  an  easy  northern 
I)assagc  to  the  Pacific,  the  text  representing  the 
Mississippi  as  dividing  the  two  countries,  and 
flowing  into  the  South  Sea;  see  also  Menzies' 
Catalogue,  no.  2,143,  •''"»'  •he  note  in  Major's 
edition  of  Strachey,  p.  34,  on  a  map  published  in 
1651  in  I.ondon.  This  second  edition  w.-is  the 
one  which  Force  followed  in  reprinting  it  in  his 


Tracts,  vol.  iii.  no.  1 1.  The  Huth  CalaloQue  notes 
a  third  edition,  rir,finia  in  .America  riehlyvalutd, 
1651.     The  map  is  given  im  a  later  page. 

B.  The  Viroinia  Histukii-ai.  Soimety.— 
From  1818  to  1828  the  eleven  volumes  of  the 
Evangelical ind  Literary  Magazine,  edited  at  Rich- 
mond by  John  Holt  Rice,  I).I>.,  had  contained 
some  papers  on  the  e,irly  history  of  the  State, 
but  no  organized  effort  was  made  to  work  in  this 
direction  before  the  Virginia  Historical  and 
rhilosphical  Society  was  formed,  in  I)eceml)er, 
1831,  with  Chief  Justice  Marshall  as  president, 
and  under  its  auspices  a  small  volume  of  Col- 
lections yiVL»  i.ssued  in  1833;  but  from  February, 
1838,  to  1847  the  Society  failed  to  be  of  any 
influence.  Meanwhile,  from  1834  to  1864  the 
Southern  Literary  Messenger  afforded  some 
means  for  the  local  anticpiarics  and  historical 
students  to  communicate  with  one  another  and 
the  public. 

In  Uecemlicr,  1847,  a  revival  of  interest  re- 
sulted in  a  reorganization  of  the  old  Associa- 
ti<m  as  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  with  the 
Hon.  William  C.  Rives  as  president.  Promptly 
ensuing.  Maxwell's  I'irginia  Historical  Hegistcr 
was  started  as  an  organ  of  the  .Society,  and  was 
published  from  1848  to  1853,  —  six  volumes. 
The  .Society  laid  a  plan  of  publishing  the  aimals 
of  the  State,  and,  as  preliminary,  intrusted  to 
Conway  Robinson,  Esq.,  the  ])reparation  of  a 
volume  which  w.is  published  in  1848  as  An  Ac- 
cou.it  of  the  Disco^'cries  in  the  West  until  1 529, 
and  of  I  'oyages  to  and  along  the  Atlantic  Coast  of 
Xorth  America  from  1 520  to  1 573.  This  was 
an  admirable  summary,  and  deserves  wider 
recognition  than  it  has  had.  It  subsequently 
published,  l>esides  various  addresses.  The  I'ir- 
ginia Historical  Reporter,  1854-1860,  which  con- 
tained accounts  of  the  Society's  meetings.  The 
Civil  War  interrupted  its  work,  but  in  1867  the 
.Society  was  again  resuscitated,  and  it  has  been 
under  active  man.igement  since.  There  is  a 
bibliograiihy  of  its  publications  in  I'.ie  Historical 
Magazine,  "vii.  340.  Its  historical  students  have 
contributed  to  the  files  of  the  Richmond  Standard 
since  Sept.  7,  1878,  much  early  reprinted  and 
later  original  matter  relating  to  Virginia. 


NOTE.  — Since  this  chapter  was  completed  has  appeared  Mr.  George  W.  Williams's  Negro  Race  in 
America,  which  has  a  chapter  on  the  history  of  .Slavery  In  the  colony  of  Virginia;  and  also  Mr.  J.  A.  Doyle's 
The  English  in  America,  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  the  Carotinas,  Loudon,  1882. 


Id  Race  in 
\.  Doyle's 


CHAPTER   VI. 

NORUMBEGA  AND  ITS  ENGLISH   EXPLORERS. 

BY   THE   REV.   UENJAMIN   F.   UE  COSTA,  D.D. 
fwmirlr  Editor  <tf  tk4  Magatuu  <if  Amtrktm  HiUmjf. 

THE  story  of  Norumbega  is  invested  with  the  charms  of  fable  and  ro- 
mance. The  name  is  found  in  the  map  of  Hieronimus  da  Verrazano 
of  1529,  as  "Aranbega,"  being  restricted  to  a  definite  and  apparently  un- 
important locality.  Suddenly,  in  1539,  Norumbega  appears  in  the  narra- 
tive of  the  Dieppe  Captain  as  a  vast  and  opulent  region,  extending  from 
Cape  Breton  to  the  Cape  of  Florida.  About  three  years  later  Allefonscc 
described  the  "River  of  Norumbega,"  now  identified  with  the  Penobscot,  and 
treated  the  capital  of  de  country  as  an  important  market  for  the  trade  in 
fur.  Various  maps  of  the  period  of  Allefonsce  confine  the  name  of  Norum- 
bega to  a  distinct  spot;  but  Gastaldi's  map,  published  by  Ramusio  in  1556, 
—  though  modellt  'ter  Verrazano's,  of  which  indeed  it  is  substantially  an 
extract,  —  applies  the  name  to  the  region  lying  between  Cape  Breton  and 
the  Jersey  coast.  From  this  time  until  the  seventeenth  century  Norumbega 
was  generally  regarded  as  embracing  all  New  England,  and  sometimes  por- 
tions of  Canada,  thougli  occasionally  the  country  was  known  by  other  names. 
Still,  in  1382,  Lok  seems  to  have  thought  that  the  Penobscot  formed  the 
southern  boundary  of  Norumbega,  which  he  shows  on  his  map'  as  an  island ; 
while  John  Smith,  in  1620,  speaks  of  Norumbega  as  including  New  England 
and  the  region  as  ir^r  south  as  Virginia.  On  the  other  hand  Champlain,  in 
1605,  treated  Norumbega  as  lying  within  the  present  territory  of  Maine. 
He  searched  for  its  capital  on  the  banks  of  the  Penobscot,  and  as  late  as 
1669  Heylin  was  dreaming  of  the  fair  city  of  Norumbega. 

Grotius,  for  a  time  at  least,  regarded  the  name  as  of  Old  Northern 
origin,  and  connected  with  "  Norbergia."  It  was  also  fancied  that  a  people 
resembling  the  Mexicans  once  lived  upon  the  banks  of  the  Penobscot. 
Those  who  have  labored  to  find  an  Indian  derivation  for  the  name  say 
that  it  means  "  the  place  of  a  fine  city."  At  one  time  the  houses  of  the 
city  were  supposed  to  be  very  splendid,  and  to  be  supported  upon  pillars 
of  crystal  and  silver.     Pearls  were  also  reported  as  abundant,  which  at  that 


'  [See  this  map  in  chapter  i. —  Ed.] 


VOL.  III.  —  22. 


i'l 

11 

:i?' 

Ijf' 

1 

HIi 

liii 

h 

i ' 


I70 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


early  period  was  no  doubt  the  case.  Charlevoix  offers  the  unsupported 
statement  that  Francis  I.  made  Roberval  "  Lord  of  Norumbega."  Rober- 
val  was  certainly  the  patentee  of  the  whole  territory  of  Norumbega,  though 
Mark  Lescarbot  made  merry  over  the  matter,  as  he  could  find  nothing  to 
indicate  any  town  except  a  few  miserable  huts.  It  is  reasonable  to  infer, 
however,  that  at  an  early  period  an  Indian  town  of  some  celebritj-  existed. 
Like  the  ancient  llochelaga,  which  stood  on  the  present  site  of  Montreal 
and  was  visited  and  described  by  Cartier,  it  eventually  passed  away.  To- 
day, but  for  Cartier,  Hochelaga  would  have  had  quite  as  mythical  a  rep- 
utation as  Norumbega,  which,  however,  still  forms  an  appropriate  theme 
for  critical  inquiry.' 


'*.'  ]i 


•Mi'i 


'.i'.Vi; 


The  first  Englishman  whose  name  has  been  associated  with  any  por- 
tion of  the  region  known  as  Norumbega  was  John  Rut.  This  ad\  j"*uret 
reached  Newfoundland  during  August,  1527,  and  afterwards,  according  to 
Hakluyt's  report,  sailed  "  towards  Cape  Breton  and  the  coastes  of  Arem- 
bec ;  "  but  Purchas,  who  was  better  informed,  says  nothing  about  any 
southward  voyage.  One  of  the  ships,  the  "  Sampson,"  was  reported  as 
lost,  while  the  other,  the  "  Mary  of  Guilford,"  returned  to  England.  There 
is  nothing  to  prove  that  Rut  even  reached  Cape  Breton ;  much  less  is  it 
probable  that  he  explored  the  coast  southward,  along  Nova  Scotia,  which 
was  called  "Arembec." 

The  first  Englishman  certainly  known  to  have  reached  any  portion  of 
the  region  In  re  treated  as  Norumbega  was  David  Ingram,  a  wandering 
sailor.  During  October,  1568,  with  about  one  hundred  companions,  he 
was  landed  on  the  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  by  Captain  John  Hawkins, 
who,  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  sailed  away  and  left  these 
messmates  behind.  With  two  of  his  companions  Ingram  travelled  afoot 
along  the  Indian  trails,  passing  through  the  territory  of  Massachusetts  and 
Maine  to  the  St.  John's  River,  where  he  embarked  in  a  French  ship,  the 
"  Gargarine,"  commanded  by  Captain  Champagne,  and  sailed  for  France. 
The  narrative  of  his  journey  is  profusely  embellished  by  his  imagination, 
it  may  be, — as  is  generally  held ;  but  that  he  accomplished  the  long  march 
has  never  been  doubted.  At  that  period  the  minds  of  explorers  were  daz- 
zled by  dreams  of  rich  and  splendid  cities  in  America,  and  Ingram  simply 
sought  to  meet  the  popular  taste  by  his  reference  to  houses  with  pillars  of 
crystal  and  silver.'^  He  also  says  that  he  saw  the  city  of  Norumbega,  called 
Bega,  which  was  three  fourths  of  a  mile  long  and  abounded  with  peltry. 
There  is  no  doubt  of  his  having  passed  through  some  large  Indian  village, 
and  possibly  his  Bega  may  have  beer  the  Aranbega  of  Verrazano. 

At  the  close  of  1578  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  made  a  voyage  to  North 
America,  but  may  not   have   visited  Norumbega.     The  earliest  mention 

•  [The  French  explorations  will  be  treated,  *  I.ane,  in  1585,  heard  of  houses  covered  with 

and  the  illustrative  maps  will  be  given,  in  Vol.     plates  of  metal.      Ifakluyt,  iii.  258.      Others  re- 
IV.  —  Eu.]  pcated  similar  stories  about  other  place& 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    KNGLISH   EXl'LORERS. 


171 


North 
lention 

Ired  with 
Ithers  re 


of  his  expedition  is  that  found  in  Dee's  Diary,  under  date  of  Auj;.  5. 
1578,  where  he  says:  "Mr.  Raynolds,  of  Hridewell,  tok  his  leave  of  me 
as  he  passed  towards  Dartmouth  to  go  with  Sir  Umfry  Gilbert  towards 
Hochelaga."  ' 

The  first  known  Knglish  expedition  to  Norumbega  was  made  in  a  "  little 
^••igate"  by  Simon  Ferdinando,  who  was  in  the  service  of  Walsingham. 
Ferdinando  sailed  from  Dartmouth  in  1579,  and  was  absent  only  three 
months.  The  brief  account  does  not  state  what  part  01'  N'orumbega  was 
visited ;  but  the  circumstances  point  to  the  northern  part,  and  presumably 
to  the  Penobscot  region  of  Maine.  It  would  also  appear  that  the  voyage 
was  more  or  less  of  the  nature  of  a  reconnoissance. 

The  first  Englishman  known  to  have  conducted  an  expedition  to 
N'orumbega  was  John  Walker,  who,  the  year  following  the  voyage  of 
Ferdinando,  sailed  to  the  river  of  Norumbega,  in  the  service  of  Sir  Hum- 
phrey Gilbert.  He  reached  the  Penobscot,  of  which  he  gave  a  rough 
description,  finding  the  region  rich  in  furs,  as  described  by  AUefonsce  and 
Ingram.  He  discovered  a  silver  mine  where  modern  enterprise  is  now 
every  year  opening  new  veins  of  silver  and  gold.  This  voyage,  like  that  of 
his  predecessor,  proved  a  short  one,  —  the  return  trip  being  made  direct 
to  France,  where  the  "  hides  "  which  he  had  secured  were  sold  for  forty 
shillings  apiece. 

In  1583  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  took  possession  of  Newfoundland;  and 
aftcr\vards  sailed  for  Norumbega,  whither  his  "  man "  Walker  had  gone 
three  years  before.  In  latitude  44°  north,  near  Sable  Island,  he  lost  his 
great  ship,  the  "Admiral,"  with  most  of  his  supplies;  when,  under  stress 
of  the  autumnal  gales,  the  brave  knight  reluctantly  abandoned  the  expedi- 
tion and  shaped  his  course  for  home,  sailing  in  a  "little  ffrigate," — possi- 
bly the  "  barck  "  of  Ferdinando.  Off  the  Azores,  in  the  midst  of  a  furious 
storm,  the  frigate  went  down,  carrying  Sir  Humphrey  with  her;  just  as, 
shortly  before,  Parmenius  —  a  learned  Hungarian  who  had  joined  the  enter- 
prise expressly  to  sing  the  praise  of  fair  Norumbega  in  Latin  verse  —  had 
gone  down  in  the  "Admiral." 

In  1584,  while  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  lay  sleeping  in  his  ocean  grave, 
Raleigh  was  active  in  Virginia,  where  the  work  of  colonization  was  pushed 
forward  during  a  period  of  si.x  years.  ^  Meanwhile  the  services  of  Simon 
Ferdinando  as  pilot  were  employed  in  this  direction  in  the  pay  of  Granville, 
and  Norumbega  for  a  space  was  unsearched,  so  far  as  we  know,  by  the  e.\- 
ploring  English.  There  seems,  however,  ground  for  supposing  that  the 
fisheries  or  trade  in  peltries  may  have  allured  an  occasional  trafficking  vessel, 
and  contraband  voyages  may  have  been  carried  on  without  the  knowledge 
of  the  patentee,  the  furs  being  sold  in  France.  The  elder  Hakluyt  appears 
to  have  had  a  very  fair  idea  of  the  region,  and  he  knew  of  the  copper  mines 
off  the  eastern  coast  of  Mai.ie,  at  the  Bay  of  Menan,  which  was  laid  down 
on  the  map  of  Molyneux.     Nevertheless,  the  only  voyager  that  we  can  now 

'  Dee's  Diary  in  the  Publications  of  the  Camden  .Socitty.  ^  [See  chai).  iv.  —  Ed.] 


172 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


point  to  is  Richard  Strong,  of  Apsham,  who,  in  1593,  sailed  to  Cape  hreton, 
and  aftcrM'ards  cruised  some  time  "  up  and  down  the  coast  of  Arembcc  to 
the  west  and  southwest  of  Cape  Hreton."  He  doubtless  searched  for  seal 
in  the  waters  of  Maine,  and  made  himself  familiar  with  its  shores.  It  is  said 
that  he  saw  men,  whom  he  "judged  to  be  Christians,"  sailing  in  boats  to 
the  southwest  of  Cape  Hreton. 

The  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century  witnessed  a  revival  of  English 
colonial  enterprise ;  and  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  though  busy  with  schemes  for 
privateering,  nevertheless  found  time  to  think  of  Virginia,  of  which,  both 
north  and  south,  he  was  now  the  patentee.  Ai  -ordingly  he  sent  out  a 
vessel  to  Virginia  under  Mace,  evidently  v/ith  reference  to  the  lost  colonists.' 
Upon  the  return  of  Mace,  Sir  Walter  went  to  Weymouth  to  confer  with 
him,  when,  to  his  surprise,  he  learned  that,  without  authority,  another  ex- 
pedition had  visited  that  portion  of  his  grant  which  was  still  often  called 
Norumbega.  This  was  the  expedition  of  Gosnold,  who  sailed  from  Fal- 
mouth, March  26,  1602,  in  a  small  bark  belonging  to  Dartmouth,  and  called 
the  "  Concord."  The  company  numbered  thirty-two  persons,  eleven  of 
whom  intended  to  remain  and  plant  a  coony,  apparently  quite  forgetful 
of  the  fact  that  they  were  intruders  and  liable  to  be  proceeded  against  by 
the  patentee  lu  this  voyage  Gosnold  took  the  direct  route,  sailing  be- 
tween the  high  and  low  latitudes,  and  making  a  saving  of  nearly  a  thousand 
miles.  In  this  respect  he  has  been  regarded  as  an  innovator,  though 
probably  Walker  pursued  the  same  course.  If  there  is  no  earlier  instance, 
Verrazano,  as  we  now  know,  in  1524  set  navigators  the  exan)ple  of  the 
direct  course,  thereby  avoiding  the  West  Indies  and  the  Spaniards.  It  is 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  Gosnold  took  the  idea  direct  from  Verrazano, 
as  he  left  Falmouth  with  the  Florentine's  letter  in  his  hand,  referring 
directly  to  it  in  his  own  letter  to  his  father:  while  Brereton  and  Archer 
made  abundant  use  of  it  in  their  accounts  of  the  voyage.  On  May  14 
Gosnold  sighted  the  coast  of  Maine  near  Casco  Bay,  calling  the  place 
Northland;  twelve  loagues  southwest  of  which  he  visited  Savage  Rock, 
or  Cape  Neddock,  where  the  Indians  came  out  in  a  Basque  shallop,  and 
with  a  piece  of  chalk  drew  for  him  sketches  of  the  coast.  Next  Gosnold 
sailed  southward  sixteen  lea^^ucs  to  Boon  Island,  and  thence,  at  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  he  steered  out  *'  into  the  sea,"  holding  his  course 
still  southward  until  morning,  when  the  "  Concord "  was  embayed  by  a 
"  mighty  headland."  TheSr  last  point  of  departure  could  not  have  been 
nearer  the  "mighty  headland,"  which  was  Cape  Cod,  than  indicated  by 
the  sailing  time.  If  the  starting-point  had  been  Cape  Ann,  they  would 
have  sighted  Cape  Cod  before  sunset.  Archer  says,  when  at  Savage 
Rock,  that  they  were  short  of  their  "  purposed  voyage."  They  had,  then, 
a  definite  plan.  Evidently  they  were  sailing  to  the  place,  south  of  Cape 
Cod,  described  in  the  letter  of  Verrazano.  Gosnold  may  have  seen  tliis 
island  in  the  great  Verrazano  map  described  by  Hakluyt.     At  all  events 

'  [See  chapter  iv. — Ed.J 


NORUMHEGA   AND    ITS    KNGLISH    EXl'LORERS. 


173 


Cape  Cod  was  rounded,  and  the  expedition  reached  that  island  of  the  Eliza* 
beth  K''oup  now  known  as  Cuttyhunk,  vhcrc,  upon  an  islet  in  a  small  lake, 
they  spent  three  weeks  in  building;  a  fortified  house,  which  they  roofed  with 
rushes.  All  this  work  they  kept  a  secret  from  the  Indians,  while  they  in- 
tended, according  to  the  narrative,  to  establish  a  permanent  abode.  Indeed, 
this  appears  to  have  been  the  particular  region  for  which  Sir  Hum|)hrey 
was  sailing  in  1583,  as  we  know  by  Hakluyt's  annotation  on  the  margin  of 
his  translation  of  V'errazano  which  Gosnold  used. 

From  Cuttyhunk  the  members  of  the  expedition  m;.de  excursions  to  the 
mainland,  and  they  also  loaded  their  vessel  with  sassafras  and  cedar.  When, 
however,  the  time  fixed  for  the  ship's  departure  came,  those  who  were  to 
remain  as  colonists  fell  to  wrangling  about  the  division  of  the  supplies ;  and, 
as  signs  of  a  "revolt"  appeared,  the  prospects  of  a  settlement  began  to 
fade,  if  indeed  the  ide--«.  of  pe.Tiancncc  had  ever  been  seriously  entertained. 
Soon  "all  was  given  over;  "  and  June  \^  the  whole  company  abandoned 
their  |-»e-\utiful  isle,  with  the  "  house  and  little  fort,"  and  set  sail,  desiring 
nothing  so  much  as  the  sight  of  their  native  land.  Gliding  past  th'.'  gor- 
geous cliffs  of  Gay  Head,  the  demoralized  company  had  no  relish  for  the 
sceiu ,  but  sailed  moodily  on  to  No-Man's  Land,  where  they  caught  some 
wild  fowl  and  anchored  for  the  night.  The  next  day  the  "  Concord," 
freighted  we  fear  with  discord,  resumed  the  voyage,  and  took  her  tedious 
course  over  the  solitary  sea. 

Gosnold  reached  South  Hampton  on  the  23d  of  July,  having  "  not  one 
cake  of  bread  "  and  only  a  "  little  vinegar  left;  "  yet  even  here  his  troubles 
did  not  end,  for  in  the  streets  of  Weymouth  he  soon  encountered  Sir 
Walter  Raleigh,  who  confiscated  his  cargo  of  sassafras  and  cedar  boards,  on 
the  ground  that  the  voyage  was  made  without  his  consent,  and  therefore 
contraband.  Gosnold  nevertheless  protected  his  own  interests  by  ingra- 
tiating himself  with  Raleigh,  leaving  the  loss  to  fall  the  more  heavily  on  his 
associates.  Thus  was  Raleigh  made,  upon  the  whole,  well  pleased  with  the 
results  of  the  voyage,  and  he  resolved  to  send  out  both  ships  again.  Speak- 
ing with  reference  to  the  unsettled  region  covered  by  his  patent,  he  saj-s, 
"  I  shall  yet  live  to  see  it  an  Englishe  nation." 

The  yea  1603  was  signalized  by  the  death  of  Elizabeth  and  the  acces- 
sion of  Tame.'j,  while  at  nearly  the  same  time  Raleigh's  public  career  came 
to  an  end.  Before  the  cloud  settled  upon  his  life,  two  expeditions  were  sent 
out.  The  "  Elizabeth '  went  to  Virginia,  under  the  command  of  Gilbert, 
who  lost  his  life  there ;  while  Martin  Pring  sailed  with  two  small  vessels  for 
New  England.  Fting  commanded  the  "  Speedwell,"  and  Edmund  Jones, 
his  subordinate,  was  master  of  the  "  Discoverer."  This  expedition  had 
express  authority  from  Raleigh  "  to  entermeddle  and  deale  in  that  action." 
It  was  set  on  foot  by  Hakluyt  and  the  chief  merchants  of  Bristol.  Leaving 
England  April  10,  Pring  sighted  the  islands  of  Maine  on  the  2d  of  June, 
and,  coasting  southward,  entered  one  cf  the  rivers.  He  finally  reached  Sav- 
age Rock,  where  he  failed  to  find  sassafras,  the  chief  object  of  his  voyage. 


\\\ 


>74 


NAKKATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTUKY  OF  AMERICA. 


"4^ 


!        iM 


and  accordingly  "  bore  into  that  great  Gulfc  which  Captainc  Ciosnold  over- 
shot." This  gulf  was  Massachusetts  Bay,  the  northern  side  of  whicli  did 
not  answer  his  expectations ;  whereupon  he  crossed  to  the  southern  side, 
and  entered  the  harbor  now  called  I'lymouth,  finding  as  much  sassafras  as 
he  desired,  and  he  remained  there  for  about  six  weeks.  The  harbor  was 
named  Whitson,  in  honor  of  the  Mayor  of  Bristol;  and  a  neighboring 
hill,  probably  Captain's  Hill,  was  called  .Vfount  Aldworth,  after  another 
prominent  Bristol  merchant.  On  the  shore  the  adventurers  built  a  "  small 
baricado  to  keepe  diligent  watch  and  warde  in"  while  the  sassafras  was 
being  gathered  in  the  woods.  They  also  planted  seed  to  test  the  soil. 
Hither  the  Indians  came  in  great  numbers,  and  "did  cat  I'easc  and  Heans 
with  our  men,"  dancing  also  with  great  delight  to  the  "  homely  musicke  " 
of  a  "  Zitterne,"  which  a  young  man  in  the  company  could  play.  This 
fellow  was  rewarded  by  the  savages  with  tobacco  and  pipes,  together  with 
"  snake  skinncs  of  si.xe  foote  long."  These  were  used  as  belts,  and  formed 
a  large  part  of  the  savage  attire,  though  upon  their  breasts  they  wore  plates 
of  "  brasse." 

By  the  end  of  July  I'ring  had  loaded  the  "Discoverer"  with  sassafras, 
when  Jones  sailed  in  her  for  Kngland,  leaving  Pring  to  complete  the  cargo 
of  the  other  ship.  Soon  the  Indians  became  troublesome,  and,  armed  ^ith 
their  bows  and  arrows,  surrounded  the  "  baricado,"  evidently  intending  to 
make  an  attack ;  but  when  Pring's  mastiflT.  "  greatc  Foole,"  appeared,  hold- 
ing a  half-pike  between  his  jaws,  they  were  alarmed,  and  tried  to  turn  their 
action  into  a  jest.  Nevertheless,  the  day  before  I'ring  sailed  for  England, 
they  sot  the  forest  on  fire  "  for  a  mile  space."  On  August  9  the  "  Eliza- 
beth "  departed  from  Whitson  Bay,  and  reached  Kingsroad  October  2. 
Thus  two  years  before  Champlain  explored  Plymouth  Harbor,  naming  it 
Port  of  Cape  St.  Louis,  ten  years  before  the  Dutch  visited  the  place,  call- 
ing it  Crane  Bay,  and  seventeen  years  before  the  arrival  of  the  Lcyden  Pil- 
grims, Englishmen  became  familiar  with  the  whole  region,  and  loaded  their 
ships  with  fragrant  products  of  the  neighboring  woods. 

We  next  apptoach  the  period  when  the  French  came  to  seek  homes  on 
the  coasts  of  the  ancient  Norumbega,  as,  in  1604.  De  Monts  and  Champlain 
established  themselves  at  St.  Croix,  —  the  latter  making  a  voyage  to  Mount 
Desert,  where  he  met  the  savages,  who  agreed  to  guide  him  to  the  Penob- 
scot, or  Peimtegouet,  believed  to  be  the  river  "which  many  pilots  and 
historians  call  Norembegue."  He  ascended  the  stream  to  the  vicinity  of 
ti.c  present  Bangor,  and  met  the  "Lord"  of  Norumbega;  but  the  silver- 
pihired  mansions  and  towers  had  disappeared.  The  next  year  he  coasted 
New  England  to  Cape  Malabar,  but  a  full  account  of  the  French  expedi- 
tions is  assigned  to  another  volume  of  the  present  work. 

Tl  e  voyage  of  Waymouth,  destined  to  have  such  an  important  bearing 
unon  the  future  of  New  England  colonization,  was  begun  and  ended  before 
Champlain  embarked  upon  his  second  expedition  from  St.  Croix,  and  the 


:'!i  ^'^ 


NORt'MIiEGA  AND   ITS   LNGLISH    EXl'LOKEKS. 


»75 


ity  of 
ilver- 
>asted 
pedi- 

raring 
)efore 
the 


English  captain  thus  avoided  a  collision  with  the  French.  Waymouth 
sailed  from  Dartmouth  on  Kastcr  Sunday,  Mar.  31,  1^105,  evidently  intend- 
ing to  visit  the  regions  south  of  Cape  Cod  described  by  Hrereton  and  V'er- 
razano.  Upon  meeting  contrary  winds  at  his  landfall  in  41°  2'  north,  being 
of  an  irresolute  temper,  he  bore  away  for  the  coast  f.irther  east;  and  on 
May  18  he  anchored  on  the  north  sitle  of  the  island  of  .Monhegan.  lie 
was  highly  pleased  with  the  prospect,  and  hoped  that  it  would  prove  the 
■'  most  fortunate  ever  discovered."  The  ne.xt  day  was  Whitsunday,  when 
he  entered  the  present  Booth's  Hay,  which  he  named  I'entecost  Harbor. 
He  afterwards  explored  the  Kennebec,  planting  a  cioss  at  one  of  its  upper 
reaches;  and,  sailing  for  Kngland  June  16,  he  carried  with  him  five  of  the 
Kennebec  natives,  whom  he  had  taken  by  stratagem  and  force. 

In  connection  with  \Va>'mouth'->  voyage  we  have  the  earliest  indications 
of  English  public  worship,  which  evidently  was  conducted  according  to 
the  forms  of  the  Church,  in  the  cabin  of  the  "  Archangel,"  the  savages  being 
much  impressed  thereby.'  The  historian  of  Wayniouth's  voyage  declares 
*'  a  public  good,  and  true  zrM  of  promulgating  God's  holy  Church  by  plant- 
ing Christianity,  to  be  the  soie  intent  of  the  honorable  scttjr  forth  of  this 
discover)'." 

The  narrative  of  Waymonth's  voyage  was  at  once  pubh'shcd,  and  at- 
tracted the  attention  of  Sir  John  Popliam.  chief-justice.  It  also  greatly 
encouraged  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  who,  in  connection  with  Sir  John,  ob- 
tained from  King  James  two  patents, —  >^ 
one  for  the  London  and  the  other  for  /  J 
the  Plymouth  company;  the  latter  in-  (  /  . 
eluding  that  portion  of  ancient  Norum-  \/^^ 
bega  extending  from  38°  north  to  45'  /^/ 
north,  thus  completely  ignoring  the  /  / 
claims  of  the   French.     The  patentees  ^ 

were  entitled  to  exercise  all  those  powers 
which  belong  to  settled  and  well-ordercd  society,  being  authorized  to  com 
money,  impose  taxes  and  duties,  and  maintain  a  general  government  for 

twenty-one  years.  This  was  accom- 
plished in  1606,  when  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  sent  out  a  ship  under  Captain 
Challons,  which  was  captured  by  the 
Spaniards  and  never  reached  her  des- 
tination. Before  hearing  of  the  loss 
of  this  ship,  another  was  despatched  under  Thomas  Hanam,  with  Martin 
Pring  as  master.  Failing  to  find  Challons.  they  made  a  very  carefu'  ex- 
ploration of  the  region,  which  Sir  Ferdinando  says  was  the  best  that  ever 
came  into  his  hands.     In  the  mean  time  the  five  Indians  brought  home  by 

'  It  should  be  noted  that  Robert  Salteme,  to  the  conjecture  that  public  worship  may  have 
who  was  with  Pring  at  Plymouth,  soon  after  took  been  conducted  at  Plymouth  in  1603;  though 
Orders  in  the  Church  of  England.    This  leads     the  subject  is  not  referred  to. 


« 


*A.. 


I  ' 


7 


r 


176 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMtKICA. 


u  ■ 


Wnymniith  had  been  in  trainint;  for  use  in  connection  with  colonization 
undrr  the  supervision  of  (lorijes.  Indeed  he  expressly  says  that  these 
Indians  were  the  means,  "  under  (tod,  of  putting  on  foot  and  giving  hfe  to 
all  our  plantations."  Accordingly  the  plans  of  a  |>crmanent  colony  were 
projected,  and  on  the  last  day  of  May,  1607,  two  ships  —  the  "Gift  of  God" 
and  the  "  Mary  and  John  "  —  were  despatched  under  the  command  of  Cap- 
tain George  I'opham,  brother  of  the  chief-justice,  and  Captain  Kaleigh 
Gilbert.  At  the  end  of  twenty-one  days  the  expedition  reached  the  Azores, 
where  the  "  Mary  and  John,"  having  been  left  behind  by  her  consort,  barely 
escaped  from  the  Netherlandcrs.  Finally,  leaving  the  Azores,  Gilbert  stood 
to  sea,  crossing  the  ocean  alone,  and  sighted  the  hills  of  Lc  Have,  Nova 
Scotia,  July  30.  After  visiting  the  harbor  of  Lc  Have,  Gilbert  sailed  south- 
ward, rounding  Cape  Sable,  and  entered  the  "  great  deep  Hay"  of  Fundy. 
Then  he  passed  the  Seal  Islands,  evidently  being  well  acquainted  with  the 
ground,  and  next  shaped  his  course  for  the  region  of  the  Penobscot,  looking 
in  the  mean  time  for  the  Camden  Hills,  which,  on  the  afternoon  of  August  5, 
lifted  their  three  double  peaks  above  the  b-ight  summer  sea.  As  he  confi- 
dently stood  in  towards  the  land,  the  Matinicus  Islands  soon  shone  white 
"  like  unto  Dover  clifts;  "  and  afterward  the  *'  Mary  and  John  "  found  good 
anchorage  close  under  Monhcgan,  Waymouth's  fortunate  island,  named  in 
honor  of  England's  patron  saint,  St.  George.  Landing  upon  the  island 
Gilbert  found  a  sightly  cross,  which  had  been  set  up  by  Waymouth  or  some 
other  navigator.  The  next  morning,  as  the  '*  Mary  and  John  "  was  leaving 
Monhegan,  a  sail  appeared.  It  proved  to  be  the  "  Gift  of  God,"  of  whose 
voyage  no  account  is  now  known.  In  company  with  his  consort  Gilbert 
returned  to  the  anchorage  ground.  At  midnight  he  made  a  visit  to  I'ema- 
quid,  on  the  mainland,  accompanied  by  Skidwarrcs,  one  of  Waymouth's 
Indians,  rowing  over  the  placid  waters  witli  measured  stroke  among  many 
"  gallant  islands."  They  found  the  village  sought  for,  and  then  returned. 
The  next  day  was  Sunday,  when  the  t\vo  ships'  companies  landed  upon 
Monhcgan,  —  then  crowned  with  primeval  forests  and  festooned  with  lux- 
uriant vines, — where  their  preacher,  the  Rev.  Richard  Seymour,  delivered  a 
discourse  and  offered  prayers  of  thanksgiving.  The  following  is  the  entry 
of  the  pilot:  — 

"  Sondaye  beinge  the  9th  of  Augxist,  in  the  mominge  the  most  part  of  our  hell  com- 
pany of  both  our  shipes  landed  on  this  Illand,  the  wch  we  call  St.  George's  Illand, 
whear  the  crosse  standeth ;  and  thear  we  heard  a  sermon  del)'vred  unto  us  by  our 
preacher,  gguinge  God  thanks  for  our  happy  mctinge  and  safle  aryTall  into  the  contry ; 
and  so  retomed  abord  aggain." 


I  i     i'< 


This,  so  far  as  our  present  information  extends,  is  the  first  recorded  relig- 
ious service  by  any  English  or  Protestant  clergyman  within  the  bounds  of 
New  England,  which  was  then  consecrated  to  Christian  civilization. 

On  Sunday,  August  19,  after  encountering  much  danger,  both  ships 
were  safely  moored  in  the  harbor  of  Sagadahoc  at  the  mouth  of  the  Ken- 


NORUMUIKM  ANIi   ITS   ENGLISH    KXI'LOKbKS. 


177 


ships 
Ken- 


nebec. The  adventurer*  then  proceeded  to  build  a  pinnace  called  the 
"  Vir^;inia,"  the  first  ve^u:!  built  in  New  l'ln(;!and.  She  crossed  the  Atlantic 
several  times.  The  Kennebec  was  explored  by  (iilbert,  while  a  fort,  a 
church,  a  storehouse,  and  some  dwellings  were  built  upon  the  peninsula  of 
Sabino,  selected  a*  the  site  of  the  colony.  The  two  ships  returned  to  V.n\'- 
land,  the  "  Mary  and  John  "  bearin;;  a  1  jtin  epistle  from  Captain  I'opham 
to  Kini;  James.     It  i;avc  a  glowm);  description  of  the  country,  which  was 


Axarxr  pemaocii>.* 

even  supposed  to  produce  nutmegs.  During  the  winter  Popham  died  ;  and 
in  the  spring,  when  a  ship  came  out  with  supplies,  the  colonists  were  found 
to  be  greatly  discouraged,  their  storehouse  having  been  destroyed  by  fire, 
and  the  winter  having  proved  extremely  cold.  Hesidcs,  no  indications  of 
precious  metals  were  found,  and  they  now  learned  that  the  chief-justice, 
like  his  brother,  had  passed  away.  Accordingly  the  fort,  "  mounting  twelve 
guns,"  was  abandoned,  and  Strachey  says  "  this  was  the  end  of  that  north- 
ern colony  upon  the  river  Sagadchoc." 

'  This  sketch-map  folloirj  one  giren  with     Mtf.  Coll.,  vii.    See  a  more  extended  sketch  of 
Sewall's  paper  on  "  Topham's  town,"  in  M-utu    tbc  coa&t  in  the  Critical  Essay. 
VOL.   III. —  23. 


:1 


^; 


178 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'Jtr 


I  I 


"i 


'j\ 


K  <  ■  r- 


After  the  abandonment  of  Sp.bino  the  EngHsh  were  actively  engaged 
in  traffic  upon  the  coast ;  as  appears  from  the  testimony  of  Captain  John 
Smith,  who,  in  describing  h<j  visit  to  Monhegan  in  1614,  says  that  oppo- 
site "  in  the  Maine,"  called  Pemnqiiid,  was  a  ship  o<"  Sir  Francis  I'opham, 
whose  people  had  iised  the  port  for  "many  ycares  "  and  had  succeeded  in 
monopolizing  the  fur-trade.  The  particulars  concerning  these  voyages,  and 
the  scattered  settlers  around  the  famo'":  peninsula  of  I'emaquid,  are  not 
now  accessible. 

The  next  Englishman  to  be  referred  to  is  I  Fenry  Hudson,  who,  with  a 
crew  composed  of  English  and  Dutch,  visited  Maine  in  1609,  —  probably 
finding  a  harbor  at  Mt.  Desert,  where  he  treated  the  Indians  with  cruelty 
and  fired  upon  them  with  cannon.  Sailing  thence  he  touched  at  Cape  Cod, 
and  went  to  seek  a  passage  to  the  Indies  by  the  way  of  Hudson  River,  which 
had  been  visited  by  Verrazano  in  1524,  and  named  by  Gomez  the  following 
year  in  honor  of  St.  Anthony.  The  voyage  of  Hudson  is  not  of  necessity 
connected  with  English  enterprise.*  The  ne.\t  ye.ir  Captain  Argall,  from 
Virginia,  visited  the  Penobscot  region  for  supplies,  but  he  does  not  appear 
to  ha*-"  communicated  with  any  of  his  countrymen. 

In  161 1  the  English  showed  themselves  on  the  coast  with  a  strong  hand. 
Thi-  fact  is  learned  from  a  lel>  r  of  the  Jesuit  Hiard,  who,  in  writing  to  his 
superior  at  Rome,  gives  the  history  of  an  encounter  between  the  English 
and  French.  From  his  narrative  it  appears  that  early  in  161 1  a  French 
captain,  named  Plastrier,  undertook  to  go  to  the  Kennebec,  and  was  made 
a  prisoner  by  two  ships  "that  were  in  an  isle  called  I'.mmetenic,  eight  leagues 
from  the  said  Kennebec."  He  escaped  by  paying  a  ransom  and  agreeing 
not  to  intrude  any  more.  This  fact  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  Biencourt, 
the  commander  at  Port  Royal,  the  irate  Frenchman  proceeded  to  the  Ken- 
nebec to  find  the  English  and  to  obtain  satisfaction  from  them.  Upon 
reaching  the  site  of  the  Pophani  colony  at  Sabino,  Biencourt  found  the 
place  deserted.  On  his  return  he  visited  Matinicus  (Emmetenic),  where  he 
saw  the  shallops  of  the  English  on  the  beach,  but  did  not  burn  them,  for  the 
reason  that  they  belonged  to  peaceful  civilians  and  not  to  soldiers.  Who 
then  were  the  English  for  whom  Biencourt  was  so  cor  siderate  ?  Evidently 
they  were  those  led  by  Captains  Harlow  and  Hobson,  who,  as  stated  by 
Smith,  sailed  from  Southampton  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  an  isle 
"  supposed  to  be  about  Cape  Cod."  They  visited  that  cape  and  Martha's 
Vineyard,  and,  it  would  appear,  sailed  along  the  coast  of  Maine,  where 
they  showed  Plastrier  their  papers,  indicating  that  they  acted  by  authority. 
Possibly,  however.  Sir  Francis  Popham's  agent.  Captain  Williams,  may  have 
been  the  commander  who  expelled  the  French.  At  all  events  there  was 
no  lack  of  English  representation  on  the  cooi  of  New  England  in  161 1. 
Smith,  speaking  in  a  fit  of  discouragement,  says  that  "  for  any  plantation 
there  was  no  more  speeches;"  but  the  fact  that  Sir  Francis  annually  for 
many  years  sent  ships  to  the  coast  indicates  brisk  enterprise,  though  there 

'  [See  chap.  ix.  of  Vol.  IV.  — Ed.] 


NORUMDEGA  AND   ITS   ENGLISH   EXPLORERS. 


179 


may  have  been  no  movement  i'  avor  of  such  a  venture  as  that  of  the 
colony  of  1607.  Many  scatteicd  settlers,  no  doubt,  were  living  around 
Pcmaquid.  Smith  may  be  quoted  again  as  saying  that  no  Englishman  was 
then  living  on  the  coast;  but  this  is  something  that  he  could  not  know.  It 
is  also  opposed  to  recognized  facts,  and  to  the  declaration  of  Biard  that  the 
English  in  Maine  desired  "  to  be  masters."  Still  we  do  not  at  present  know 
the  name  of  a  single  Englishman  living  in  New  England  during  the  winter 
of  161 1,  ^n  1612  Captain  Williams  was  opposite  Monhegan,  at  Pcmaquid, 
where,  no  doubt,  his  agents  lived  all  the  year  round,  collecting  furs.  In 
161 3  the  scene  became  more  animated.  At  this  period  the  Erer.ch  were 
boldiy  inclined,  and  Madame  de  Guerchevillc  had  determined  to  found  a 
Jesuit  mission  in  what  was  called  Acadia.  In  161 3,  therefore,  the  Jesuits 
Biard  and  Masse  left  Port  Royal  ,'ind  proceeded  to  establish  themselves  on 
the  border  of  Somcs's  Sound  in  Mount  Desert,  where  they  b^gan  to  land 
their  goods  and  build  a  fortification,  the  ship  in  which  they  came  being 
anchored  near  the  shore.  Argall,  who  was  fishing  in  the  neighborhood, 
learned  of  their  arrival  from  the  Indians,  and  by  a  sharp  and  sudden  attack 
captured  the  French  ship.  He  sent  a  part  of  the  company  to  Nova 
Scotia,  and  carried  others  to  Virginia.  This  action  was  not  justified  by 
the  English  Government,  and  some  time  afterward  the  French  ship  was 
surrendered.^ 


In  the  year  1614  Captain  John  Smith,  the  hero  of  Virginia,  enters 
upon  the  New  England  scene ;  yet  his  coming  would  appear,  in  some  re- 
spects, to  have  been  without  any  very  careful  prevision,  since  he  begins 
his  narrative  by  saying,  "  I  chanced  to  arive  in  New  England,  a  parte  of 
Ameryca,  at  the  He  of  Monahiggan."  The  object  of  his  expedition  was 
either  to  take  whales  or  to  try  for  mines  of  gold ;  and,  failing  in  these,  "  Fish 
and  Furres  was  our  refuge."  In  most  respects  the  vo\age  was  a  failure,  yet 
it  nevertheless  afforded  him  the  opportunity  of  writing  his  Description  of 
Ncio  England,  whose  coast  he  ranged  in  an  open  boat,  from  the  Penobscot 
to  Cape  Cod.  His  brief  description,  so  fresh  and  unconventional,  will 
never  lose  its  value  and  charm ;  and,  because  so  unique,  it  will  maintain  a 
place  in  the  historical  literature  of  its  time.  Smith  knew  that  his  impres- 
sions were  more  or  less  crude,  yet  the  salient  features  of  the  coast  are  well 
presented.  At  the  Penobscot  he  saw  none  of  the  people,  as  they  had  gone 
inland  for  the  summer  to  fish ;  and  at  Massachusetts,  by  which  he  meant 
the  territory  around  Boston,  "  the  Paradise  of  all  those  parts,"  he  found  the 
French  six  weeks  in  advance  of  him,  they  being  the  first  Europeans  known 
to  have  visited  the  place.  The  River  of  Massachusetts  was  reported  by  the 
natives  as  extending  "  many  dales  lourney  into  the  entralles  of  that  coun- 
trcy."  At  Cohasset  he  was  attacked  by  tlie  natives,  and  was  glad  to  escape ; 
while  at  Accomacke,  which  he  named  Plymouth,  he  found  nothing  lack- 
ing but  "  an  industrious  people."     He  was  the  third  explorer  to  proclaim 

*  [These  transactions  of  the  French  will  be  noted  in  detail  in  Vol.  IV.  —  Ed.) 


?! 


i8o 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


i  '■ 


i 


in  print  the  value  of  the  situation.*     One  result  of  his  examination  was  his 
Map  of  New  England,  which  he  presented  to  Prince  Charles.* 

During  the  year  1614  another  expedition  was  sent  out.  Gorges  says 
that  while  he  was  considering  the  best  means  of  reviving  his  "  languishing 
hopes  "  of  colonization,  Captain  Harlow  brought  to  him  one  of  the  Indians 
whom  he  had  captured  in  161 1.  This  savage,  named  Epenow,  had  been 
exhibited  in  London  as  a  curiosity,  being  "  a  goodly  man  of  brave  aspect." 
Epenow  was  well  acquainted  with  the  New  England  tribes.  At  the  same 
time  Sir  Ferdinando  had  recovered  Assacumet,  one  of  VVaymouth's  Indians, 
who  had  been  carried  to  Spain,  in  1606,  when  Challons  was  captured  by  the 
Spaniards.  The  possession  of  these  t^vo  Indians  inspired  the  knight  with 
hope,  since  he  was  firmly  persuaded  that  in  order  to  succeed  in  coloniza- 
tion it  would  be  necessary  to  have  the  good-will  of  the  natives,  whose  co- 
operation he  hoped  to  secure  through  the  good  offices  of  those  whom  he 
had  taught  to  appreciate,  in  some  measure,  the  advantag'  s  of  English  civ- 
ilization. In  this  respect  he  was  wise.  In  connection  therefore  with  the 
Earl  of  Southampton  he  fitted  out  a  ship,  which  was  put  in  command  of 
Captain  Hobson,  whom  he  describes  as  "  a  grave  gentleman."  Hobson 
himself  invested  a  hundred  pounds  in  the  enterprise,  one  of  the  main 
objects  of  which  was  to  discover  mines  of  gold.  This  metal,  Epenow  said, 
would  be  found  at  Capawicke,  or  Martha's  Vineyard.  Hobson  sailed  in 
June,  1614,  and  finally  reached  the  place  where  Epenow  was  "  to  make 
good  his  undertaking,"  and  where  the  savages  came  on  board  and  were 
entertained  in  a  friendly  and  hospitable  way.  Among  the  guests  were 
Epenow's  brothers  and  cousins,  who  improved  the  occasion  to  arrange 
for  his  escape, —  it  being  decided,  as  it  appears  from  what  followed,  that 
upon  their  return  he  should  jump  overboard  and  swim  away,  while  the 
tribe  menaced  the  English  with  arrows.  They  accordingly  appeared  in  full 
strength  at  the  appointed  time,  when  Epenow,  though  closely  watched,  and 
clothed  in  flowinrf  garments  to  render  his  retention  the  more  certain,  suc- 
ceeded in  evading  his  keepers  and  jumped  overboard.  Hobson's  muske- 
teers immediately  opened  fire,  foolishly  endeavoring  to  shoot  the  swimming 
savage,  while  Epenow's  friends  bravely  shot  their  arrows  and  wounded  the 
master  of  the  ship  and  many  of  the  crew.  In  the  end  Epenow  escaped ; 
and  Sir  Ferdinando  says:  "Thus  were  my  hopes  of  that  particular  mode 
void  and  frustrate ;  "  adding,  that  such  are  "  the  fruits  to  be  looked  for  by 
employing  men  more  zealous  of  gain  than  fraught  with  experience  how 
to  make  it."  Hobson  however  did  not  lose  so  much  as  was  supposed ;  for, 
though  no  doubt  Epenow  believed  that  gold  existed  at  Capawicke,  and 
that  if  it  should  prove  necessary  he  could  bring  the  English  to  the  mine,  it 
is  clear  that  no  precious  metal  existed.     The  supposed  gold  was  simply  a 

1  [This  is  counting  Prinr  as  the  first,  not  duced,  is  given  at  page  198.    It  is  the  second  of 

usually  reckoned  such  howe    /,  and  Champlain  the  ten  different  states  of  the  plate.    See  AfemA 

as  the  second.    See  the  Critical  Essay.—  Ed.]  rial  History  of  Boston,  i.  54 ;  and  the  Critical 

^  [A  beliotype  o£  this  map,  scmewhat  re-  Essay.  — Ed.] 


NORUMBEGA  AND   ITS   ENGLISH   EXPLORERS. 


l8l 


bond  of 
I  Memo. 
rritical 


sulphate  of  iron,  which  the  mineralogist  finds  to-day  in  the  aluminous  clays 
of  Gay  Head. 

Though  both  Smith  and  Hobson  had  failed  essentially  in  the  objects  of 
their  voyage,  the  former  was  not  in  the  slightest  degree  disheartened,  but 
spoke  in  such  glowing  terms  of  the  country  and  its  resources  that  the 
Plymouth  Company  resolved  to  take  vigorous  action,  and  offered  Smith 
"  the  managing  of  their  authority  in  those  parts  "  for  life.     The  London . 
Company  was  also  stirred  up,  and  sent  out  four  ships  before  the  people  of 
Plymouth  acted.     The  Londoners  offered  Smith  the   command  of  their 
ships,  which  he  declined,  having  already  made  a  life-engagement.     Never- 
theless the  London  ships  sailed  in  January,  led  by  Captain  Michael  Cooper, 
and  reached  Monhegan  in  March,  where  they  fished  until  June,  and  then 
sent  a  ship  of  three  hundred  tons  to  Spain  loaded  with  fish.     This  ship  was 
taken  by  the  Turks,  while  another  sailed  to  Virginia,  leaving  the  third  to 
return  to  England  with  fish  and  oil.     Smith's  Plymouth  friends,  however, 
furnished  only  two  ships.     Nevertheless  he  sailed  with  these.  Captain  Der- 
mer  being  second  in  command.     His  customary  ill  fortune  still  attended 
him,  and  not  far  from  port  he  lost  both  his  masts,  while  his  consort  went 
on  to  New  England.     Sailing  a  second  time  in  a  small  vessel  of  sixty  tons. 
Smith  was  next  captured  by  French  pirates ;  and,  Wiiile  tossing  at  sea  in 
captivity,  wrote  his  Description  of  New  England.     His  language  has  been 
regarded  as  very  significant  where  he  speaks  of  "  the  dead  patent  of  this 
unregaru°d  country;"  but  this  is  the  language  of  a  depressed  prisoner. 
The  patent  was  not  dead ;  while,  if  it  had  been  dead,  English  enterprise  was 
alive,  of  which  his  own  voyage,  though  cut  short  by  pirates,  was  a  convinc- 
ing proof.     To  show  that  the  patent  was  not  dead,  the  Plymouth  Company, 
in  1615,  sent  out  Sir  Richard  Hawkins,  who  was  acting  "as  President  for 
that  year."     Hawkins  sailed  October  15.     Gorges  says  that  he  spent  his 
time  while  in  New  England  very  usefully  in  studying  the  products  of  the 
country ;  but  unfortunately  he  arrived  at  the  period  when  the  Indian  war 
was  at  its  height,  and  many  of  the  principal  natives  were  killed.     From 
New  England  he  coasted  to  Virginia,  and  thence  he  sailed  to  Spain,  "  to 
make  the  best  of  such  commodities  as  he  had  got  together,"  which  Sir 
Ferdinando  loosely  says  "  was  all  that  was  done  by  any  of  us  that  year." 
Nevertheless,  Smith  tells  us  that  Plymouth  in  1616  sent  out  four  ships,  and 
London  two ;  while  Purchas  states  that  "  eight  voluntarie  ships "  went  to 
New  England  to  make  "  further  tryall."     Another  of  two  hundred  tons,  the 
"  Nachen,"  commanded  by  Edwarde  Brawnde,  who  addressed  an  account 
of  the  voyage  to  "  his  worthye  good  frend  Captayne  John  Smith,  admirall  of 
New  England,"  also  went  out.     In  his  letter  reference  is  made  to  other  ves- 
sels on  the  coast.    The  "  Nachen,"  of  London,  sailed  from  Dartmouth  March 
8,  and  reached  Monhegan  April  20.    Afterwards  Brawnde  went  to  Cape  Cod 
in  his  pinnace  to  search  for  pearls,  which  were  also  the  first  things  sought  for 
by  the  Leyden  emigrants,  in  1620,  when  they  reached  the  harbor  of  Prov- 
incetown.     Brawnde  also  mentions  that  he  had  his  boats  detained  by  Sir 


l83 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


It 


II 


I' 


l!'',  li; 


Richard  Hawkins,  who  thus  appears  to  have  wintered  upon  the  coast  and 
to  have  sailed  to  Virginia  in  the  spring.  Notwithstanding  various  mishaps, 
Brawnde  entertained  a  favorable  impression  of  New  England,  where  prof- 
itable voyages  were  to  be  made  in  fish  and  furs,  if  not  spoiled  by  too  many 
factors,  while  he  found  the  climate  good,  and  the  savages  "  a  gentell-natured 
people,"  altogether  friendly  to  the  English. 

In  1 617  Smith  himself  made  the  discovery  that  the  patent  of  New  Eng- 
land was  not  dead.  At  that  time  he  had  secured  three  ships,  while  his  life- 
appoiiicment  for  the  new  country  was  reaffirmed.  Still  misfortune  continued 
to  pursue  him,  and  he  did  not  even  succeed  in  leavijig  port.  Together  with 
a  hundred  sail  he  was  wind-bound  at  Plymouth  for  three  months.  By  the 
terms  of  the  contract  he  says  that  he  was  to  be  admiral  for  life,  and  "  in 
the  renewing  of  their  Letters  pattents  so  to  be  nominated."  But  for  the 
unfortunate  head-winds  he  would  have  gone  to  New  England  in  161 7  and 
undertaken  a  permanent  work,  as  the  times  were  ripe.  He  might  have  be- 
gun either  at  Plymouth  or  Massachusetts,  "  the  paradise  of  all  those  parts," 
and  thus  have  made  Boston   niything  but  a  Nonconformist  town. 

In  1618  the  English  were  still  active,  and  Captain  Rocroft  went  to  Mon- 
hegan  to  meet  Captain  Dermer,  who  was  expected  from  Newfoundland. 
Dermer,  however,  failed  to  appear,  while  Rocroft  improved  the  occasion  to 
seize  "  a  small  barque  of  Dieppe,"  which  he  carried  to  Virginia.  This 
Frenchman  was  engaged  in  the  fur-trade  at  Saco,  in  disregard  of  the  claims 
of  the  English ;  but  Gorges,  with  his  customary  humanity,  condoned  the 
ofience,  the  man  "  being  of  our  religion,"  and  kindly  made  good  his  loss. 
Soon  after  capturing  the  French  trader,  Rocroft  came  near  being  the  victim 
of  a  conspiracy  on  the  part  of  certain  of  his  own  men.  When  the  plot  was 
discovered  he  spared  their  lives,  but  set  them  ashore  at  Saco,  whence  they 
went  to  Monhegan  and  passed  the  winter,  but  succeeded  in  escaping  to 
England  in  the  spring.  About  this  time  that  poorly  known  character,  Sir 
Richard  Vines,  passed  a  winter  on  the  coast,  probably  at  Saco,  sleeping  in 
the  cabins  of  the  Indians,  and  escaping  the  great  plague,  which  swept  away 
so  many  of  the  sagamores.  The  winter  fisheries  were  commonly  pursued, 
and  the  presence  of  Englishmen  on  the  coast  all  the  year  round  was  no 
doubt  a  common  thing,  while  a  trading-post  must  have  been  maintained  at 
Pemaquid.  Rocroft  finally  sailed  to  Virginia,  where  he  wrecked  his  vessel, 
and  then  lost  his  life  in  a  brawl.  Thus  suddenly  this  "  gallant  soldier " 
dropped  out  of  New  England  history. 

With  the  summer  of  1619  Dermer  finally  reached  Monhegan,  the  ren- 
dezvous of  English  ships,  and  found  that  Rocroft  had  sailed  for  Virginia. 
While  his  people  engaged  in  fishing,  he  explored  the  coast  in  a  pinnace  as 
far  as  Plymouth,  having  Squanto  for  his  guide,  and  then  travelled  afoot 
westward  to  Nummastuquyt,  or  Middleboro'.  From  this  place  he  sent 
a  messenger  to  the  border  of  Narragansett  Bay,  who  brought  "two  kings" 
to  confer  with  him.  Here  also  he  redeemed  a  Frenchman  who  had  been 
wrecked  at  Cape  Cod.     Dermer  adds  immediately,  that  he  obtained  another 


le  ren- 
rginia. 
ace  as 

afoot 
e  sent 
dngs  " 

been 
Inother 


NORUMBEGA    AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


183 


at  Mastachusit,  or  the  region  about  Boston,  which  he  must  have  visited  on 
his  way  back  to  Monhegan.  The  account  of  his  exploration  is  meagre ; 
and  he  hints  vaguely  at  a  very  important  island  found  June  12,  which  may 
have  been  thought  gold-bearing,  as  he  says  that  he  sent  home  "  some  of 
the  earth."  Near  by  were  two  other  islands,  named  "  King  James's  isles," 
because  from  thence  he  had  "  the  first  motives  to  search  for  that  now  prob- 
able passage  which  hereafter  may  be  both  honorable  and  profitable  to  his 
Majesty."  Clearly  he  refers  to  a  supposed  passage  leading  through  the 
continent  to  the  Pacific  and  the  Indies.  In  a  letter  to  Purchas,  not  now 
known,  he  mentioned  the  important  island  first  referred  to,  and  probably 
described  its  locality,  though  its  identity  is  now  left  to  conjecture.  It  may 
have  been  situated  near  Boston  Harbor,  while  the  "  probable  passage  "  may 
have  been  suggested  by  the  mouths  of  the  Mystic  and  the  Charles,  which, 
according  to  the  report  given  by  the  natives  to  Smith,  penetrated  many  days' 
journey  into  the  country. 

Dermer  finally  reached  Monhegan,  and  sent  his  ship  home  to  England. 
He  afterwards  put  his  surplus  supplies  on  board  the  "  Sampson,"  and  de- 
spatched her  for  Virginia.  He  then  embarked  once  more  in  his  pinnace 
to  range  along  the  coast.  Near  Nahant,  during  a  storm,  his  pinnace  was 
beached ;  but  getting  off  with  the  loss  of  many  stores,  and  leaving  behind 
his  Indian  guide,  he  sailed  around  Cape  Cod.  At  a  place  south  of  the 
cape  he  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  natives,  but  he  escaped  covered  with 
wounds.  Subsequently  he  sailed  through  Long  Island  Sound,  and,  passing 
through  Hell  Gate,  he  found  it  a  "  dangerous  cataract."  While  here  the 
savages  on  the  shore  saluted  him  with  a  volley  of  arrows.  In  New  York 
Harbor  the  natives  proved  peaceable,  and  undertook  to  show  him  a  strait 
leading  to  the  west ;  but,  baffled  by  the  wind,  he  sailed  southward  to  Vir- 
ginia, where  he  made  a  map  of  the  coast,  which  he  would  not  "  part  with 
for  fear  of  danger."  This  map  probably  exhibited  his  ideas  respecting  the 
"  westward  passage,"  which  was  to  be  concealed  from  the  French  and 
Dutch.*     In  Virginia  this  late  but  hopeful  explorer  of  Norumbega  died. 

Dermer  was  emphatically  an  explorer,  and  even  in  1619  was  dreaming 
of  a  route  through  New  England  to  China ;  but  his  most  important  work 
was  the  peace  made  with  the  Indians  at  Plymouth.  It  is  mentioned  in  his 
report  to  Gorges.  This  report  was  quoted  in  the  Relation  of  the  president 
and  council,  and  was  used  by  Morton  and  Bradford.  The  latter  quotes 
him  as  saying,  with  reference  to  Plymouth,  "  I  would  that  the  first  pis  a- 
tion  might  here  be  seated,  if  there  come  to  the  number  of  fifty  persons 
or  upward."  This  was  but  the  echo  of  Captain  John  Smith.  Morton 
endeavors,  in  an  ungenerous  spirit,  to  cheapen  the  services  of  Dermer, 
but  it  would  be  as  just  to  underrate  the  work  of  the  English  on  the  Maine 


1  Gorges'  Brief  Narrative,  ch.  xv.  [The  map 
made  during  the  Raleigh  voyage  of  1585,  now 
with  the  original  drawings  of  De  Bry's  jiictures 
in  the  British  Museum,  shows  a  strait  at  Port 


Royal  leading  to  an  extended  sea,  like  Verraza- 
no's,  at  the  west.  We  have  been  allowed  by  Dr. 
Edward  Eggleston  to  examine  a  photograph  of 
this  map.  —  Ed.| 


1 84 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


iiil 


.     I 


coast;  and  we  should  rcmcniber  that  it  was  their  faithful  friend  the  Pem- 
aquid  Chief  Samoset  who  hailed  the  Lcvdcn  colonists,  upon  thc'r  arrival 
at  Plymouth,  with  the  greeting,  "Welcome,  Englishmen!  "*  This  was  sim- 
ply tlic  natural  result  of  the  policy  of  peace  and  good-will  which  imparted 
a  gracious  charm  to  the  life  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  who  ma>  be  well 
styled  the  Father  of  New  England  Colonization,  Here  we  leave  the  Eng- 
lish explorers  of  Norumbega. 


CRITICAL  ESSAY   ON    THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 


DOCUMENTS,  whether  in  our  own  tongue  or  in  others,  which  throw  light  upon  the 
explorations  of  the  English  in  Norumbega  are  by  no  means  wanting.  They  embrace 
formal  report  and  epistolary  chronicle  in  great  variety  and  of  considerable  extent.  In 
some  cases  ihey  are  full  and  rich  in  details,  but  in  others  they  disappoint  us  from  their 
meagreness.  Such  deficiency  particularly  confronts  us  when  we  are  searching  for  the 
tracks  of  their  progress  in  maps  or  charts  of  these  early  dates. 

The  English,  in  reality,  were  behind  the  age  in  maf»;me  enterprise,*  and  this  forms  one 
reason  for  the  delay  in  colonizing  ancient  Norumbega.* 


,1. 


1  [See  chapter  viii.  —  Ed.] 

'■*  [See  editorial  note,  A,  at  the  end  of  this 
chapter.  —  Ed.] 

*  On  the  signification  of  this  word  see  "  The 
Lost  City  of  New  England  "  in  Magazine  of  Amer- 
ican History,  i.  no.  I,  and  printed  separately. 
The  most  notable  monograph  that  has  appeared 
in  connection  with  the  general  subject  is  that  by 
M.  Eugene  Beauvois,  entitled,  La  Norambegue. 
Dlcouverte  d'une  quatriirie  colonie  Pri-Colombi- 
enne  dans  le  Nouveau  Monde.  Bruxelles,  i88o,  pp. 
27-32.  This  very  learned  author  labors  with 
great  ingenuity  to  prove  that  the  word  is  of  old 
northern  origin,  and  that  by  a  variety  of  trans- 
formations, which  he  seeks  to  explain,  it  means 
Norroenbygda,  or  the  country  of  Norway;  and 
that,  consequently,  it  must  be  regarded  as  show- 
ing the  early  occupation  of  the  region  by  Scan- 
dinavians. [Cf.  also  the  paper  by  the  same 
author  on  "Le  Markland  et  I'Escociland,"  in 
Congris  des  Amiricanistcs  ;  Compte  rendu,  1877, 
i.  224.  —  Ed.]  To  the  claim  that  the  word  is 
of  Indian  origin  we  may  oppose  the  statement  in 
Thevet's  Cosmographie  (ii.  1009),  evidently  de- 
rived by  that  mendacious  writer  from  an  early 
navigator,  to  the  effect  that,  while  the  Europeans 
called  the  country  Norumbega,  the  savages 
called  it  Aggoncy.  Father  >^''*'-nmile  reported 
that  he  found  an  Indian  who  knew  the  word 
Nolumbega,  meaning  "  still  water ; "  yet  he  does 
not  say  whether  he  recognized  it  as  an  aboriginal 
or  ;in  imported  word.  [Vetromile,  History  of  the 
Abnakis,  New  York,  1866,  p.  49;  and  assented  to 


by  Murphy,  Verrazano,  p.  38.  Father  Vetro- 
mile says  in  a  letter:  "In  going  with  Indians  in 
a  canoe  along  the  Penobscot,  when  we  arrived  at 
some  large  sheet  of  water  after  a  rapid  or  nar- 
row jjassage,  men  would  say  Nolumbeght."  Dr. 
Ballard,  in  a  manuscript,  says  the  coast  Indians 
in  our  day  have  called  it  Xah-rah-bl-gek.  —  Ed.] 
The  present  writer  hau  never  found  an  Indian 
on  the  coast  of  Maine  who  could  recall  the  word 
Norumbega,  or  any  similar  word.  M.  Beau- 
vois shows,  among  other  facts,  that  the  Icelandic 
vaga  is  the  genitive  plural  of  vagr,  signifying  "  a 
bay."  Possibly,  however,  the  word  is  Span- 
ish. In  this  language  b  and  v  are  interchange- 
able ;  and  vagas  often  occurs  on  the  maps,  sig- 
nifying "  fields ; "  while  norum  maybe  simply  a 
corruption  of  some  familiar  compound.  Perhaps 
the  explanation  of  the  word  does  not  lie  so  far 
away  as  some  suppose,  thou^;h  the  study  of  the 
subject  must  be  attended  with  great  care.  In 
this  connection  may  be  consulted  such  works  as 
Ramusio's  A'itz'igiitioni  et  Viaggi,  etc.,  Venice, 
1556,  iii.359;  the  Ptolemy  of  Pativino,  Venice, 
1596,  p.  281;  WsX^if.l's  Deseriptionis  Ptolemaica 
Augmentum,  etc.,  Douay,  1603,  p.  99;  Magin's 
Histoire  ^'niversclle,  Douay,  161 1,  p.  96;  Intro- 
diictio  in  Universam  Geographieam,  by  Cluverius, 
Amsterdam,  1729,  p.  673;  De  Laet's  Nietiwe 
Wereldt,  etc.;  Leyden,  1625,  p.  64,  and  his  His- 
toire du  iwiiveaii  Monde,  etc.,  Leyden,  1640,  p. 
58;  Ogilby's  America,  167 1,  p.  138;  Montanus's 
De  Nieinve  en  Onbekende  Wereldt,  .Amsterdam, 
167 1,  p.  29;  Dapper's  Die  unbekante  Neue  Welt, 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS   KNGLISH    EXl'LOREKS. 


185 


The  voyage  of  John  Kut  has  been  pointed  out  as  the  earliest  voyage  having  a  possible 
connection  with  any  |>ortion  of  the  territory  of  Norumbega,  which  never  included  Baca- 
laos,  though  Bacalaos.  an  old  name  of  Newfoundland,  sometimes  included  New  England. 
The  extreme  northeastern  extension  of  Norumbega  was  Cape  Breton.  It  was  towards 
Cape  Breton  and  the  coasts  of  Arembec,  that  Rut  is  said  to  have  sailed  when  he  left  St. 
John.  Hakluyt  is  the  first  authority  summoned  in  connection  with  a  subject  which  has 
elicited  much  curious  discussion;  but  Hakluyt  was  poorly  informed.'  He  refers  to  the 
chronicles  of  Hall  and  Grafton,  who  said  that  Henry  VIII.  sent  out  two  ships.  May 
20,  f  ';  yet  he  did  not  know  either  the  name  of  the  commander  or  of  the  ships, 
one  of  which  was  given  a.s  the  "  Dominus  vobiscum."  I'urchas,  however,  gives  the 
names  of  both  ships,  and  the  letter  of  Captain  Rut  to  Henry  V'lII.,  together  with  a 
letter  in  Latin,  written  by  Albei't  de  Prato,  a  canon  of  St.  I'aul's,  London,  which  is 
addressed  to  Cardinal  Wolsey.'''  Hakluyt,  in  his  edition  of  1589,  reads,  "towards  the 
coasts  of  Norombega,"  instead  of  Arembec,  as  in  the  edition  of  1600.  The  latter 
appears  to  be  a  correction  intended  to  limit  the  meaning.  Arembec  may  have  been 
a  name  given  to  Nova  Scotia.  A  similar  name  was  certainly  given  to  one  or  more  islands 
near  the  site  of  Louisburg.'  According  to  Hakluyt,  Kut  often  landed  his  men  "to  search 
the  state  of  those  unknown  regions,"  after  he  left  the  northerly  part  of  Newfoundland ; 
but  the  confused  account  does  not  prove  that  it  was  on  Cape  Breton  or  Arembec  that  they 
landed.  Rut  says  nothing  about  any  such  excursion,  but  simply  says  that  he  should  go 
north  in  search  of  his  consort,  the  "  Samson,"  and  then  sail  with  all  diligence  "  to  that 
island  we  are  commanded : "  and  Hakluyt  says  that  it  was  an  expedition  intended  to  sail 
toward  the  North  Pole.  Nevertheless,  it  has  been  fancied  that  Rut,  in  the  '•  Mary  of  Guil- 
ford," explored  all  Norumbega,  and  then  went  to  the  West  Indies.  This  notion  is  based 
upon  the  statement  of  Herrera,  who  tells  of  an  English  ship  which  lost  her  consort  in  a  storm, 
and  in  1519  came  to  Porto  Rico  from  Newfoundland,''  the  pilot,  who  was  a  native  of  Pied- 
mont, having  been  killed  by  the  Indians  on  the  Atlantic  coast. '^  Herrera's  date  has  been 
regarded  as  wrong ;  and  it  has  been  corrected,  on  the  authority  of  Oviedo,  and  put  at  1527. 
There  is  no  proof  .hat  Rut  lost  his  pilot;  but  as  he  had  with  him  a  learned  mathematician, 
Albert  de  Prato,  a  priest,  it  has  been  assumed  that  the  priest  was  both  a  pilot  and  an  Italian, 
and  consequently  that  the  vessel  seen  at  Porto  Rico  was  Rut's.    It  would  be  more  reason- 


eic,  Amsterdam,  1673,  p.  30.  The  subject  of 
the  varying  bounds  and  the  name  is  also  dis- 
cussed by  Dr.  Woods  in  his  intrcKluction  to 
Hakluyt's  l^esUrne  Planting,  p.  lii,  and  by  the 
following :  Sewall,  Ancient  Dominions  of  Maine, 
p.  31 ;  De  Costa,  A'orihmen  in  Maine,  p.  44 ;  Mur- 
phy, Verrazano,  p.  37;  Historical  Magazine,  ii. 
187;  Magazine  of  American  History,  May,  1881, 

P-  392- 

'  See  his  account  in  vol.  iii.  p.  129  of  The 
Principal  Navigations,  voiages,  Traffiqiies,  and 
Discoi'eries  of  the  E-igiish  Nation  made  by  Sea  or 
oicrland,  to  the  remote  and  farthest  distant  quarters 
of  the  Earth  at  any  time  within  the  compasse  of  these 
1600  yeeres:  Divided  into  three  severall  Volumes, 
necording  to  the  positions  of  the  Regions  whereunto 
they  were  directed,  etc.,  etc.  By  Richard  Hakluyt, 
Master  of  Arts,  and  sometime  Stuut.  •/  of  Christ- 
Church  in  Oxford.  Imprinted  at  London  hy 
George  Bishop,  Ralph  Newberie,  and  Robert 
Harker,  1 598;  in  three  volumes  folio,  the  third, 
relating  to  .■\merica,  printed  in  1600.  [This 
edition  was  reprinted  (325  copies)  with  care  in 
1S09-12  by  George  Woodfall,  edited  by  R.  H. 
Kvans,  and  the  reprint  is  now  so  scarce  that 
VOL.  III.  —  24. 


it  brings  ;f  20  to  £y3.  .Such  parts  of  Hakluyt's 
earlier  edition  of  1589,  as  he  had  omitted  in 
the  new  edition  (i 598-1600),  were  reinserted  by 
Evans,  and  the  completed  reprint  including 
other  narratives  "chiefly  published  by  Hakluyt 
or  at  his  suggestion,"  is  extended  to  five  vol- 
umes. See  an  account  of  the  earlier  publica- 
tions of  Hakluyt  in  the  note  following  this 
chapter.  —  En.] 

*  See  Purchas  His  Pilgrimes,  iii.  809. 

^  Bowen's  Complete  System  of  Geography,  two 
vols,  folio,  London,  1747.  vol.  ii.  p.  686,  where 
reference  is  made  to  Cape  Lorembec.  See 
also  Charlevoix's  reference  to  Cap  de  lorem- 
bec, in  Shea's  edition,  v.  284 ;  also  some  mod- 
ern maps. 

*  Descripcion  de  las  tndias  ocidentales  de  Anto- 
nio de  Herrera,  etc.  1 60 1,  dec.  ii.  lib.  v.  c.  3. 

^  This  pilot  has  also  Ijeen  taken  for  Verra- 
jiano,  said  by  Ramusio  to  have  lieen  killed  and 
eaten  by  the  savages  on  this  coast.  See  also 
Biddle's  Memoir  of  Sebastian  Cabot,  second  edi- 
tion, London,  1832,  p.  272.  See  also  Brevoort's 
Verrazano  the  Navit^ator.  p.  147  [and  Mr.  Deane's 
chapter  in  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 


\ 


m 


I    '  M 


1 86 


NARRATIVE   ANO   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


M 


%  M 


I 


;  ■) 


able  to  Ruppuse  that  th,«  was  the  missinj;  "Samson,"  or  else  one  of  the  English  traders 
sent  to  the  West  Indies  in  15267.'  The  ship  described  by  Herrera  was  a  "great  shij)." 
heavily  armed  and  .'u!!  ih  stores.  On  the  other  hand,  the  "  Mary  of  Guilford"  was  a  bmall 
vessel  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  tons  only,  prepared  for  tishing.''  Finally,  Rut  was  still  at 
St.  John  August  'o,  while  Hakluyt  states  that  the  "Mary of  G'lilford"  reached  England 
by  the  l>eginning  of  October.  This,  if  correct,  renders  the  exploration  of  Norumbcga  and 
the  cruise  in  the  West  Indies  an  impossibility.  Nevertheless  Rut  must  have  accomplished 
something,  while  it  is  significant  that  when  Cartier  explored  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  in 
1534,  he  found  a  cape  called  Cape  Frato,  apparently  a  reminiscence  of  the  canon  of  St. 
Paul's." 

David  Ingram's  narrative,  referred  to  in  the  text,  was  printed  by  Hakluyt  in  1589.*  who, 
however,  omitted  it  in  1600.  Ingram  suffered  much,  and  saw  many  things,  no  doubt,  with  a 
diseased  brain.  He  listened  also  to  the  stories  of  others,  repeating  tiieiii  with  additions  in 
sailor  fashion  ;  and,  besides,  may  have  been  mo -ed  by  vanity.  Purchas,  referring  \n  Hak- 
luyt, says, "  It  seemeth  some  incredibilities  of  his  report  caused  him  to  leave  him  out  in  the 
next  Impression,  the  reward  of  lying  being  not  to  be  believed  in  truths." ' 

The  larger  portion  however,  «'.  the  statements  in  his  narrative  appears  to  be  true.  He 
seems  to  have  occupied  about  ele\  en  months  in  reaching  a  river  which  he  calls  Gugida,*  this 
lieing  simply  the  Indian  Ouigomii  of  Lescarbot,''  and  the  Ouygoudy  of  Champlain,'  who, 
June  24,  ff)04,  explored  the  nver,  and  named  it  the  St.  John. 

Concerning  Simon  Ferdinando  there  has  been  much  misapprehension.  He  was  con- 
nected with  the  Virginia  voyages  in  1584-86.  In  the  latter  year  his  ship  was  grounded. 
This  led  to  his  being  loaded  with  abuse  by  White.*  It  was  re-echoed  by  Williamson  •• 
and  Hawks."  The  latter  declared  that  he  was  a  Spaniard,  hired  by  his  nation  to  frustrate 
the  EnglLsh  colony,  calling  him  a  "treacherous  villain  "and  a  "contemptible  mariner;" 
yet   Hawks  did   not   understand  the  subject     Subsequently,   Ferdinando's  real  charac- 


>  Hakluyt,  in,  500. 

*  In  1525  the  "Mary  of  Guilford,"  160  tons, 
and  one  year  old,  was  reserved  for  the  King's 
use.  Miiiiiiscripti of //fiiry  WW.  \v.T ^2.  "John 
Kuti "  was  at  one  time  master  of  the  "  Gabryll 
Royall."  In  1513  he  was  master  of  the  "Lord 
Sturton,"  with  a  crew  of  250  men ;  and,  in 
April  of  the  same  year,  master  of  the  "Great 
Galley,"  700  tons,  John  Hoplin  lx:ing  captain. 
Ibid.,  under  ".Ships." 

*  Hakluynt,  iii.  208;  and  De  Costa's  North- 
men ill  Maine,  a  Critieal  Examination,  etc.,  —  Al- 
bany, 1870,  p.  43, — [in  refutation  of  the  arguments 
of  Kohl  in  his  Discovery  of  Maine,  p.  281,  who 
contends  for  Rut's  exploration.  —  Ed.] 

*  Folio,  557.  A  copy  of  the  manuscript  is  pre- 
served in  the  British  Museum,  Sluane  manuscripts, 
1447,  and  one  is  also  in  the  Bodleian,  Tanner  man- 
uscripts, 79.  They  present  no  substantial  varia- 
tions. Haklu'.t  accepts  the  relation  in  his  "  Dis- 
course," 2  Maine  Hist.  Coll.  ii.  115-220,  [but 
his  editor,  Charles  Deane,  thinks  it  "  iias  all  the 
air  of  a  romance  or  fiction."  The  Sloane  copy 
was  followed  by  P.  C.  J.  Weston,  who  privately 
printed  it  in  his  Documents  Connected  with  the 
History  of  South  Carolina,  London,  1 856  (121 
copies),  with  the  following  title:  "The  Land 
Travels  of  Dav-yd  Ingram  and  others  in  the  years 
1 56S-69  from  the  Rio  de  Minas  in  the  Gulph  of 
Me.\'ico  to  Cape  Breton  in  Acadia."  A  manu- 
script copy  in  the  Sparks  Collection  (Catclogue, 


App.  No.  30)  is  called  "  Relafon  of  Davyd  In- 
gram of  thinj  ,  'vhich  he  did  see  in  Travellinge  by 
lande  for  [frt  ?;  the  moste  northerlie  pte  of  the 
Baye  of  Mexico  ti.roughc  a  greate  pte  of  Amer- 
yca  untill  within  fivecye  leagues  of  Cape  Britton." 
Mr.  Sparks  has  endorsed  it :  "  Many  parts  of  this 
narrative  are  incredible,  .so  much  as  to  throw  a 
distrust  over  the  vliole." — Kr<.J 

*  I'urchas,  iv.  1179.  Ingram's  leference  to 
Elephants  ren-°nds  the  reader  of  the  Lions  of 
the  Plymouth  colonists  (Dexter's  Mourt,  p.  75). 
In  this  connection  consult  the  Rare  Travaites 
of  Job  Hortop,  who  was  put  ashore  with  Ingram, 
l)eing  twenty  '  wo  years  in  reaching  England. 
('al)e5a  de  Vaca,  who  came  to  .America  with 
Narvaez  in  1528,  was  six  years  in  captivity,  and 
si>ent  twenty  months  in  his  travels  to  escape. 
At  this  period  there  were  Indian  trails  in  all 
di-.ections  for  thousands  of  miles;  on  these  In- 
gram and  his  companions  travelled.  See,  for 
the  Indian  trails,  Maine  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  326. 

*  [The  Sloane  text,  according  to  Weston,  has 
a  blank  for  the  name  of  this  river.  —  Ed.] 

1  Xouz'elle  France,  p.  598. 

*  CEui'res,  iii.  22. 

*  Hakluyt,  iii.  283.  [See  also  chapter  iv.  of 
the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 

•"  Williamson's   History  of  Xorth    Carolina, 

'•53- 

"  Hawks,  History  of  A'orth  Carolina,  i.   196 

ed.  1857. 


NOKUMUEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXl'LOKERS. 


187 


ter  came  to  light ;  and,  in  one  of  the  oldest  piece.t  of  English  composition  produced  on  the 
continent  of  North  America,  his  skill  and  faithfulness  were  applauded  by  Ralph  Lane.' 
He  was  one  of  the  numerous  Portuguese  domiciled  in  England  ;  but  he  had  powerful  friends 
Kke  VValsingham,  and  thus  became  the  leader  of  the  first-known  English  expedition  to 
Norumbega.  His  life  was  somewhat  eventful,  and  like  must  men  of  his  class  he  occasion- 
ally tried  his  hand  at  privateering.  At  one  time  he  was  in  prison  on  a  charge  of  heresy,  and 
was  bailed  out  by  William  Herbert,  the  vice-admiral.  His  voyage  of  1579  seems  hitherto 
to  have  escaped  notice ;  but  this,  together  with  his  personal  history,  would  form  the  sub- 
ject of  au  .nteresting  monograph. 

It  was  through  the  calendars  of  the  state-paper  office  that  the  fact  of  John  Walker's 
voyage  became  known  some  time  since,  but  not  as  yet  with  detail ;  and  it  is  only  by  means 
of  a  marginal  note,  whici  nakcs  Walker  "  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert's  man,"  that  we  get  any 
ilew  to  its  purpo.se,  and  from  which  we  are  led  to  infer  its  tentative  character,  and  its  influ- 
ence upon  Gilbert's  subsequent  career." 

Upon  reaching  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert  we  discover  a  man  rich  in  his  intentions  respect- 
ing Norumbega.  He  was  the  patentee,'  and  he  possessed  power  and  resources  which 
would  have  insuret'.  success  but  for  the  untimely  termination  of  his  career.  The  true 
story  of  his  life  yet  remains  to  be  written,  and  in  competent  hands  it  would  prove  a  noble 
theme.*  The  State  Papers  afford  many  documents  throwing  light  upon  his  history,  while 
the  pages  of  Hakluyt  supply  many  facts.' 

The  work  of  Harlow  and  others,  from  1584  to  1590,  does  not  properly  belong  to  the 
story  of  Norumbega ;  yet  the  attempts  in  Virginia  may  be  studied  for  the  side-lights  which 
they  afford,  the  narratives  being  given  by  Hakluyt," — who  also  gives  the  voyage  of  the 
".\iarigold"  under  Strong,  fixing  the  site  of  Arembec  on  the  coast  southwest  of  Cape 
Hreton.' 

With  the  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  literature  of  our  subject  be- 
comes richer.  Gosnold's  voyage,  now  shorn  of  much  of  its  former  prestige,  has  only 
recently  come  to  be  understood.  It  was  somewhat  fully  chronicled  by  Brereton  and 
Archer,  each  of  whom  wrote  accounts.  The  original  volume  of  Brereton  forms  a 
rare  bibliographical  treasure.'    It  has  been  reprinted  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical 


>  Archaolo^iti  Americana,  iv.  1 1 ;  and  Colonial 
S/.i/e  Papers,  i.,  under  August  12,  1585. 

'i  Calendar  of  Colonial  State  Papers,  i.  no.  2. 

'  [His  patent  is  in  Hakluyt,  iii.  174,  and  in 
H.-izard,  i.  24. —  Ed.] 

'  [See  chapter  iii.  in  the  present  volume,  for 
notices  of  earlier  parts  of  Gilbert's  career.  J. 
Wingate  Thornton  points  out  his  pedigree  in 
"  The  Gilbert  Family,"  mN.E.  Hist,  and  Getual. 
Keg.,  July;  1850,  p.  223.  In  the  same  place,  July, 
iSsg,  is  one  of  Gilbert's  la.st  letters  (from  the 
state-paper  ofiice),  with  an  autograph  signature 
which  is  copied  in  a  later  note.  —  Ed.] 

'  See  Richard  Clarke's  narrative  of  "The 
Voyage  for  the  discovery  of  Norumbega,  1 583," 
in  Hakluyt,  iii.  163;  [and  Edward  Haies's  ac- 
count of  the  voyage  of  1583,  Ibid,,  iii.  143,  and 
also  in  E.  J.  Payne's  Voyages  of  Elizabethan  Sea- 
men, London,  1880,  p.  175.  Soon  after  Haies, 
in  the  "  Golden  Hind,"  reached  England,  after 
seeing  Gilbert,  in  the  "  Squirrel,"  disappear,  A 
True  Reporte  of  the  late  Discoveries  (London, 
1583)  came  out,  purporting  on  the  titlepage  to 
be  by  Gilbert;  but  Hakluyt,  who  reprinted  it  in 
1 589  and  i6oo,  interpreted  the  initials  G.  P.,  of 
tiie  Dedication,  as  those  of  Sir  George  Peck- 


ham,  who  had  in  his  tract  urged  another  attempt 
under  Gilbert's  patent,  as  Captain  Carlyle  had 
done  in  his  discourse  just  before  Gilljert  sailed, 
which  was  also  reprinted  in  Hakluyt.  See  also 
H.ikluyt's  IVesterne  Planting,  ed.  by  Deane,  p. 
201 ;  George  Dexter's  First  Voyage  of  Gilbert,  \>. 
4.  The  Rev.  Abiel  Holmes,  D.D.,  printed  in 
Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  ix.  49,  a  memoir  of  Parmenius 
the  Hungarian,  who  went  down  in  Gilbert's 
largest  ship.  —  Ed.] 

•  Principal  Navigations,  iii.  246.  (Also  chap- 
ter iv.  of  the  present  volume.  —  En.] 

■^  Ibid.,  iii.  193. 

"  A  Briefe  and  true  Relation  of  the  Discouerie 
of  the  North  part  of  Virginia;  being  a  most 
pleasant,  fruitfull,  and  commodious  Soile.  Made 
this  present  yeare,  1 602,  by  Captaine  Bartholomew 
Gosnold,  Captaine  Bartholomnv  Gilbert,  and  divers 
other  gentlemen  their  associats,  by  the  permission 
of  the  honourable  JCnight,  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  etc. 
Written  by  Mr.  loHN  Brereton,  one  of  the  voy- 
age. Whereunto  is  annexed  a  Treatise  of  Mr. 
Edward  Haves.  4to,  London.  Geor.  Bishop, 
1602. 

[Of  Brereton's  book  there  are  copies  in  Har- 
vard College  Library  (imperfect)  and  in  Mr.  S 


1 88 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAl.   HISTORY  OF   AMKRICA. 


m 


'   n 


J  t 


>  > 


Society,'  but  an  edition  properly  edite<i  is  much  nerded.  In  i63j  I'urclias  ((ave  Arclier's 
account,  witli  a  letter  l)y  Urereton  to  R4lei;{h,  and  (>>>nold'ii  letter  to  his  father.'  The  voy- 
af(e  is  also  treated  in  tlie  Dutch  coll^''''  '  Van  dtr  Aa,'  which  givcst  an  en^p'avinK  at 
variance  wit*   the  text,  in  that  it  re|  ..e  uvjgc*  assisting  (iosnold  in  building  h\% 

island  fort'  icution,  the  construction  aA  «iiich  was  in  £act  kept  a  secret.  The  voyage  of 
(iosnold  has  lieen  accepted  a*  an  authorised  attempt  at  ailoni/ation,  and  used  to  offset  the 
i'opham  expedition  of  1607;  but  that  pan  of  the  title|iagc  of  Itrereton  which  says  that 
tlie  voyage  was  made  by  the  permisition  of  Ralcif.h  is  now  known  to  lie  untrue,  and  the 
contraband  character  of  the  enterprise  stands  confessed-* 

It  has  l)i-en  said  more  than  once  that  Drake  visited  New  England,  and  gave  Cos- 
nold  some  account  thereof ;  but  while  he  brought  home  the  Virginia  adventurers  in 
15K7,  and  may  then  have  touched  on  the  coast  of  North  \'irginia,  no  early  account  of 
any  such  visit  is  found.  It  has  also  liccn  said  that  (nnnold  went  so  far  in  the  work 
of  fortification  as  to  build  a  platform  for  six  guns.  The  authority  for  the  statement  does 
not  appear.* 

The  voyage  of  Martin  I'ring,  as  already  pointed  out.  was  a  legitimate  enterprise,  having 
the  -sanction  of  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  the  patentee.*  This  voyage  is  al-so  the  more  noticeable 
as  having  had  the  active  support  of  Hakluyt.  Harris  says  that  a  thou-sand  (Munds  were 
raised  for  the  enterprise,  and  that  Raleigh  "  made  o%-er  to  them  all  the  Profits  which  should 


L.  M.  Harlow's  collection.  One  in  the  tirinlcy 
sale.  No.  280,  was  l>ought  for  $>Hoo  by  .Mr.  ('.  II. 
Kalbtlcisch  of  New  York. 

Tills  narrative  is  followed  in  Strichey's  ////- 
tcrie  of  TravaiU;  book  ii.  th.  ft.  I  homlon  in 
notes  r  anil  </  to  his  sjiccch  "Colonial  .Schemes 
of  I'opham  and  (iorgcs,"  at  the  I'opham  celebra- 
tion, enumerates  the  evidences  of  the  intended 
permanency  of  Gosnokt's  settlement. 

The  site  of  Gosnold's  fort  on  (Juttyhunk  was 
identified  in  1797  (see  Belknap's  Ameruan  Hio- 
graphy),  and  again  in  1817  (Xort/i  Ameruan  A'f- 
view,  v.  313)  and  1848  (  Tliornton's  Cife  Anne,  p. 
21).  — Ed.] 

'  3  Mass.  Ilisl.  Coll.,  vol.  viii.  This  reprint 
was  made  from  a  manuscript  copy  sent  from 
England  by  Colonel  Aspinwall.  Proceedings,  ii. 
116. 

^  Purrhtxs  his  Pilgrimes,  iv.  1651 ;  also  in  3 
iliiss.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  [.\  French  translation  of 
the  accgunts  of  Gosnold's  and  Pring's  voj-ages 
appeared  at  Amsterdam,  in  1715,  in  Bernard's 
Receuil  de  Voiages  au  Nord ;  and  in  1720,  in  ^^/<t- 
tions  de  la  Loiiisiane,  etc.  — -Sabin's  Dictionary,  ii. 
p.  102.  —  El).] 

'  [This  Vcrstimeling  was  issued  in  1706-7  at 
Leydcn  in  two  forms,  octavo  and  folio,  from  the 
same  tyjic,  the  octavo  edition  giving  the  voyages 
chronologically,  the  folio,  by  nations.  It  was 
reissued  with  a  new  title  in  1727.  Mullcr,  Boots 
on  America,  1872,  no.  tSS;  ;  and  1877,  no.  1.  Sa- 
bin.  Dictionary,  i.  3.  —  Ed.] 

*  This  subject  was  first  brought  to  the  atten- 
tion of  students  by  a  paper  on  "Gosnold  and 
Pring,"  read  before  the  New  England  Historic 
Genealogical  Society  [by  B.  F.  De  Costa],  por- 
tions of  which  were  printed  in  the  Society's 
Register,  1878,  p.  id.  This  shows  the  connection 
between  the  voyage  of  Gosnold  and  the  letter  of 


Vcrrauno.  See  also,  "Calxi  de  Haxos,  or  the 
place  of  Cape  Cod  in  the  old  Cartology,"  in  the 
kejcister,  Januar}-,  18M1  (by  Dr.  De  (.'ostaj,  and 
the  reprint,  revised.  .New  \'ork :  T.  Whittakcr, 
1881.  .Also  Belknap's  American  Biography,  ii. 
I2J. 

*  " \rse  England  was  originally  a  Part  of 
that  Tract  Stilcd  AVr/*-//r4'/«/</,  extending  from 
Xmimiegua  (a.s  the  old  Geographers  called  all 
the  continent  beyond  South-Virginia)  to  Florida, 
and  including  also  Xew  York,  Jersey,  Pensylva- 
nia,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  Carolina.  Though 
.Sir  Walter  Raleigh's  Adventures  and  .Sir  Frauiii 
Drake's  were  ashore  in  this  Country,  yet  we  find 
nothing  «°ery  material  or  satisfactory  either  as  to 
its  Discovery  or  its  Trade,  till  the  Voyage  made 
hither  in  1602  by  Captain  Gosnold,  who,  hav- 
ing had  some  Notion  of  the  Country  from  Sir 
Francis  Drate,  was  the  first  Navigator  who  made 
any  considerable  Stay  here,  where  he  made  a 
small  Settlement,  built  a  fort,  and  raised  a  Plat- 
form for  six  Guns." — Bow  en's  Complete  System 
of  Geography,  London,  1 747,  ii.  666.  [There  is 
a  long  note  on  the  landfall  of  Gosnold  on  the 
Maine  coast,  in  Poor's  /  'indication  of  Gorges,  p. 
ja  — Ed.] 

*  The  relation  of  Pring's  voyage  is  derived 
from  Purchas,  iv.  1654  and  v.  829,  where  it  is 
attributed  to  Pring  himself.  [It  should  be  noted 
that  the  identifying  of  Whitson  Harbor  with  the 
modem  Plymouth  was  first  brought  forward  by 
Dr.  De  Costa  in  the  A".  E.  I/is',  and  Geneal. 
Reg.,  January,  1878.  It  has  generally  been  held 
that  Pring  doubled  Cape  Cod,  and  reached  what 
is  DOW  Edgartown  Harbor  in  Martha's  Vineyard, 
or  some  roadstead  in  that  region.  Such  is  the 
opinion  of  Bancroft,  i.,  cent,  ed.,  90 ;  Palfrey,  i. 
78;  Barry,  i.  12;  and  Bryant  and  Gay,  i.  266  — 
all  these  following  the  lead  of  Belknap.  —  Ed.] 


1   -I 


NORI'MIIKIJA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    KXI'LORtKS. 


189 


arise  from  the  Voyage."'     Here,  therefore,  it  may  l>e  proper  to  delay  ton);  enough  to  indi- 
cate something  of  Hakluyt's  great  work  in  connection  with  colonization. 

Richard  Hakluyt  was  l>orn  about  the  year  15S3,  and  was  educated  at  Westminster 
School  and  Christ  Church  College,  Oxford.  At  an  early  age  he  acquired  a  taste  for  hit* 
lory  and  cosmography.  In  the  preface  to  his  work  of  1589,  dedicated  to  Walslngham,  he 
»ay» ;  — 

**  I  do  rcmemlier  that  Ixing  a  youth,  and  one  of  her  Maicxtic'*  »cholar»  at  Wcatminiiter,  that 
fiuitfull  numeric,  it  was  my  hapiw  10  visit  the  chamlier  uf  Mr.  Richard  Itakluyt  my  co«in,  a 
(•cntlcman  uf  the  Middle  Temple,  well  known  unto  you,  at  a  lime  when  I  found  lying  v|>cn  hit 
boord  certeine  Itookes  i>f  Cosmosgraphic  with  a  vniversal  Map|>ct  he  seeing  nic  somewhat  <;uri>>iit 
in  the  view  thereof,  began  to  instruct  my  ignorance  by  >hi>wcing  me  the  (liviniDn^  thereof." 

His  cousin  also  turned  to  the  107th  Psalm,  relating!  to  those  who  go  down  into  the  tea 
in  ships  and  occupy  themselves  on  the  great  waters.     Upon  wiiich  Hakluyt  continues  :  — 

"The  word<«  of  the  Prophet,  together  with  my  cousin's  discourse  (things  of  high  and  rare  de- 
light to  my  young  nature),  looke  so  dce|>c  an  impression  that  I  constantly  resolved,  if  cucr  I  were 
preferred  to  the  Vniversity,  where  lictter  time  and  more  convenient  place  might  Ik  ministered  lor 
these  studies,  I  would  by  God's  assistance  prosecute  that  knowledge  and  kindc  of  literature,  the 
doorcs  whereof  (after  a  xirt)  were  so  happily  o|N:iicd  l>eforc  me." 

This  interview  decided  Hakluyt  for  life,  and  one  of  the  first  fruits  of  his  zeal  was  his 
Divers  /(JK(r^>rx,  published  in  1582.'  In  1589  appeared  h'xs  Principal  .yavi^alions.*  In 
the  year  1600  he  enlarged  his  work,  bringing  it  out  in  three  volumes.  In  1605  Hakluyt 
was  made  a  prebend  of  Westminster;  and  in  1609  he  published  I'irginia  Riihiy  Valued, 
being  the  translation  of  a  Portuguese  work.^  Hakluyt  also  published  other  pieces.  He 
died  in  Herefordshire,  in  1616,  finding  a  burial-place  in  Westminster  Abbey.  Still 
curiously  enough,  notwithstanding  his  great  ser\-ices  to  American  colonization,  his  name 
has  never  been  applied  to  any  portion  of  our  country :  though  Hudson,  in  1608,  named  a 
headland  on  the  coast  of  Greenland  in  his  honor.  He  left  behind,  among  other  manu- 
scripts, one  entitled  ./  Discourse  of  Plantini^,  recently  pul"hed,  though  much  of  tiie 
essence  of  the  volume  had  been  produced  before  in  various  irms.*  Among  the  tracts 
appended  to  Drereton  are  the  Induceiiienls  of  Hakluyt  the  L  der,  who  a|)pears  to  have 
known  all  about  the  Discourse.* 

In  connection  with  the  voyage  of  Waymouth,  1605,  orie  topic  of  discussion  relates  to 
the  particular  river  which  he  explored.  This,  indeed,  is  a  subject  in  connection  with 
which  a  divergence  of  opinion  may  be  pardonable.  Did  he  explore  the  St.  George's  River, 
or  the  Kennebec  ?  Belknap,  however,  in  1 796,  in  a  crude  fashion  and  with  poor  data, 
held  that  the  Penobscot  was  the  river  visited.^  In  1857  a  Maine  writer  took  the  ground 
that  Waymouth  explored  the  Kennebec'    Other  writers  followed  with  pleas  for  the  St. 


'  I'oyages  attJ  Travels,  London,  1742,  ii.  222. 
See  on  Raleigh's  Patent,  Palfrey's  A.-w  Eug- 
ItnJ.i.Styiiote.  [Also  chapter  iv.  of  tu<  present 
volume.  —  Ed.) 

*  Difers  voyages  touching  the  disiouerie  of 
America  and  the  Islands  adiacent  vnto  the  same, 
made  first  of  all  by  our  Englishmen,  and  after- 
■Ufards  by  the  Frenchmen  and  Britons,  etc.,  etc. 
Imprinted  at  London  f>r  Thomas  IVoodcocte, 
dvelling  in  paules  ..  'hurch  •  Yard,  at  the  signe  of 
the  Hacke  beare,  1 583.  [See  further  in  the  note 
following  this  chapter.  — Ed.] 

'  The  Principall  Xomgations,  Voiages,  and 
Disarveries  of  the  English  Nation,  made  by  Sea 
or  orer  Land,  to  the  most  remote  and  fartherest 
distant  quarters  of  the  Earth,  etc.      Imfrinted 


at  London  by  George  Bishop  and  Ralph  A'ezcbe- 
rie.  Deputies  to  Christopher  Barter,  Printer  to 
the  Queenes  most  excellent  Maiestie,  1589,  Sec 
further  in  the  note  following  this  chapter. 
—  Ed.] 

*  Virginia  richly  valued.  By  the  description  of 
the  maine  land  of  Florida,  her  next  neighbor,  etc., 
etc.    London,  1609. 

*  [See  Editorial  note,  B,  at  ttie  end  of  this 
chapter,  and  the  chapter  on  "The  Cabots."— 
Ed.] 

*  Hakluyt  of  Yatlon.  See  Divers  Voyages, 
ed.  1S50,  p.  v.  note. 

'  American  Biography,  ii.  135. 
'  Mr.   McKeene   in   the    Maine  Hist.  Coll., 
V.  307 ;  Hist.  Mag.,  i.  112. 


1 


,tifMj;||i!iHi,i 


¥  '  A 


190 


NARRATIVE   AND   LRITICAL  HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


II    ''} 


I'j 


J' 


(•eorKc'n.'     H.ill.irrl  wrote  what  wan,  In  mo«t  rmpecU,  a  convinrinK  arKumrnt  in  tuppnrt  tA 
iht  Kennebec  River.''    in  opiKwiiion  to  th«  ailvocaic  uf  the  Kcnnclicc,  it  has  been  muI  thai 

>  .l/aiitf  Hill.  CM,  «l.  191. 

'  Attmariiil  I'vimmf,  |niblbihefi  hyihr  Maint 
lliilorical  .S«M.icty,  p.  joi.  ( Hhcr  wrilcr*  hav* 
Irratcil  the  •ulijct.l,  or  louihcd  u|Mm  it  in  |>a>>»- 
Ing,  and  »<>nir  from  limr  lo  lime  iiatc  t  liangcti 
gruunil,  —  line  blun<lcr  leading  lo  another, 

(llclknap  had  employed  a  wcllknown  Mas- 
nachiixellii  navigator,  t'apiain  Ji>hn  Konlcr 
Williamn,  lu  track  the  ioa*l  with  an  alalract 
III  Konicr'it  journal  in  hand.  Ili»  theory,  even 
of  late  year*,  haa  had  norne  i>upp<irier»  like 
William  Willis,  in  Mmw  HiU.  (W/.,  v.  346. 
K.  K.  Sewall  in  hi*  Amienl  ih>mtnu>mt  «/ 
AfiiiHf,  1M59,  and  ///</  Afag.,  1.  IKK.  (oilow 
McKrene;  a*  doe*  Pr.  lie  l'<>»la  himself  in 
I  he  InlrcMluction  to  hi*  t'lryagr  la  SagiudaJtof, 
and  (fcneral  (hamlierlain  in  hi*  Maine,  krr 
ftart  $n  Ihilory.  (icorge  Prince  was  the  first 
to  advocate  the  tieorgc's  River,  and  his  viewa 
were  furthered  l>y  David  Cushman  in  the  »ame 
volume  of  the  Maine  I/isl.  Call.  I'rincc,  in 
1H60,  reprinted  Hosier's  \arraltfe,  still  prfr 
'>eiiting  hi*  view  in  notes  to  it. 

This  e**ay  by  Prince  incited  Cyiu*  Katon, 
a  local  historian  (whose  story  has  lieen  told 
touchingly  by  John  I..  Kibley  in  the  Mau. 
Hist.  Sh.  Prix.,  xiiL  4jH),  lo  the  writing  of  his 
History  of  ThomatUm,  KoiklanJ,  and  Smith 
Thomaston,  which  he  published  at  the  age  of 
I'ighty-une  years  having  prepared  it  under 
the  disadvantage  of  total  blindness.  In  this 
(ch.  ii.)  the  theory  of  (leorgc's  Kiver  is  >iu»- 
tained,  as  also  in  Johnscjn's  /irittol,  Bremen, 
and  Vemaiiuui,  an<l  in  Bancroft.     See  p.  21K. 

More    recent    explorations    to    ascertain 
Waynioulh's  anchorage  arc  chronicled  in  the 
Boston  Daily  Aihertiscr,  Aug.  J^   1879^  and 
June  II,  1881.  — Eu.J 
•  I.  Pori-smouth. 

2.  Vork  [Gorgiana,  1641]. 

3.  Agamcnticiiii. 

4.  Saco. 

5.  Richmond  Island. 

6.  Ca.sco. 

7.  .Sabino  (Popham's  Colony]. 

8.  .SagadahrK  River. 

9.  Damari.scotta  River. 

10.  Sheepscott  River. 

11.  Pcmacjuid. 

12.  Monhcgan  Island. 

13.  Fox  Islands. 

14.  Isle  au  haul. 

15.  Castine  [Pentagbet,  Bagaduce]. 

16.  Mount  Desert. 

17.  Kennebec  River. 

18.  Penobscot  Kiver. 

19.  George's  River. 

20.  St.  George's  Islands  [  ?  Pentecost  ha» 
bor]. 


NOKl'MBEGA  AND   ITS   ENGLISH    E.XPLUKLKS. 


191 


the  high  mounuins  »ccn  by  Wajrmotilh  w<rc  not  th«  While  Mnuntainii,  —  for  (he  rcAnon 
thai  the  White  Mounuina  could  no(  be  *«cn,—  but  were  thr  Camden  hillii,  Inward*  whiih  he 
MenI  from  Monhegan;  and  cnnAequenily  that  he  reached  the  St.  (ienrKe'R  Klvcr,  which  lie* 
in  that  direction.  It  ha*  liccn  Mid,  alao,  that  the  White  Muunt.iinit  cannot  Ik.*  itcen  from 
that  vicinity.  Thit  i*  timply  an  A»«ump(ioa.  The  While  Mountain*  arc  diiitinclly  vixible 
in  (air  weather  from  the  deck  u(  a  »hi|>  lyin(  in*ide  uf  Monhe|{an.'  Yet  the  mountain*  in 
(|ue*tion  have  lea*  to  do  with  the  »ub)er|  than  generally  HU|)|M)<ted,  nince  a  careful  examina- 
tion of  the  olxcurc  text  show*  that  it  i*  not  nece*»ary  In  undemtand  Ko*ier  a*  Haying 
that  in  Koii^K  *"  '^'  ^v  *^*y  Miled  directly  Inward*  the  mountain*.  Ili*  lanKuagv  xhow* 
lliat  they  "  came  along  to  the  other  iiUnd*  more  adjoining  the  main,  and  in  the  road  di- 
rectly with  the  mountain*."'  Here  it  is  not  nece**ary  to  *u|>|K)»c  that  it  was  tl)c  counts 
sailed  that  wa*  ilirect,  hut  rather  that  it  »as  the  niitf  that  was  direct  with  the  mountains, 
—  the  term  r<)a</signifying  a  roiad»tead,  or  anchorage  place  at  a  distance  from  the  shore,  like 
that  of  Monhegan.  iteyomi  question  Waymouth  saw  Imth  the  White  and  the  Camden 
mountain*  ;  but  they  do  not  form  such  an  essential  element  in  the  discussion  as  hnth  sides 
have  fancied.  Strachey  really  settles  the  question  where  he  says  that  Waymouth  dis« 
covered  two  rivers,  —  "that  little  one  of  Pamatjuid,"  and  "the  most  excellent  and  benefi- 
cyall  river  of  Sachariehoc."'  This  river  at  oiKe  became  famous,  and  thither  the  I'opham 
colonist*  *ailcd  in  1607.  In  (act,  the  St.  (icorge**  Kiver  was  never  talki<l  alwut  at  that 
|>eriod,  being  even  at  the  present  time  hardly  known  in  geography,  while  the  im|)ortance  of 
ihe  Kennelwc  is  very  generally  understood. 

The  testimony  of  another  early  writer  wouki  alone  prove  sufticient  to  settle  the  ques- 
tion. In  fact,  no  question  would  ever  have  been  raised  if  New  England  writers  had  been 
acquainted  with  the  works  of  Champlain  at  an  earlier  period.  In  July,  if>05,  Champlain 
visited  the  Kennebec,  where  the  natives  informed  him  that  an  Kn^lish  ship  had  Ix-en  on 
the  coast,  and  was  then  lying  at  Monhegan:  and  that  the  captain  had  killed  five  Indians 
belonging  to  their  river.*  These  were  the  five  Indians  taken  by  Waymouth  at  I'entecost 
Harlx)r  —  the  modern  Itooth's  Hay  — who  were  supposed  to  have  been  killed,  though  at 
that  time  sailing  on  the  voyage  u>  England  unharmed. 

The  narrative  of  the  expedition  of  Waymouth  was  written  by  James  Rosier,  and  pub- 
lished in  1605.^     It  was  printed  by  I'urchas,  with  a  few  changes,  in  1625  ; "  and  reprinted 


31. 

33. 
A. 


B. 
C. 
1). 


Hoothbay  |  >  Pentecost]. 
Camden  Hills. 
I>amariscovc  Islands. 
I.vgonia,     i6jo;    subsequently    part    of 
Gorges  and  Mason's  grant,  1622.  and 
Somersetshire,  l6jj. 
I'lymouth  grant. 
Muscongus,  1630. 
Waldo  patent. 
See  fur  the  region  about  Pemaqaid  the  map 
in  the  narrative  part  of  this  chapter. 

I  The  writer  has  two  sketches  of  the  moon- 
tains  as  seen  from  Monhegan ;  yet  the  Maim  Hut. 
Coll.,  vi.  295,  inform  the  reader  that  "the  White 
Mountains  with  an  elevation  above  the  Icrel  of 
xVif.  sea  of  6,600  feet,  being  distant  no  miles. 
could  nut  un  account  of  the  curratiire  of  the 
earth  be  seen  from  the  deck  of  the  "Archangd," 
even  with  a  naked  eye." 

■^  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  132. 
'  The  Historie  of  TraiHsiU  into  i'trfitua  BrU- 
annia  ;  txprtssing  the  tosmographu  anj  temodi- 
lies  of  the  country,  togither  imth  the  wutHmert  and 
cuslomes  of  the  people,  gathered  and  tiserrrd  as 
well  by  those  who  went  first  thithtr,  as  ttlUcted 


ly  WilliaiH  Stnifhey,  dent.  Edited  by  K.  II. 
Major  for  the  llakliiyt  Socictv,  London,  1K49. 
I'.  159. 

'  Uiuvres,  iii.  74.  "  II  nous  dit  qu'il  y  auoit 
un  vaikseau  i  dix  licucs  du  port,  <|iii  faisoit  penche 
dc  poi>son, &  que  '.eux  de  dcdan.s  auoicnt  tue  cinq 
sauuages  d'icellc  riuiere,  soubs  ombre  amitie : 
k  setun  la  fa9on  (|u'il  nous  dcspcignoit  les 
gen*  du  vaisseau,  nous  les  lugea.smcs  cstrc  Arv 
gloi«,  &  nommasmes  I'islc  oil  ils  estoivnt  la  nef : 
pour  ce  que  de  loing  die  en  auoit  Ic  .semblance." 

*  A  True  Kelatton  of  the  most  prosperous  Toy- 
age  made  this  present  yeare,  1605,  ky  Captaine 
George  Waymouth,  in  the  Discouery  of  the  LanJ  of 
I'irjfinta:  where  he  liiscouered  60  miles  of  a  most 
exfelleni  River ;  together  with  a  most  fertile  land. 
Written  hy  lames  Rosier,  a  Gentleman  employed 
in  the  tvyage.  Londini,  Impensis  Gear.  Bishop, 
1605.  [The  copy  of  this  tract  in  the  Brinley 
sate.  no.  280,  was  bought  by  Mr.  C.  |{.  Kalb- 
fleisch,  of  New  York,  for  (800.  There  are  other 
copies  in  the  New  York  Historical  Society's 
Library  and  in  the  private  collection  of  Mr.  S 
L  M.  Barlow.  —  Eu.] 

*  Furchas,  iv.  1659. 


193 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


.1  V  '    ' 


...  <b       .1 


l^'V 


I  !    U 


A  "l 


'     V, 


m  i 


by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  in  i843.i  This  narrative  forms  the  source  of 
almost  everything  that  is  known  about  the  voyage.  It  contains  some  preplexing  pas- 
sages ;  but  when  properly  interpreted,  it  is  found  that  they  are  all  consistent  with  other 
statements,  and  prove  that  the  river  explored  was  the  Kennebec. 

The  story  of  the  Popham  Colony,  of  1607-8,  at  one  time  occasioned  much  acrimonious 
discussion,  for  which  there  was  no  real  occasion  ;  but  of  late  the  better  the  subject  has 
been  understood,  the  less  reason  has  been  found  for  any  disagreement  between  the  friends 
of  the  Church  of  England  and  the  apologists  of  New  England  nonconformity. 

Prior  to  the  year  1849  the  Popham  Colony  was  known  only  through  notices  found  in 
Purchas,^  the  Brief  Relation^  Smith,*  Sir  William  Alexander,  Gorges,*  and  others.  In 
the  year  1849,  however,  the  Hakluyt  Society  published  Strachey  s  work,  entitled  The  His- 
lorie of  Travaile  into  Virginia  Britannia,  edited  by  R.  H.  Major;  chapters  viii.,  ix.,  and 
X.  of  Bk.  it  contained  an  account  of  the  Popham  Colony  found  to  be  much  fuller  than  any 
that  had  appeared  previously.  In  1852  these  chapters  were  reprinted  with  notes  in  the 
Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society ;  •  and  the  next  year  four  chapters  of  the 
work  were  reprinted  by  the  Maine  Historical  Society.^  In  1863  the  same  society  published 
a  Memorial  Volume,  which  was  followed  by  heated  discussions,  some  of  which,  with  a  bibli- 
ography of  the  subject,  were  published  in  1866.  Articles  of  a  fugitive  character  continued 
to  appear ;  and,  finally,  in  1880,  there  came  from  the  press  the  journal  of  the  voyage  to  the 
Kennebec  in  1607,  by  one  of  the  adventurers,'  which  was  reprinted  in  advance  from  the 
Proceedings  of  the  Massaciiusetts  Historical  Society.*  It  would  seem  from  the  internal 
evidence  fiimished  by  the  journal  and  the  express  testimony  of  Purchas,*"  that  this  compo- 
sition was  by  James  Davies,  who,  in  the  organization  at  the  Sagadahoc,  held  the  office  of 
Captain  of  the  Fort.  This  journal  was  found  to  be  the  source  whence  Strachey  drew 
his  account  of  the  colony,  large  portions  of  which  he  copied  verbatim,  giving  no  credit. 
Since  the  publication  of  this  journal  no  new  material  has  been  brought  to  light. '^ 

The  Popham  Colony  formed  a  part  of  the  work  undertaken  by  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
and  his  colaborers,  who  sought  so  long  and  so  earnestly  to  accomplish  the  colonization  of 
New  England.**  Many  experiments  were  required  to  insure  final  success,  and  the  attempt 
at  Sagadahoc  proved  eminently  useful,  contributing  largely  to  that  disciplinary  experience 
essential  under  such  circumstances.     Viewed   in  its  necessary  and  logical  connection, 


*  3  il/ajj.  Hist.  Coll,  viii.  125.  Mi.  Sparks 
procured  a  transcript  of  the  Grenville  copy,  and 
this  was  used  by  the  printer  in  this  reprint. 

-  Pilgrimage,  London,  1614,  p.  756. 

'  A  Brief  Relation  of  the  Discovery  and  Plan- 
tation of  New  England,  London,  1622,  pp.  2-4. 

'  Generall  Historic  of  Ni-w  England,  London, 
1624,  pp.  203-4. 

*  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges'  Briefe  Narration 
of  the  Originall  Undertakins^s  of  the  advancement 
of  plantations  into  the  parts  of  America,  especi- 
ally showing  the  beginning,  progress,  and  con- 
tinuance of  that  of  Ne7u  England,  London, 
1658,  pp.  8-10.  When  first  published.  Sir 
Ferdinando  had  been  dead  some  years,  and 
his  grandson,  Ferdinando  Gorges,  Esq.,  in- 
cluded it  in  a  general  work,  America  Painted 
to  the  Life,  etc. 

«  Fourth  Series,  i.  219. 

"i  Maine  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  286,  with  an  introduc- 
tion by  W.  S.  Bartlet. 

*  A  Relation  of  a  Voyage  to  Sagadahoc,  nozv 
first  printed  from  the  original  manuscript  in  the 
Lambeth  Palace  Library,  edited  with  preface, 
notes,  and  appendix,  by  the  Rev.  B.  F.  De  Costa. 


Cambridge,  John  Wilson  &  Son,  University  Press, 
18S0.  [The  Preface  reviews  the  story  of  the 
settlement;  and  the  Appendix  reprints  the  ex- 
tracts from  Gorges,  Smith,  Purchas,  and  Alex- 
ander, from  which,  previous  to  the  publication 
of  Strachey's  account,  all  knowledge  of  the 
colony  was  derived.  —  Ed.] 

»  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xviii.  ( 1880-1881)  82, 
117. 

'*  Smith's  Generall  ITistorie,  p.  203. 

•'  [The  literary  history  of  this  controversy  is 
traced  more  minutely  in  the  Editorial  note  C,  at 
the  end  of  this  chapter.  —  Ed.] 

12  [The  Gorges  papers,  which  might  prove  so 
valuable,  have  not  lieen  discovered.  Dr.  Woods 
examined  some  called  such,  in  Sir  Thomas  Phil- 
lipps's  collection,  but  they  proved  unimportant, 
tiakluyt,  Westerne  Planting,  Introduction,  p.  xx. 
The  grant  from  James  I.  to  Gorges,  April  10, 
1606,  covering  the  coast  from  34°  to  45°  north 
latitude,  and  which  was  afterwards  the  cause  of 
not  a  little  controversy  with  the  Massachusetts 
colonists,  is  given  in  Hazard's  Historical  Collec- 
tions, \.  442,  and  in  Poor's  Vindication  of  Gorges, 
p.  no.  —  Ed.] 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS   ENUJLISH    EXPLORERS. 


193 


ft  need  not  be  regarded  as  a  useless  failure,  since  it  opened  the  eyes  of  adventurers  more 
fully,  bringing  a  clearer  apprehension  of  the  general  situation  and  the  special  requirements 
of  the  work  which  the  North  Virginia  Company  had  in  hand. 

A  paragraph  that  may  have  some  bearing  on  the  condition  of  things  in  Maine  after  the 
year  1608  appeared  in  1609,  and  runs  as  follows :  "  Two  goodly  Rivers  are  discovered 
winding  farre  into  the  Maine,  the  one  in  the  North  part  of  the  Land  by  our  VVcsterne 
Colonic,  Knights  and  Gentlemen  of  Excesler,  Plymouth,  and  others.  The  other  in  the 
South  part  thereof  by  our  Colonic  of  London." '  Again  a  letter  by  Mason  to  Coke, 
assigned  to  the  year  1632,  teaches  that  the  work  of  colonization  was  considered  as  having 
been  continued  from  1607.'*  This  would  seem  to  indicate,  that,  in  the  opinion  of  the 
writer,  the  work  was  not  wholly  abandoned;  yet,  concerning  the  actual  condition  of  affairs 
on  the  Maine  coast  for  several  years  after  the  colonists  left  Fort  I'opham,  much  remains 
to  be  learned.  From  neglected  repositories  in  the  seaport  towns  of  the  south  of  England, 
material  may  yet  be  gleaned  to  show  a  continuous  line  of  scattered  residents  living  around 
Femaquid  during  all  the  years  that  followed  the  departure  of  the  Popham  colonists  from 
Sabino"  in  1608. 

The  visit  of  Henry  Hudson  to  New  England  in  1609  is  described  iii  Juet's  Journal.* 

Argall's  visit  to  New  England  in  1610  is  treated  by  Purchas,  though  it  has  made  no 
figure  in  current  histories.*  What  appears  to  be  the  most  correct  account  of  the  voyage  of 
Hobson  and  Harlow,  in  161 1,  is  found  in  Smith.  The  student  may  also  consult  the  Driefe 
Relation,*  which,  however,  appears  to  confuse  the  account  by  introducing  an  event  of  1614, 
the  capture  of  Indians  by  Hunt.  Gorges  is  also  confused  here,  as  in  many  other  places.' 
We  are  indebted  to  the  French  for  the  account  of  the  capture  and  ransom  of  Plastrier.' 

In  connection  with  Argall's  descent  upon  the  French  at  Mount  Desert,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  consult  the  Jesuit  Relations,'  which  throw  considerable  light  upon  the  transactions 
of  the  English  at  this  period  ;  also  the  State  Papers.  These  show  that  Argall's  ship  was 
named  the  " Treasure."  i"  Champlain  says  that  this  ship  mounted  fourteen  guns,  while 
ten  more  English  vessels  were  at  hand."  If  his  statement  is  correct,  there  must  have  been 
a  large  number  of  Englishmen  on  the  coast  at  this  period. 


*  Sec  AWit  Britannia,  London,  1609,  p.  i, 
no.  vi.,  p.  II,  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  i. 

-  It  should  also  be  observed  that  Captain 
John  Mason  says:  "Certain  Hollanders  began 
a  trade,  about  1621,  upon  the  coast  of  New 
England,  between  Cape  Cod  and  Delaware 
I!ay,  in  40°  north  latitude,  granted  to  Sir  Wal- 
ter Raleigh  in  1584,  and  afterwards  confirmed 
and  divided  by  agreement  by  King  James, 
in  1606.  The  plantations  in  Virginia  have 
been  settled  .ibout  forty  years;  in  New  Eng- 
land about  twenty-five  years.  The  Hollan- 
ders came  as  interlopers  between  the  two,  and 
have  published  a  map  of  the  coast  between 
Virginia  and  Cape  Cod,  with  the  title  of  "  New 
Netherlands."  Calendar  of  State-papers  (Colo- 
luul),  1574,  p.  166,  by  Sainsbury,  London,  i860, 
p.  143,  under  April  2  (1632  .>).  Mason  is  in  error 
respecting  the  beginning  of  the  Dutch  trade, 
which  was  in  1598. 

"  For  studies  and  speculations  concerning 
.Sabino,  Monhegan,  Penobscot,  and  other  names 
found  in  Maine,  see  Dr.  Ballard  in  the  Report 
of  the  United  States  Coast  Survey,  1848,  p.  243. 
Also  Williamson's  History  of  Maine,  i.  61,  and 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Henry  Martyn  Dexter's  edition  of 
Mourt's  Relation,  p.  83.  [See  Dr.  Ballard  on  the 
VOL.   III.  —25 


location  of  Sasanoa's  River  in  //ist.  Ma^,  xiii. 
164.  —  Ed.] 

■*  Published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society  in  their 
volume  edited  by  Asher,  and  entitled  Henry 
Hudson  the  Navit^itor,  London,  i860,  |).  45.  Sec 
also  Read's  Historical  Inquiry  concerninf;  Henry 
Hudson,  etc.,  1866,  with  the  Sailing  Directions  of 
Henry  Hudson,  prepared  for  his  use  in  \(x&,froni 
the  Old  Danish  of  Ivar  Hardsen,  with  an  intro- 
duction and  notes :  also  a  dissertation  on  the  Discov- 
ery of  the  Hudson  River,  by  B.  F.  De  Costa, 
Albany,  Joel  Munscll,  1869.  Also,  Petitot's 
Memoires,  vol.  xx.  141,  232,  421.  [See  further  in 
ch.  X.  of  the  present  volume.  —  En.) 

6  Purch.-is,  iv.  1758  and  1664. 

'  Purchas,  iv.  1827. 

'  Brief  Narration,  c.  xiv.  See  als<i  Pinker- 
ton's  r'oyax'cs,  xiii.  206. 

"  See  Biard's  Letter  in  Carayon's  Premiire 
Afission,  p.  62. 

^  Relations  des  /^suites,  Queliec,  1858,  3  vols., 
vol,  i.  p.  44. 

'"  Colonial  State  Papers,  1 574,  vol.  i.  articles  i8 
and  25,  1613. 

"  For  authorities  see  Champlain's  (Euvres, 
iii.  17;  also,  Lescarbot's  Nouvelle  France,  ed. 
1618,  lib.  iv.  c.  13.     A  translation  of  the  narr4- 


wm 


':    ■' 


194 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


m 


i 


'    *; 


^  ilM 


Smith,  in  1614,  as  at  other  times,  is  his  own  historian,  and  his  writings  show  the 
growth  of  the  feeling  that  existed  with  respect  to  colonization,  and  they  at  the  same  time 
illustrate  his  adverse  fortune.' 

Gorges  gives  an  account  of  Hobson's  and  Harlow's  voyage  for  i6i4.'''  Hunt's  cruelty, 
in  connection  with  the  Indians  whom  he  enslaved  and  sold  in  Spain,  is  made  known  by 
Smith.*  Some  of  these  Indians  recovered  their  liberty,  and  Bradford  speaks  of  Squanto, 
the  interpreter  to  the  Plymouth  Colony.* 

Gorges  makes  us  acquainted  with  Sir  Richard  Hawkins,  who  was  on  the  New  Eng- 
land coast  at  the  close  of  the  year  161 5.  Sir  Richard  was  the  son  of  the  famous  John 
Hawkins,  who  set  David  Ingram  and  his  companions  ashore  in  the  Bay  of  Mexico.  Haw- 
kins was  born  in  1555,  and  in  1583  he  conducted  an  expedition  to  the  West  Indies.  In 
1588  he  is  found  in  command  of  the  "Swallow,"  and  he  distinguished  himself  in  the 
defeat  of  the  Armada.  He  next  sailed  upon  an  expedition  to  the  Pacific,  where  he  was 
captured  and  carried  to  Spain.*  In  1620  he  was  named  in  connection  with  the  Algerine 
expedition,  dying  at  the  end  of  1621  or  the  beginning  of  1622.  A  full  account  of  his  trans- 
actions in  New  England  would  be  very  interesting ;  but  the  account  of  Gorges,  in  con- 
nection with  Brawnde's  Letter  to  Smith,  must  suffice.* 

The  story  of  Rocroft  is  told  by  Gorges,  and  Dermer  writes  of  his  own  voyage  at  full 
length.' 

It  remains  now  to  speak  of  the  old  cartology,  so  far  as  it  may  afford  any  traces  of  the 
English  explorers  of  Norumbega.  At  the  outset  the  interesting  fact  may  be  indicated 
that  the  earliest  reference  to  Norumbega  upon  any  map  is  that  of  the  Italian  Verrazano, 
1529;  while  the  most  pronounced,  if  not  the  latest,  mention  during  the  seventeenth  century 
is  that  of  the  Italian  Lucini,  who  engraved  over  his  "  Nova  Anglia  "  the  word  "  Noram- 
bega,"  which  is  executed  with  many  flourishes.' 

Passing  over  the  first  cartographical  indication  of  English  exploration  on  the  coast  of 
North  America,  in  the  map  of  Juan  de  la  Cosa,  which  is  figured  and  described  in  the 
chapter  on  the  Cabots;  and  passing  over  the  French  and  the  Italians,*  —  adverting  but 


\:,d 


* ',  i-'-y, 


•i  1  1; 


tive  of  Father  Biard  is  given  in  Scenes  in  the  hie 
of  Mount  Desert,  by  B.  F.  De  Costa,  New  York, 
1869.  [Further  accounts  of  these  proceedings 
will  be  given  in  Vol.  IV.  of  the  present  history. 

—  EdI 

*  See  A  Description  of  New  England:  or  The 
Observations  and  Discoueries  of  Captain  lohn 
Smith  (Admirall  of  that  Country),  in  the  North 
of  America,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1614 :  with 
the  successe  of  sixe  Ships  that  went  out  the  next 
yeare,  1615,  and  the  accidents  befell  him  among 
the  French  men  of  Warre :  with  the  proof e  of  the 
present  benefit  this  countrey  affoords,  whither  this 
present  yeare,  1 61 6,  eight  voluntary  ships  are  gone 
to  maike  further  Tryall.  At  London  printed  by 
I/umfrey  Lownes  for  Robert  Gierke ;  and  are  to 
be  sould  at  his  house  called  the  Lodge,  in  Chancery 
lane,  ouer  against  Lincolnes  Inne,  1616.  Also 
The  Generall  Historic  of  Virginia,  New  England, 
and  the  Summer  Isles  .  .  ,  from  their  first  begin- 
ning An".  1584,  to  the  present,  1626.  London, 
1632.     [.See  note  D,  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 

—  Ed.l 

^  Brief  Narration,  in  Maine  Hist,  Coll,  ii.  27, 
and  Dexter's  Mourt's  Relation,  p.  86. 
'  Generall  Historic. 

*  Bradford's  Plimouth  Plantation  in  4  Mass. 


Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  95.  Mourt's  Relation  says  that 
Hunt  took  seven  Indians  from  Cape  Cod.  Dex- 
ter's Mourt's  Relation,  p.  86.  Dermer  says  that 
Squanto  was  captured  in  Maine. 

*  See  the  Hakluyt  Society's  publication,  ed- 
ited by  Markham,  The  Hawkins  Voyages,  1878. 

0  See  the  letter  in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Reg.,  1874,  p.  248 ;  and  the  Cotton  Manuscripts, 
British  Museum.    Also  Neill's  Colonization,  p.  91. 

'  Gorges  in  Brief  Narration,  ch.  xiv.,  and 
New  EnglaiuVs  Trials,  p.  II,  in  Force's  Tracts. 
Briefe  Relation  of  the  President  and  Council, 
Purchas,  iv.  1830;  also  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  i. 
Prince's  New  England  Chronology,  Boston,  1736, 
p.  64,  and  Dermer's  letter  in  2  New  York  Hist. 
Coll..  '".  350. 

'  Doc.  Hist,  of  New  York,  .  [This  is  a  map 
"  Delia  nuova  Belgia  h  parte  della  nuova  Ang- 
lia," of  which  a  portion  is  given  in  fac-simile  in 
chapicr  i«.  of  the  present  volume.  The  editor 
of  the  Doc.  Hist,  gives  no  clew  to  its  origin,  but 
it  can  be  traced  to  Carta  II.,  in  Robert  Dudley's 
Dell Arcano del Mare,Firenze,  1647.  —  Ed.]  See, 
on  the  tourists  in  the  New  World,  Verrazano  the 
Explorer,  p.  65. 

"  [It  may  be  worth  mentioning  that  the  map 
in    the   Libro  di  Benedetto  Bet  done,  does  not 


m 


\  \ 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS   ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


195 


for  a  moment  to  the  Dauphin  map  of  1543,  with  its  novel  transformation  of  the  name 
Norumbega  into  Anorobagea,  —  the  next  map  that  needs  mention  is  that  of  John  Rotz, 
of  1542.  It  is  of  interest,  for  the  reason  that  the  '^booke  of  Idrography"^  of  which  it 
forms  a  part,  was  dedicated  by  its  author  to  Henry  VIII.  Rotz  subscribes  himself 
"sarvant  to  the  King's  mooste  excellente  Majcste."  The  English  royal  arms  are  placed 
at  the  beginning,  though  orig- 
inally Rotz  intended  to  present 
the  book  to  Francis  I.  Indeed, 
the  outline  of  the  coast  is 
drawn  according  to  the  French 
idea.    Nevertheless,  the  names 


HENRI    II.    (dauphin)    MAI',    I.'546.- 

;••.♦'•••  -  •  on  the  map  are  chiefly  Spanish.    It  shows  no  English 

exploration ;  and,  in  a  general  way,  indicates  an  ab- 
sence of  geographical  knowledge  on  the  part  of  tliat 
m  nation,  which,  however,  is  recognized  by  the  legend 
placed  in  the  sea  opposite  the  coast  between  New- 
foundland and  the  Penobscot.  The  legend  is  as 
follows :  "  The  new  fonde  lande  quhaz  men  goeth 
a-fishing."  The  main  features  of  the  coast  are 
delineated.  Cape  Breton  and  the  Strait  of  Canseau,  with  the  Penobscot  and  Sandy 
Hook,  are  defined ;  but  Cape  Cod,  the  "  Arecifes  "  of  Rotz,  appears  only  in  name,  though 
in  its  proper  relation  to  the  Bay  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  a  name  given  to  the  mouth  of 
Long  Island  Sound,  in  connection  with  the  Narragansett  Waters.  The  word  Norumbega 
does  not  occur,  and  the  nomenclature  is  hardly  satisfactory.  It  contains  no  reference 
either  to  Verrazano  or  Cartier.  The  so-called  map  of  Cabot,  1 544,  does  not  touch  the 
particular  subject  under  notice.* 

Frobisher's  map  of  1578  shows  a  strait  at  the  north  ■  leading  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific,  and  bearing  his  name,  but  the  map  throws  no  light  upon  Norumbega.* 


li^^tJ 


give  "  Norbegia  "  as  is  wrongly  said  in  the  Car- 
tcr-Brmon  Catitlogue,  no.  91.  The  matter  will  be 
further  considered  in  connection  with  the  French 
explorers  in  another  volume.  —  Ed.] 

'  [Ii  is  described  in  the  Catalogue  of  the  MS. 
Maps,  etc.,  in  the  British  Museum,  1 844,  i.  23 ;  and 
map  no.  17  shows  the  east  coast  of  North  Amer- 
ica from  6°  N.  to  51°  N. ;  and  no.  20,  both  hemi- 
spheres. Maltc  Brun  describes  it  in  his  Histoire 
de  la  Giographie,  Ed.  Huot.,  i.  631.  —  Ed.] 

^  [The  legends  are  as  follows ;  — 

2.  C.  des  Illes. 

3.  Anorobagea. 

4.  Arcipel  de  Estienne  Gomez.     [This  voy- 

age  of    Gomez  will    be    described    in 
Vol.  IV.] 

5.  Baye  de  St.  Jhon  Baptiste. 


10. 
II. 


6.  R.  de  bona  men 

7.  B.  de  St.  Anthoine. 

8.  R.  de  .St.  Anthoine. 

9.  C.  de  St.  Xpofle. 
R.  de  la  tournce. 
C.  de  Sablons.  —  Ed.] 

*  [See  further  on  this  map  in  the  chapter  on 
"  The  Cabots,"  where  a  fac-simile  is  given. 
—  Ed.] 

*  This  map  embraces  the  country  from  New- 
foundland to  Florida,  showing  a  part  of  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico.  It  is  found  in  a  collection  of 
eleven  beautifully  executed  maps,  bound  in  one 
large  volume,  preserved  in  the  British  Museum. 
[Cf.  Kohl's  Maps,  Charts,  etc.,  mentioned  in  Ifat- 
luyt,  1857,  p.  16 ;  and  Collinson's  Frobisher  s 
V'oyages,  published   by  the  Ilakluyt  Society.  — 


196 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Dr.  John  Dee  was  much  interested  in  American  enterprise,  and  made  a  particular 
study  of  the  northern  regions,  as  well  as  of  the  fisheries.  Under  date  of  July  6,  1578,  he 
speaks  of  "  Mr.  Hitchcok,  who  had  travayled  in  the  plat  for  fishing."  '  A  map  bearing  the 
inscription,  '•  loannes  Dee,  Anno,  1580,"  is  preserved  in  the  British  Museum.*  It  reminds 
one  o£  .\I creator's  map  of  1569,  but  is  not  so  full.  Dee  was  frequently  invited  to  the  Court 
of  Elizabeth  to  make  known  her  title  to  lands  in  the  New  World  that  had  been  visited  by 
the  English;  and  he  was  deferred  to  by  Hakluyt,  Gilbert,  VValsingham,  and  others. 

He  writes  in  his  diary,  under  date  of  July  3,  1582,  "  A  meridie  hor  2/4  cam  Sir  George 
I'eckhar-  to  me  to  know  the  tytle  of  Norombega,  in  respect  of  Spayn  and  Portugall  parting 
the  whole  world's  distilleryes  ;  he  promised  me  of  his  gift  and  of  his  patient  ...  of  the 
new  conquest."*  Gilbert's  voyage  was  then  being  projected,  but  Dee's  map  has  no 
reference  to  him  or  the  English  ad  venturers. ■•  It  shows  the  main  divisions  of  the  coast 
of  Norumbega,  except  Cape  Cod,  from  Sandy  Hook  to  Cape  Breton.  The  Penobscot  is 
well  defined,  and  Norombega  lies  around  its  headwaters. 

The  map  in  Hakluyt's  Edition  of  Peter  Martyr,  published  1587,  shows  the  English 
nomenclature  .iround  and  north  of  the  waters  of  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  but  it  gives 
away  the  territory  of  Norumbega  to  the  French  as  Nova  Francia.  On  the  west  coast 
of  North  America  is  Nova  Albion.  In  Nova  Francia  there  is  a  river  apparently  bear- 
ing the  name  of  Arambe,  which,  it  has  been  suggested,  was  used  later  in  a  restricted  sense. 
Not  far  from  this  river,  at  the  south,  is  the  legend,  "  Virginia,  1580."  * 

A  map  made  in  1592,  by  Thomas  Hood,  does  not  show  any  English  influence  on  the 
coast,  but  Norombega  is  represented  north  of  the  Penobscot,  which  is  called  R.  des 
Guamas,  intended  for  "Gainas,"  the  Stag  River.* 

The  globe  of  Molyneux'  shows  the  explorations  of  Davis  in  the  north,  and  its  author 
calls  the  northern  continppt,  north  of  Sandy  Hook,  "  Carenas."  Confusion  reigns  to  a  con- 
siderable extent.  Norumbega  is  confined  to  the  Penobscot,  and  nothing  is  indicated  with 
respect  to  the  English  in  that  quarter. 


Ill 


i 


'i  '1  'I' 

I'M''  i 

!^  ill  i) 


Ed.]  See  Verrazano  the  Explorer,  New  York, 
iSSo,  p.  56.  This  map  shows  the  Eiiripi  of 
Nicholas  of  lA'nn.     See  Invcntio  Fortiimita. 

1  The  Private  Diary  of  John  Dee,  edited  by 
Halliwell,  and  published  by  the  Camden  Society, 
1842,  p.  5.  [This  diary  is  written  on  the  mar- 
gins of  old  almanacs,  which  were  discovered 
in  the  Ashmolcin  iNfuseum.  Halliwell  calls 
Disraeli's  account  of  L^ce,  in  his  Am.'iiities  of 
Literature,  correct  and  able.  Winsor's  Halli- 
veliiana,  p.  5.  —  En.] 

-  [It  measures  ^^i  by  2%  inches ;  .ind  is 
carefully  drawn  on  vellum,  and  .accompanied 
by  anothor,  rketi'v.ly  drawn,  of  the  same  date. 
Cataloi^'iie  of  A/S.  jVh/'S,  etc.,  in  the  flritish  Mu- 
seum, 1844,  i.  3c  —  Ed.] 

^  Dee's  Diary,  p.  16,  and  Il.ikluyt,  iii. 

■•  [Wc  can  only  regret  that  Gilberi's  "  cardes 
and  plats  that  were  drawn  with  the  due  grada- 
tion of  the  harbours,  baycs,  and  capes,  did  f  orish 
with  the  admirall."     Haies  in  Hakluyt.  —  Ed.] 

^  See  reproduction  in  the  Historical  and 
Ceogra/'/iical  A'otes  of  Henry  Stevens,  1869,  and 
another  in  chapter  i.  of  the  present  volume. 
[A  fac-similc  h.is  also  been  separately  issued  in 
London,  worth  about  thirty  shillings.  The  map, 
which  is  a  considerable  advance  on  earlier  maps 
and  shows  the  English  tracks  down  to  about 
1564,1$  dedicated  to  Hakluyt  by  F.  G.  (initials 


which  have  so  far  concealed  the  true  name),  and 
is  so  rarely  found  in  copies  that  its  presence 
more  than  doubles  the  value  of  the  book,  which 
without  it  may  be  put  .it  eight  guineas.  Fifty 
years  ago  a  good  copy  with  a  genuine  map  was 
not  worth  m  jre  than  four  guineas,  —  now  twenty 
guineas.  Rich's  Catalogue,  1632,  No.  68.  The 
Carter-Brmvn  Catalogue,  No.  370,  does  not  show 
the  map.  —  Eu.] 

*  Atlas  znr  Entdeekungsgeschichte  Atnerikas, 
by  Kunstmann  and  others,  Munich,  1859,  Plate 
xiii.  [The  original  is  said,  in  Markham's  Da- 
T'is's  Voyages,  p.  361,  to  be  preserved  in  Dud- 
ley's own  copy  of  the  Araino  del  Afare,  at  Flor- 
ence. The  large  map  of  1593  in  Historiarum 
Tndicaruni  IJhri  xri.  Maffeii,  also  givi'  place 
to  Norumbega  j  as  does  Wytfliet's  edition  of 
Ptolemy,  1597.  The  Speculum  Orbis-terrarum 
of  Cornelius  de  Judaeis,  published  at  Antwerp, 
1 593,  has  a  map,  "  Americae  pars  borealis,  Flo- 
rida, Baccalaos,  Can.ida,  Corterealis."  The 
German  edition  of  Atosta,  1598,  gives  a  map 
of  Norumbega  and  Virginia,  making  them  con- 
tinuous. Carter-Brcnan  Catalogue,  nos.  517, 
520.  — Ed.] 

'  Preserved  in  the  Library  of  the  Middle 
Temple.  A  tracing  is  in  possession  of  the  writer, 
from  which  a  sketch  of  a  section  is  given  in  note 
E,  following  this  c')apter. 


,1.1 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS   ENGLISH   EXPLORERS. 


197 


The  map  of  Molyneux,  1600,  is  extremely  interesting,  but  it  does  not  show  the  opera- 
tions of  the  English  in  New  England,  though  the  Hay  of  Menan  is  recognized,  this  being 
the  place  so  well  known  to  Hakluyt  the  Elder  for  its  deposits  of  copper.* 
New  England,  as  on  Lok's  map,  is  shown  as  an  island.* 

The  cartology  at  this  period  is  very  disappointing 

though  the  maps  pointed  out  the  main  features  of  the 

coast.    I  n  many  respects  they  were 

inferior   to    some   of    the   earlier 

maps,  and  were  occupied  with  a 

■^-  vain  iteration.     A  little  later  the 

^.  .^       map  of    Lescarbot,   of  1609,   as 

might    be    supposed,    is 

poor  in   its   outlines 

devoted     rather    to 

French  occupation.' 

Smith's  well-known 
map,  issued  with  his  De- 
scription of  New  Eng- 
land  in    1616,   was    the 


and 
the 


'  [See  note  F,  at  the  end  of  (his  chapter. — 


Middle 
he  writer, 
In  in  note 


El).] 

■■^  See  Cabo  de  Baxoi,  or  the  Place  of  Cape  Cod, 
in  the  old  Cartology,  by  B.  F.  De  Costa,  New  York, 
1881,  p.  7. 

(The  Editor  dissents  from  the  views  given  in 
this  elaborate  tract  and  adopted  in  the  text  of  the 
present  chapter ;  and  thinks  that  Cape  Cod,  and 
not  Sandy  Hook,  is  the  conspicuous  peninsula 
which  appears  on  the  early  maps.    In  the  general 
coast-line  Cape  Cod  is  a  protuberant  angle,  while 
Sandy  Hook  is  in  the  bight  of  a  bay  which  forms 
an  entering  angle,  and,  unlike  Cape  Cod,  is  of  no 
significance  in  relation  to  the  trend  of  the  conti- 
nental shore.     There  is  the  least  difficulty,  in  the 
matter  of  the  bearings  of  one  point  from  another, 
with  considering  this  feature  to  be  Cape  Cod; 
and  we  must  remember  that  the  compass  was  the 
only  instrument  of  tolerable  precision  which  the 
early  navigators  had,  and  its  records  are  the  only 
ones  to  be  depended  upon.     It  is  accordingly 
never  safe  to  discard  the  record  of  it,  unless  undir 
strong  convictions  as  to  a  misreading  of  its  '.vi- 
dence.    The  Editor  does  not  receive  such  con- 
victions from  the  moderate  variations  of  latitude, 
which  often  were  one  or  two  degrees  or  even 
more  out  of  the  way  in  the  old  maps ;  nor  from 
the  coast  names,  which  by  no  means  were  con- 
strint  in  position,  and  were  not  infrequently  sadly 
confused  and  made  to  appear  more  than  once 
under  translated  forms.    The  process  of  copying 
such  from  antecedent  maps  was  far  more  liable 
to  error  than   the  transmission   of  the  general 
direction  and  the  sinuosities  of  the  coast  line. 
The  cartographers  sometimes  scattered  names, 
seemingly  for  little  purpose  but  to  fill  up  spaces. 
Coast  names,  before  settlements  were  fixed,  were 
of  the  utmost  delusiveness,  except  sometimes  in 
the   case  of  isolated  features,  not   to   be   con- 
founded. —  Ed.] 

^  (See  vol.  iv.  of  this  present  work.  —  Ed.] 
*  (The  Legends  are  as  follows-  — 

1.  Rio  de  S.  Spo. 

2.  Rio  Salado. 

3.  C.  de  S.  Joan. 


4.  C.  de  las  arenas. 

5.  C.   de   Pero   (are- 

nas). 

6.  Santiago. 

7.  B.  de  S.  Christo- 

foro. 

8.  Monte  Viride. 
g.  R.  debuenamadre. 

10.  St.  John  Haptista. 

11.  Terrallana. 

12.  C.  de  las  Saxas, 

13.  Archipelago. 

14.  C.  S.  Maria. 

15.  C.  de  mucas  y"- 


16.  R.  das  Guamas. 

17.  Aracife.s. 

18.  R.  de  MOtanas 

19.  R.  de  la  Plaia.  —  En] 


i 


i. 


198 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


earliest  to  give  a  configuration  of  the  coast,  approaching  accuracy;  and  he  could  have 
found  litllt  in  Lcscarbot's  and  Champlain's  maps  to  assimilate,  even  if  he  had  known 
them.  Cape  Cod  now  for  the  first  time  was  drawn  with  its  characteristic  bend.  Smith 
says  that  he  had  brought  with  him  five  or  six  maps,  neither  true  to  eacli  other  nor  to  the 
coast. 

Smith's  map  did  not  originally  contain  a  single  English  name,'  but  the  young  Prince 
Charles,  to  whom  it  was  submitted  in  accordance  with  Smith's  request,  changed  about 
thirty  " barbarous "  Indian  names  for  others,  in  order  that  "posterity  "  might  be  able  to 
say  that  that  royal  personage  was  their  "godfather."  A  number  of  Scotch  names  were 
selected,  among  others,  by  the  grandson  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  Smith  gave  the  name  of 
Nusket  to  Mount  Desert,  confusing  it,  perhaps,  with  the  aboriginal  Pemetic,  which 
was  changed  to  Lomond,  given  as  '•  Lowmonds  "  on  the  map.  The  prince  very  naturally 
desired  to  give  names  recalling  the  country  of  h;s  birth  ;  and  while  Ben  Lomond,  one  of 
the  noblest  Caledonian  hills,  bears  a  certain  grand  resemblance  to  its  namesake,  the  breezes 
of  the  lake  of  Mount  Desert,  like  "answering  Lomond'.s," 

"  Soothe  many  a  chieftain's  sleep." 

In  a  similar  spirit  he  named  the  Blue  Hills  of  Milton  the  "  Cheuyot  hills  ; "  the  ancient 
river  of  Sagadahoc  being  the  Forth,  with  what  was  intended  for  "  Edenborough  "  standing 
near  its  headwaters.  There  is  nothing  on  tlie  map  to  recall  the  nonconformists  of  Notting- 
hamshire and  Lincolnshire,  who  afterwards  came  upon  the  coast,  except  Boston  and  Hull 
which  stand  near  the  Isles  of  Shoals,  being,  in  fancy,  close  together  on  the  map,  as  after- 
wards they  were  reproduced  farther  south,  in  fact. 

The  joung  prince,  tlien  a  lad  of  about  fifteen,  no  doubt  had  suggestions  made  to  him 
respecting  the  names  to  be  selected,  as  he  favored  the  southern  and  Southwestern  com- 
munities like  Bristol  and  Plymouth,  which  furnished  those  expeditions  encouraged  by 
churchmen  like  Popham  and  Gilbert.  Poynt  Suttliff  forms  a  distinct  recognition  of  Dr. 
Sutliffe,  the  Dean  of  Exeter,  who  took  so  much  interest  in  New  England.* 

On  this  map  we  find  the  ancient  Norumbega  called  New  England.  Rich  says  that  Smith 
was  the  first  to  apply  this  name.  In  reply,  Mr.  Henry  C.  Murphy  has  referred  to  its  alleged 
use  by  a  Dutchman  in  1612.*  Special  reference  is  made  to  a  statement  printed  upon  the 
bai.'.  of  a  map  contained  in  a  book  brought  out  by  Hessell  Gerritsz  at  Amsterdam,  giving 
a  description  of  the  country  of  the  Samoieds  m  Tartary.  The  phrase  used,  however,  is 
not  "  New  England,"  nor  "  Nova  Anglia,"  but  "  Nova  Albion,"  *  which  was  applied  to  the 
whole  region  by  Sir  Francis  Drake,  in  his  explorations  on  the  Pacific  coast.  At  that  time 
the  continent  lying  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific  was  regarded  as  a  narrow  strip  of 
land ;  and  as  late  as  1651  it  was  estimated  that  it  was  only  ten  days'  journey  on  foot  from 


1  On  the  variations  found  in  ten  different 
impressions  of  the  map,  see  Winsor,  in  the 
Aft'moriii/  History  of  Boston,  1.  52  [where  a  sec- 
tion of  it,  with  the  portrait  of  Smith,  is  given  in 
heliotype.  A  reduced  he!iotype  of  the  whole  map 
is  given  herewith.  Hulsius,  when  he  translated 
Smith's  book  for  his  voyages,  made  an  excellent 
reproduction  of  the  map,  which  appears  in  tluee 
of  his  sections.  The  earliest  of  the  modern  re- 
productions was  that  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii. 
Palfrey  has  given  it,  reduced  by  photolitho- 
graphy, but  not  very  satisfactorily,  in  his  A'tnu 
England,  i.  95.  It  was  re-engraved  by  Swett  in 
1865  for  Veazie's  edition  of  the  Description,  and 
the  plate  was  subsequently  altered  to  correspond 
with  later  states  of  the  original  plate,  and  in  this 
condition  appears  in  Jenness's  Isles  of  Shoals.     It 


is  reduced  from  this  re-engraving  in  Bryant  and 
Gay's  United  States,  \.  518. —  Ed.) 

-  In  his  Descriftiou,  p.  67,  Smith  says,  "  At 
last  it  pleased  .Sir  Ferdinando  Gorge,  and  Master 
Doctor  Sutliffe,  Deanc  of  Exceter,  to  conccve  so 
well  of  these  proiects  and  my  former  inii)loy- 
ments,  as  induced  them  to  make  a  new  adven- 
ture with  me  in  those  parts,  whither  they  have 
so  often  sent  to  their  continuall  losse." 

'  See  his  Henry  Hudson  in  Holland,  printed 
at  The  Hague,  1S59,  pp.  43-66. 

*  Beschry^'inghe  van  der  Samoyeden  Landt  in 
Tartarien,  etc..  Amsterdam,  161 2.  The  language 
on  the  map  is,  "  ende  by  Westen  Nova  Albion 
in  mar  del  sur,"  See  also  Henry  Hudson  in 
Holland,  which  shows  how  Hudson  happened  to 
make  his  voyage  to  our  coast. 


IIT" 


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III 

NOKUMUliGA   AND   ITS   ENGLISH    EXPLORKKS. 


199 


the  headwaters  of  the  James  to  the  Pacific'  In  1609  the  country  was  called  Nova 
Uritannia.  It  would  seem,  therefore,  according  to  present  indications,  that  Smith  was 
entitled  to  the  credit  given  him  by  Rich.  At  all  events  the  importance  of  Smith's  work  in 
New  England  cannot  be  questioned.  Smith  himself  was  not  backward  in  asserting  the 
value  of  his  services,  declaring  in  one  place  that  he  "brought  New  England  to  the.  Subjec- 
tion of  the  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain."'  After  the  publication  of  his  map,  Norumbega 
wellnigh  disappeared  from  the  pages  of  travellers,"  and  a  new  series  of  observation  of  the 
territory  was  begun  by  the  authors  of  works  like  those  which  chronicled  the  doings  of  the 
Leyden  Adventurers  in  New  England. 


E  0  I  T  0  R  I  A  I,     NO  T  F,  S. 


A.  Earliest  Enoi-ish  I't'iii.icATioNs  on 
Amkrica.  —  The  backwardness  of  the  English 
in  M  that  related  to  the  extension  of  .American 
discovery  is  distinctly  apparent  in  the  compara- 
tively few  publications  from  the  London  press 
in  the  sixteenth  centnry  which  conduced  to 
spread  intelligence  of  the  New  World  on  the 
land  and  incite  rivalry  on  the  ocean.  The  fol- 
lowing list  will  show  this:  — 

1509.  When  Alcx.inder  Barclay  put  Sebas- 
tian Hraut's  S/ii/i  of  Fools  into  luiglish  verse 
and  published  it  in  folio  in  London,  he  disclosed 
one  of  the  earliest  references  to  the  .Spanish  dis- 
coveries which  the  English  people  could  have 
read.  This  book  is  very  rare ;  a  copy  brought 
/i'120  at  the  Perkins  sale  in  London  in  1873, 
—  Carter-Brmvn  Catalogue,  \>.  245.  This  edition 
has  of  late  been  reprinted  in  England,  edited  by 
Jamieson. 

1511.  (.')  A  book  Of  the  nnve  Ldties,  printed 
.ibout  this  time  at  Antwerp,  but  in  English,  is 
thought  to  have  been  the  earliest  original  trea- 
tise in  the  English  tongue  which  makes  any 
niemion  of  America.  The  New  World  is  sup- 
posed to  be  meant  by  "»'V'-menica."  Ilarrisse, 
however,  assigns  1522  as  iis  date,  —  Bibl.  Amer. 
Vd.  p.  196.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  British 
Museum. 

1519,  though  put  by  some  as  early  as  1510. 
A  tie-M  Interlude  of  the  iiij.  Elements.  This  has 
been  already  described  in  Mr.  Oeane's  chapter. 


1517.  Wynkyn  de  Wordc  printed  Watson'-s 
English  prose  translation  of  Brant's  .S7;;/  of 
Fools. 

A  half  century  and  more  slipped  away  with- 
out the  English  press  taking  heed,  except  in 
such  chance  notices  as  these,  of  what  was  -o 
closely  engaging  the  attention  of  the  rest  i>f 
Europe.     But  in 

1553  appeared  the  earliest  book  produced  in 
England  chiefly  devoted  to  the  American  discov- 
eries, aiul  this  was  Richard  Eden's  Treatyse  of  the 
neioe  Indiay  which  he  had  translated  from  the  Lat- 
in of  the  fifth  book  of  Sebastian  Munster's  Cosmo- 
f^mphia,  pp.  1099  to  1 1 C3.  See  Cartti-Broaon  Cat. 
p.  171,  and  further  in  the  chapter  on  the  Cabots. 

Munster  was  one  of  the  most  popular  cosmog- 
raphers  of  his  day.  He  had  begun  his  work  in 
1 532  by  supplying  a  map  by  Apianus  to  Gyrnxus's 
A'ovus  Orbis  of  that  date,  which  was  not  very  cred- 
itable, being  much  behind  the  times  ;  and  he  made 
amends  by  trying  to  give  the  latest  information 
in  an  issue  of  Ptolemy,  which  he  edited  in  1540, 
to  which  he  supplied  a  woodcut  map  that  did  ser- 
vice in  a  variety  of  publications  for  nearly  all  the 
rest  of  the  century.  It  was  one  of  the  earliest 
maps,  in  which  interstices  were  left  in  the  block 
for  the  insertion  of  type  for  the  names,  and  in 
this  way  it  was  made  to  accompany  both  German 
and  Latin  texts.  It  was  also  used  in  Sylvanus's 
Ptolemy,  the  names  being  in  red.  Kohl,  Disc,  of 
Maine,  p.  296;  /ianani  Coll.  Lib.  Bull.  i.  270. 


1  Verrazano  the  Explorer,  1881,  p.  57.     Hakluyt,  iii.  737.    Endicott,  in  1661,  called  New  England  "This 
Fatmos ;  "  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  America  and  the  West  Indies,  London,  1880,  p.  9. 
^   True  Travels,  p.  58. 
s  [It  however  still  kept  its  place  on  the  maps  of  De  Laet,  1633,  1G40,  etc.  —  Ed.1 


I 


i^iiv: 


200 


NAKKAIIVi:   AND   CKITKAL   HlbTOKY   OF    A.MKKICA. 


Hi 


'    il".!!] 


;i 


i'il  J ! 


"I 


f     ", 


Minister's  (',<smoi;riif'kiii.  In  which  he  trans- 
ferred this  niap,  was  first  published  in  (iermjn, 
aiiurding  to  llarrisse,  HiN.  Amrr.  I'tl.,  no.  l^, 
qiiutin);  the  l.iibitiwf  Ciitiilot;ut,  In  1 541,  and 
a^ain  in  1544,  with  a  new  map.  After  this  there 
were  two  Cjerman  (1545  anil  15SO)  and  one  I^lin 
(1550)  edition,  each  published  at  liaxlc,  and  a 
Krench  edition  0  5S-)>  all  of  which  are  generally 
noted,  iK'sides  Kden's  version  of  155J  (owned  l»y 
Mr.  Urevoorl);  cf.  Curttr-Hrvun  Calaliigiu,\^^ 


C^  treatpft  of 

tl^enettie  ^ndia^vonxXioiY^imv^ 

founoe  lanDejSanDlflAnDcs.aftsril 

caatDatDe  a0  tDcOtoarDr.  as  tbep 

are  dnoluen  anO  founO  in  \Wt  our  r 

liare0,aftrr  ttieDcrcripcionof  !^t» 

baitiaii  di^unfler  in  b^^  bokr  of  bni- 

urrrall  Codnograp^tr-.tDtyrrinttye 

Diligenr  rraHcr  map  Trr  ri}r  aooD 

CuccelTeanD  retsmror  of  noble 

anD  Ijnnefte  enterp^pfrs, 

Ip  tpdic*  are  obupnrO, 

but  alfo  «9o9  It  ftlo* 

nficD,9ttrr£bxt« 

ttian  faptbmt 

largrD. 

QTranflatcD  out  of  ITatCn  into  tfnglifl^.  ]er 

]Ilpc(;arDrifDm. 


TITLE   OF   EDEN  S   MUX.STER.' 

p.  27,  and  an  earlier  one  ( 1 543),  cited  in  Poggen- 
dorff's  Bii>^'.-/if.  lf<ind-i<drterhii(h,  ii.  234,  which 
is  not  so  generally  recognized,  if  indeed  it  ex- 
ists at  all.  The  statement  is,  however,  enough  to 
indicate  that  Eder  thus  made  a  popular  Ixiok 
the  medium  o'  .ii.s  lirst  presentation  to  the  Eng- 
lish public. 


1S5S.  Richard  Kden,  who  to  his  iMiok-learrv 
ing  addcil  the  results  of  converse  with  sailorii, 
■text  published  his  IhcaJts  0/  Ihf  Xrnv  WorUt, 
or  IVtti  IhJm,  derive<l  in  large  part,  as  shown 
in  Mr.  Deane's  chapter,  from  the  Latin  of  I'eter 
.Man>T.     This  made  to  the   English  public  the 
(irst  really  collective  presentation  of  the  resultii 
tA  the  maritime  enterprise  of  that  time.      (II. 
.Stevens,  A/iV.  Hut.  1S70,  no.  bjfi  ;  Field,  Imltnit 
SMux-  no.  4*4;  t'tirUr-Hrmvn  Ciil<ili\i;iif,  p.  i.S4, 
with   fac-siinilc   of    title.)     Among   the 
supplemental  matters  was  a  "l)escrii>- 
lion   of   the   two   Viages   made   out   of 
England  into  (iuinca,"  in  I  SS3~54>  which 
were  the  earliest   English  voyages  ever 
printed.     This  1555  edition,  which  fifty 
years  ago  was  worth  in  good  copies  six 
guinea.s  (Rich's  I'li.'ii/ixi'i;  1S3;,  no.  30), 
wilt  now  bring  alxiut  £2^.     The  Editor 
has  used  the  Harvard  College  and  .Mr. 
Charles  Deanc's  copies.    There  was  sold 
in  the  itrinley  sale,  no.  40,  the  1533  edi- 
tion of  I'eter  .Martyr,  which  was  the  copy 
used  by  Eden  in  making  this  translation, 
and  it  is  enriched  with  his  little  mar- 
ginal  maps  and   annotations.     See  .Sa- 
bin's  Diitiouary,  i.  201,  where  it  is  said 
Bellero's  map, measuring  5  x  6I.3  inches, 
is  found  in  some  copies.      The  Lenox 
copy  has  a  larger  map,  iclj  x  7  inches, 
with  a  similar  title. 

X599.  "  K  perticular  Description  of 
suche  partes  of  .Vmerica  as  are  by  trav- 
aile  foundc  out,"  made  the  last  chapter 
of  a  heavy  folio.  The  Cosmoi^rafhutilU 
Glaise,  which  appeared  in  London,  the 
work  of  a  young  man,  William  Cunning- 
ham, twenty-eight  years  old,  a  doctor  in 
physics  and  astronomy.  See  Carter 
Brawn  Catalogue,  p.  214,  where  a  fac- 
simile of  the  author's  portrait  as  it 
apjiearcd  in  the  book  is  given. 

1563.  The  whole  and  true  diseouerie 
of  Terra  Florida,  a>  set  forth  in  English, 
following  Ribault's  narrative,  w.is  pul)- 
lishcd  in  London  on  the  30th  of  May. 
The  txiok  is  so  scarce  that  the  Lenox 
and  Carter-Urown  Libraries  have  been 
content  with  manuscript  copies  from  the 
volume  in  the  Itritish  Museum.  This 
may  possibly  indicate  that  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  edition  followed  upon  much  reading 
and  thumbing. 

156B.  The  Xr.o  found  U'orlde,  or  Antare- 
tite  .  .  .  trarailed  and  written  in  the  French  tong 
by  that  excellent  learned  man.  Master  Andrnve 
Thcet,  and  no70  tinvty  translated  into  English. 
Imprinted  at  London  for   Thomas  Hacket.     This 


'  The  cut  is  taken  from  the  Carlcr-Brmrn  CataUgiu.     The  Cotophon  reads :  "(EThus  endeth  this  fyfth 
boke  of  Sebastian  Munster,  of  the  lades  of  .\iia  the  greate.-,  and  of  the  newefounde  landes,  and  llandes.     1553." 


NORL'MBEOA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    KXTLORERS. 


201 


1«   a  traniUiion    of  Thevcl'i    well-known   hut  of  Sehastuin  Mumttr.     See  Carttr'Brtnvn  Cala- 

iintru»lworthy  book.  See    Carltr-BrnwH    Ciitit-  li'f;uf,  p.  171. 

tt/^f,  p.  241;   there  Is   also   a  copy  in   II.  C  1574.  V-Aen'tt  firit/e  <'(V/c<-//<'«  was  re-imuecL 

Mtirphy'a  tollectioB.  There  wax  a  copy  in  the  Me)>cr  stale,  and  one 


o 
■>*■ 
to 


u.  m^W\ 


1 


■ft  h  '^ 

C  "  IS   s 


il 


-•2=3-3 
-^  ^  -'^  li 


Id, 


»    c 


.^  <       U4  U  H  U  X 


:ription  of 

re  by  trav- 

st  chapter 

rafhtiiilte 

on,  the 

unning- 

cloctor  in 

Curler- 

a  fac- 

rait   as   it 

Msanierii 
I'.nglish, 
was  piib- 
iif  May. 
he  Lenox 
lave  l>een 
,  from  the 
jm.  This 
dcstnic- 
:h  reading 


10 


y, 

z 


Autiirc- 

rnicli  long 

Aiiiimff 

English- 

kcl.     This 

h  this  (yf th 
I553-" 


1570.  Another  English  edition  of  Barclay's 
\tr<ion  of  the  Ship  o/Fivls.  The  Carter- Brmcn 
I'liiilogue,  p.  143,  gives  the  title  and  portrait  of 
I  rant  ta  fac-simile. 

157Z    Eden's    version    of    Munster    again 

:.i'pearcd   under  the  title  of  A  hritfe  Collection 

O'tJ  Ccmfendipus  Rxtract  of  Straunge  anj  Merit- 

cr,tt;e  Thingei,  gathered  out  of  the  Cosmografheye 

VOL.    III.  —  26. 


is   now  in  the   British   Museum,  according  to 
Sabin. 

1576.  In  April  appeared  Sir  Humphrey 
Gilbert's  Discourse  of  a  Disccn-crie  for  a  iie-u) 
passage  to  Cataia,  a  Gothic-letter  tract  of  great 
rarity  in  these  days.  It  is  credited  with  giving  a 
new  impulse  to  English  explora  ions ;  and  had 
exerted    some   influence    in  m'jiuscript  copies 


202 


NARRATIVK   AND  CRITICAL   IIISTOKY   OF  AMKRICA. 


f/- 


:l^ 


I '  /« 


v\ 


StuItiferaNauis, 

quaomnium  moruliumnarraturftulritia^dmo* 

ducnvtUis&necenariaab omnibus  adfuam  falutem  periegen(la» 

i  Latiiiolicnnone  in  nofttum  vulgurm  vcifj^&'iam  diJi^enter 

impreira.   An.  Do.  1570. 


ThcShipof  Fooles,wlierin  is  (hewed  the  folly 

t)etFp;ofitabUanDfnittfunfo?aatncn. 

Ctmiflatfd  out  of  fi^ittn  into  CitsUOie  fc^  Alexander 


I     1 ;  i; 


NORl'MHEGA   AND   ITS   ENGLISH    EXrLORi:RS. 


JO3 


Mott  being  printed.     S«e  Ciirtfr-llr^m  Cala- 
!>V"<  V-  ■'S"!  tirmlty  CatM.'fm.  no.  Jl,  lleJwf'« 

c(<i>v,   whiLh  bruiighi   ^^$5.     Ii  i«  aUo  in  Ihc 

l.tnos    Library;    and   ihi* 

anil  lh«  Cartcr-ltrown  copy 

have  the  rare  map  whii  h  in 

Ihc  Catalogue  o(  the  Uiler 

collection  it  given  slightly 

rcduicil,  and  it  i*  in  part 

r<'|>riKliai-(l  herewith.    >>c« 

\i'\  Ikiiiinc'*  Engliih  Seit- 

nun,  ch«.  5  and  7.     Gilbert 

i:i  thin  had  undertaken  to 

prove,  both  frmn  reasoning 

and  report,  that  there  mas 

.1   northwest   passage,   and 

that   .\merica  was  an   island,  and  he  recounts 

traditions  o(  its  tieing  sailed  through.    Sec  Mr. 

I'tanc's  chapt-  r  on  "The  Cabou.** 


«i<^>Hiir.'/r<x>'i»r/,  the  .inthor  having  accompanieil 
Krobishrr  on  his  voy;in«'  in  1 577.  It»  rarity— 
(or  besides  the   Cirenvillc  copy  In   the    llritish 


/J  Anociuni 


OF  SIR  iHMniRRv  r.ii.nFRT. 


Museum,  that  in  the  (\irttr-/>rm'ii  CUafot^f,  p. 
J60,  where  its  title  is  given  in  fac<iinile,  is  the 
only  one  we  have  ooled— may  signify  the  eager- 


CO/? 


^5Cr 


PAirr  or  gilbert's  map,  1576. 

1577.  Settle  published  in  Londcm  hU  True    ncss  there  was  to  read  it,  with  a  consequent  use 
Reporte  vf  the  laii't    Voyage  into  iMe  teta  and    great  enough  to  destroy  the  edition,  though  there 


1 

; 


!      .  i 


f'^U 


11 


)1 


204 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


are  said  to  have  Ijeen  two  issues  the  same  year. 
A  fac-simile  reprint  (fifty  copifs)  has  been  pri- 
vately mude  from  the  Carter-Brown  copy;  and  it 
is  also  reprinted  in  Brydges's  Jiestituta,  1814, 
vol.  ii.  .Sec  A''.  K.  Ifist.  and  Geneal.  Keg.,  1869, 
p.  363,  —  anotice  by  John  Russell  Bartlett. 

1577.  Richard  Willes  brought  out  in  Lon- 
don, with  some  augmentation,  an  edition  of 
Eden's  Peter  Martyr,  under  the  new  title  of  The 
History  of  Trauvayle,  a  stout  volume,  which  in 
the  known  copies  has  stood  wear  better. 
Willes's  preface  tells  the  story  of  Eden's  labors, 
and  adds,  "  Many  of  his  Englysche  woordes 
cannot  be  excused  in  my  opinion  for  smellyng 
to  much  of  the  Latine." 

It  would  seem  that  the  arrangement  was  still 
mostly  the  labor  of  Eden,  who  did  not  die  till 
1576.  Willes,  however,  suppressed  Eden's 
preface  of  i 555. 

This  edition  has  likewise  much  appreciated 
in  value.  Rich,  in  his  1832  Catalogue,  no.  57, 
priced  a  fine  copy  at  >f 4  41. ;  now  one  is  worth 
£20  or  more.    There 


are  copies  in  Harvard 
College,  Carter-Brown 


ALcy  u-t4-h^ 


nxum,  Lenox  Library,  etc.  See  Carter-Brm/H 
Catalogue,  p.  275,  for  fac-siniilc  of  title;  Sabiu's 
Dictionary,  vii.  311  ;  \V.  C.  Hazlitt's  Bibttog. 
Coll.  and  notes,  2(1  ser.  p.  265. 

1580.  A  new  edition  of  Erampton's  "Joyfuli 
Nnves.  This  edition  is  worth  about  £,\.  There 
is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Rich, 
Catalos^ue,  1832,  no.  64. 

1580.  John  Florio  published  a  retranslation 
into  English  from  Ramusio's  Italian  version  of 
Cartier's  Voyage  to  Neiv  Frame  (1534),  which 
had  ap|)carcd  originally  in  French,  but  was  not 
now  apparently  accessible  to  Florio.  Carter- 
Brown  Catalogue,  no.  331. 

1581.  T.  Nicholas  published  an  English 
translation,  now  very  rare,  of  Zarate's  account 
of  tlie  Conquest  of  Pero. 

1.582.  Hakluyt  began  his  active  participa- 
tion in  furthering  English  maritime  exploration 
by  his  first  publication,  the  little  Divers  Voyages, 
dedicating  it  to  Sir  Philip  Sidney  ;  and  in  this  he 
says:  "I  marvaile  not  a  little  .  .  .  that  we   of 


Pr^v^H,       ay/f-tyw    ft^     C^^tu^/C     ourr o-Kxm. »» 


A^ 


tjSi 


(no.  312),  Charles 
Deanc's  and  Boston 
Athenxum  Libraries. 
See  also  Briiiley  Cata- 
logue, no.  41  ;  Sunder- 
land Catalogue,  no.  4180;  Field,  fnd.  Bibl.,  no. 
485;  lluth  Catalogue,  \i.  922. 

1577.  John  Frampton  translated  and  pub- 
lished, under  the  title  of  Joyfull  Nerves  out  of 
the  A'e^v  founde  Worlde,  a  book  of  the  Seville 
Physician,  Nicholas  de  Monardes.  See  Brinley 
Catalogue,  no.  46;  Stevens's  Nuggets,  1924;  Car- 
ter-BroTvn  Catalogue,  no.  313. 

1578.  Thomas  Churchyard's  Prayse  and 
Report  of  Maister  Martyne  Forboisher's  Voyage  to 
Meta  Incognita,  London.  Bohn's  Lowndes,  p. 
450,  reports  a  copy  in  the  British  Museum. 

1578.  George  Best  published  his    True  Dis- 
course of  the    late   voyage  of  discmerie  for  the 
finding  of  a  passage  to  Cathay  a  by  the  North-weast , 
under  the  Conduct  of  Martin  Frobisher,  generall. 
This  is  also  very  rare.    See  Carter-Br<nun  Cata- 
logue, no.  319,  which  shows  the  two  rare  maps,  a 
portion  of  one  of  which  is  given  in  fac-simile  in 
ch.  iii.  from  that  in  Collinson's  Martin  Frobisher. 
1578.  Thomas  Nicholas  printed,   under  his 
initials  only,  an    Plnglish   version    of  Gomara's 
account   of    Cortes'  conquest    of   New    Spain, 
called  The  Pleasant  llistorie  of  the  Conquest  of  the 
Weast    Indies.     Fine  copies    arc  worth  about 
1^10     There   are  copies   in   the    Boston  Athe- 


"^^laay/i    j-idLiuyf ^ 


X,  <9a.  r^^. 


England  could  never  have  the  grace  to  set  fast 
footing  in  such  fertill  and  temperate  places  as 
are  left  as  yet  unpossessed."  Again  he  says; 
"  In  my  pu.blic  lectures  I  was  the  first  that  pro- 
duced and  showed  both  the  olde  imperfectly 
composed  and  the  new  lately  reformed  mappe?, 
globes,  and  spheares,  to  the  generall  contentment 
of  my  auditory."  See  further  in  Mr.  Deane's 
chapter  on  "  The  Caliots."  Cf.  W.  C.  Hazlitt's 
Bibliog.  Coll.  and  notes,  1st  ser.  p.  lOI. 

There  is,  unfortunately,  no  sufficiently  ex- 
tended account  of  Hakluyt,  and  the  most  we 
know  of  him  must  be  derived  from  his  own  pub- 
lications. The  brief  account  in  Anthony  Wood's 
Athenir  Oxonienses  is  the  source  of  most  of  the 
notices.  Mr.  J.  Payne  Collier  has  added  some- 
thing in  a  paper  on  "  Richard  Hakluj't  and 
American  Discovery"  in  the  Archaologia,  xxxiii. 
383 ;  and  Mr.  Winter  Jones  in  his  Introduction 
to  the  reprint  of  the  Divers  Voyages  has  told 
about  all  that  can  be  gleaned,  and  in  his  Ap- 
pendix he  gives  some  papers  before  unprinted, 
including  Hakluyt's  will.  The  subject  has  had 
later  treatment,  with  the  advantage  of  some  roi 
cent  information,  in  the  Introduction  to  the  Wet 
terne  Plantitig,  by  Dr.  Woods  and  Mr.  Deane. 


and 

xxxiii. 

uction 

told 

Ap- 

rinted, 

>  had 

le  ro 

ine. 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXPLORERS. 


205 


Willi  the  exception  of  the  criticism  of  John 
Locke,  —  if  he  l)e  the  editor  of  C'hurchill's  Co/- 
Uitioii,  —  who  wished  Ilakluyt  had  condensed 
more,  and  of  Hiddle,  who  ai-.:uses  him  of  per- 
versions in  his  account  of  '.he  Cabots  (see  Mr. 
Deane's  chapter),  the  general  opinion  of 
Ilakluyt's  labor  has  been  very  high.  Locke's 
explanatory  catalogue  of  voyages,  which  ap- 
peared in  Churchill,  is  reprinted  in  Clarke's 
Maritime  Discin'try.  (JIdys  in  the  British  /.i- 
hrarian,  p.  136,  analyzes  Ilakluyt's  books,  and 
there  is  a  list  of  them  in  Sabin's  Dictionary  7i.\v\ 
in  the  Cartfr-lirawn  Catalogue,  (x  44cS.  An 
account  of  the  set  in  the  Lenox  Library  is 
I)rinted  in  Norton's  Literary  Gazelle,  i.  384. 

Of  the  Divers  loya^vs,  perfect  copies  are 
excessively  rare,  and  the  two  maps  are  almost 
always  wanting.  The  two  British  Museum 
copies  have  them,  but  the  Hodleian  has  only  the 
\A)k  map,  and  the  same  is  true  of  the  Carter- 
Brown  copy  (Cataloi^iie,  p.  290).  The  other 
copies  in  America  belong  to  Harvard  College 
(imperfect),  Charles  Deane,  and  Henry  C.  Mur- 
phy. Of  the  maps,  that  by  Lok  is  given  in 
reduced  fac-siniile  in  the  Carter-lirmvu  Cata- 
logue (as  also  in  chapter  i.  of  the  present  vol- 
ume), and  both  are  given  full  size  in  the  reprint 
of  the  Hakluyt  Society. 

1583.  Captain  J.  Carleill's  little  Discourse 
tifton  the  enteiidcd  V'oyaj^e  to  the  hethermoste  Partes 
of  America,  a  tract  of  a  few  leaves  only,  in 
Gotiiic  letter,  was  probably  printed  about  this 
time  with  the  aim  to  induce  emigration  and  the 
fixing  of  commercial  advantages.  Hakluyt 
thought  it  of  enough  importance  to  include  it  in 
his  third  volume  seventeen  years  later.  Carter- 
Bnnvn  Catalof^ue,  p.  292. 

1583.  Sir  George  Peckham's  TVue  Report  of 
the  late  Discoveries,  etc.  See  further  on  this 
tract  on  a  preceding  page. 

1583.  M.  M.  S.  published  at  London  a  small 
tract  giving  a  translation  of  Las  Casas'  story 
of  the  Spanish  deeds  in  the  New  World,  Car- 
ter-Brown Catalogue,  p.  293. 

1588.  What  is  called  the  .second  original 
work  published  in  England  on  the  New  World 
is  Harlot's  Ne^v  Foundland  of  Virginia,  a  small 
(juarto  of  twenty-three  leaves,  imprinted  at  Lon- 
ilon.  Heber  had  a  copy ;  and  Brunet,  the  first  to 
iescribe  it,  took  the  title  from  Hcber's  Catalogue. 
Vhere  are  copies  in  the  Lenox,  Huth  (Catalogue, 
•\.  652),  Grenville  (British  Museum)  and  the 
Bodleian  libraries.  Sabin,Z>/rf/i>«ar)-,viii.  30377, 
who  says  this,  adds  that  there  was  a  copy  sold 
surprisingly  low  at  Dublin  in  1873,  escaping  the 
attention  of  collectors.  It  was  reprinted  at 
Frankfort  in  1590.     See  chapter  iv. 

1588.  Appeared  an  English  version  of  the 
I^atin  account  of  Drake's  voyage. 

1589.  Hakluyt  gave  out  the  first  edition  of 
his  Principall  Navigations.    Copies  are  at  pres- 


ent worth  from  f,t^  to  f,\o,  according  to  con- 
dition ;  and  we  have  noted  the  following  :  Har- 
vard College,  Brinley  (no.  33),  Carter-Brown 
(no.  3H4),  (Charles  Deane,  Long  Island  His- 
torical Society,  Field  (/«</.  Bihliog.  no.  631), 
Crowninshield  (Catalogue,  no.  487),  etc.  The 
catalogues  usually  note  the  six  sui)|)ressed  leaves 
of  Drake's  voyage  when  present. 

Hakluyt,  .it  the  end  of  his  preface,  speaks  of 
"  The  comming  out  of  a  very  large  and  most 
exact  terestriall  Globe,  collected  and  reformed 
according  to  the  newest,  secretest,  and  latest  dis- 
coveries, .  .  .  composed  by  Mr.  Kmmerie  Mollin- 
eaux,  of  Lambeth,  a  rare  gentleman  in  his 
profession." 

In  place  of  this  Molineaux  map,  there  some- 
times appears,  at  p.  597,  what  Ilakluyt  calls 
"One  of  the  best  general  mappes  of  the  world," 
which  is  a  recut  plate  of  one  in  Ortelius's  Atlas; 
and  in  other  copies  instead  we  find  another 
edition  of  the  same,  which  is  also  found  in  the 
English  translation  of  Linschoten.  Sabin  says 
he  has  sometimes  found  a  woodcut  of  Gilbert's 
map  substituted.  The  Ortelius  map  is  repro- 
duced in  chapter  i.  of  the  present  volume. 

1591.  Job  Hortop's  Rare  Travales  of  an 
Englishman,  published  in  I»ndon.  Bohn's 
Lmvndes,  p.  11 24.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Brit- 
ish Museum.  Horto|>  was  one  of  Ingram's  com- 
panions, and  after  being  captured  and  confined 
in  Mexico,  reached  England  after  very  many 
years'  absence. 

1595.  John  Davis  published  his  IVorlde's 
I/ydrographical Descriptions,\\h\c\\  in  parts  reite- 
rates the  views  of  Gilbert's  Discourse.  The  only 
copies  known  are  in  the  Grenville  Library  (Brit- 
ish Museum)  and  Lenox  Library,  New  York. 
It  is  reprinted  in  the  Ilakluyt  Society's  edition 
of  Dai'is's  Voyages,  p.  191,  and  in  the  18 1 2 
edition  of  Ilakluyt's  Principall  Navigations. 

1596.  A  third  edition  of  Frampton's  Joyfull 
N'exves.  A  fine  copy  is  worth  about  three  guineas. 
See  Carter-Bro7vn  Catalogue  no.  497. 

1596.  Second  edition  of  Nicholas's  trans- 
lation of  Gomara.  Brinley  Catalogue,  nos.  32 
and  5309;  Sabin,  Dictionary,  27752;  Field,  tnd. 
Bibl.  no.  61 1  ;  Carler-Bnnvn  Catalogue,  no.  499. 

1598  Wolfe,  of  London,  published  an  Eng- 
lish translation,  by  William  Philip,  of  Lins- 
chotcn's  Discours  of  Voyages  into  v*  Easte  and 
West  Indies,  in  foure  Bookes,  with  a  dedication 
to  Sir  Julius  Cassar, 
Judge  of  the  High 
Court  of  Admiralty. 
The  preface  adds : 
"  Which  Booke  \yt- 
ing  commended  by  1 
Maister  Richard 
Hackluyt,  a  man  that  laboureth  greatly  to  ad- 
vance our  English  Name  and  Nativity,  the 
Printer  thought    good    to  cause  the  same   to 


''5? 


2o6 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


bee  translated  into  the  Knglish  Tongiif."  The 
original  became  a  very  popular  book  on  the 
Continent.  The  maps  of  American  interest  are 
those  of  the  World,  of  the  Antilles,  and  of  South 
America.  The  description  of  America  begins 
on  p.  216.  Cfrter-Krmun  Catalogue,  i.  no.  527; 
Crmvninshietd  Catalogue,  no.  625;  Rich  (1832), 
no.  84,  prices  a  copy  at  ;^8  8j. 

These  are  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  publications 
brought  out  in  English  and  relating  to  America 
prior  to  the  enlarged  edition  of  Hakluyt's  Col- 
lection, which  was  dedicated  to  Sir  Robert  Cecil, 


and  such  as  they  are,  it  will  be  seen  that  of  the 
thirty-four  separate  issues  enumerated  above 
only  fourteen 
are  of  Eng- 
lish origin, 
and  of  the 
whole  num- 
ber only 
twelve  be- 
long to  the 
first  three  quarters  of  the  century. 

During  this  same  century  the  literature  oi 


"l  ! 


''I. 


l'\ 


I  ■-^^V'^^;::^^>gy^3^^^^>:^*^^^,.Q^^ 


•u 


Ir    i, 


and  of  which  the   third  volume,  bearing  date  navigation  took   its   origin.      The    Continental 

1600,  was  devoted  to  America.    Compared  with  nations  had  already  precedeil.     It  was  not  till 

the  publications  of  the  Continent  for  the  same  1528  that  the  first  sea-manual  appeared  in  Eng- 

century,  they  are  strikingly  fewer  in  number  j  land,  and  no  copy  of  it  is  now  known.    This 


NORUMBEGA   AND   ITS   ENGLISH   EXPLORERS. 


207 


was  a  translation  of  the  French  Le  Roiitier  tie  la 
Mfr,  the  antetype  of  the  later  rutters.  The 
English  edition  was  called  T/ie  Kutkr  of  the  Sea, 
and  other  editions  appeared  in  1536,  1541,  and 
1 560  ( ? ) ;  the  second  o£  these  adding,  "  A 
flitter  of  the  northe,  compyled  by  Rychard 
I'roude."  None  of  these,  however,  recognized 
the  American  discoveries. 

In  1 561,  Eden,  at  the  suggestion  of  the  Arctic 
navigator,  Stephen  Burrough  (b.  1525,  d.  1586), 
agp.in  tried  to  give  some  impulse  to  English  in- 
terest by  his  translation  of  Martin  Cortes'  Art 
of  Mnigatioii,  which  had  appeared  at  Seville 
ten  years  before.  (Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  p. 
151.)  Cortes  \v.is  the  first  to  suggest  a  m.ignetic 
pole.  Frobisher,  when  he  made  his  first  voy- 
age, fifteen  years  later  (1576),  perhaps  because 
Eden's  translation  was  out  of  print,  took  with 
him  a  Spanish  edition  of  Medina's  Arte  de 
.Vavegar,  —  a  work  which  preceded  Cortes',  but 
never  became  so  popular  in  England. 

In  1565  came  a  fifth  edition  of  the  Ruttcr  of 
the  Sea,  and  in  1573  William  Bourne  first  issued 
his  Kegimeitt  of  the  Sea,  which  long  remained 
the  chief  English  book  on  navigation.' 

Eden  put  forth,  at  what  precise  date  is  not 
known,  but  not  later  than  1576,  A  very  necessarie 
(lint  profitable  hook  concerning  Navigation,  corn- 
filed  in  Latin  by  Joannes  Taisnierus,  in  which 
the  translator  intimates  that  Cabot  knew  more 
of  the  ways  of  discovering  longitude  than  he 
had  disclosed.  See  Carter-Brown  Catalogue, 
p.  21  -.  Davis's  Voyages  (Hakluyt  Society)  gives 
the  date  1579. 

Such  books,  as  the  interest  in  America  be- 
came more  general,  increased  rapidly,  and  I  note 
them  in  chronological  order. 

1577.  Second  edition,  fiegiments  of  the  Sea. 

1S70.  Edward  Hellowes  published  in  Lon- 
don, in  a  small  tract,  a  translation,  A  booke  of 
the  Invention  of  Navigation  of  Antonio  de  Gae- 
vara.  Bishop  of  Mondonedo,  originally  printed 
at  Valladolid  in  1539. 

1578.  Second  edition,  Eden's  Cortes. 
1580.  Sixth  edition  of  The  Ritttcr  of  the  Sea. 

1580.  Third  edition,  Eden's  Cortes. 

1581.  The  Arte  of  Navigation.  By  Pedro  de 
Medina.  Translated  out  of  the  Spanish  by  John 
Frampton.  Medina's  Arte  de  Navegar  originally 
appeared  at  Valladolid  in  1545. 

1584.  Fourth  edition,  Eden's  Cortes.  See 
Brinlcy  Catalogue,  no.  19,  for  a  copy  which  has  a 
folding  woodcut  map  of  the  New  World,  which 
is  usually  wanting  in  later  editions. 

1585.  Robert  Norman,  hydrographer,  pub- 
lished his  Newe  Attractive,  with  rules  for  the 
art  of  navigation  annexed. 


1587.  Robert  Tanner's  Mirror  for  Mathe- 
matiqnes,  .  .  .  a  sure  safety  for  Saylers,  etc. 

1587.  Seventh  edition  of  The  Ruttcr  of  the 
Sea. 

1588.  The  first  marine  atlas  ever  made  ap- 
peared at  Leyden  in  1 583-S4,  and  this  year  in 
London  as  The  Mariner's  Mirrour,  .  ,  .  Jirst 
made  by  Luke  IVagcnaer,  of  Enchuisen,  and 
no:u  fitted  with  necessarie  additions  by  Anthony 
Ashley. 

1588    Fifth  edition,  Eden's  Cortes. 

1589.  Thomas  Blundeville's  Brief  Descrip- 
tion of  Universal  Mappes  and  Cardcs,  and  of  their 
Use,  and  also  the  Use  of  Plolcnty  his  tables. 

1589.  A  sixth  edition  of  Eden's  version  of 
Martin  Cortes'  Arte  of  Navigation  appeared. 
Good  copies  of  this  small  black-letter  (juarto 
are  worth  about  «even  guineas.  It  is  known  that 
Hakluyt  about  this  time  was  endeavoring  with 
the  aid  of  Drake  to  fo..  -1  in  London  a  public 
lecture  for  the  purpose  of  advancing  the  art  of 
navigation. 

1590.  Robert  Norman  translated  from  the 
Dutch  The  Safeguard  of  Saylers,  or  Great  Ruttcr. 
Edward  Wright  corrected  and  enlarged  this  in 
1612.  Norman  was  the  inventor  of  the  dipping- 
needle,  in  1576. 

1590.  Thomas  Hood's  Use  of  the  Jacob's 
Staffe ;  also  a  dialogue  touching  the  use  of  the 
Crosse  Staffe.  These  were  instruments  for  the 
taking  of  latitude.  The  .astrolabe,  an  instrument 
of  remote  antiquity,  had  been  adapted  to  sea-use 
by  Martin  Bchaini;  but  it  was  soon  found  that 
ii  did  not  adapt  itself  to  the  automatic  move- 
ment of  the  observer's  body  ii.  a  rolling  sea,  and 
in  1 514  the  cross-st.aff  was  invented,  or  at  least 
was  first  described. 

1592.  A  third  edition  of  Bourne's  Regiment 
of  the  Sea,  corrected  by  Thomas  Hood. 

1592.  Thomas  Hood's  Use  of  both  the  Globes, 
celestiall  and  terrcstrialt,  written  to  accompany 
the  Molineaux  globes. 

1592.  Thomas  Hood's  .Marrincr's  Guide. 

1594.  John  Davis  published  his  Seaman's 
Secrets,  wherei)i  is  taught  the  three  kindes  of 
Sayling,  —  Ilorizontatl,  Taradoxall,  and  Sayling 
upon  a  great  Circle.  He  held  up  the  example 
of  the  Spaniards:  "For  what  hath  made  the 
Spaniard  to  be  so  great  a  Monarch,  the  Com- 
mander of  both  Indies,  to  abound  in  wealth  and 
all  Nature's  benefites,  but  only  the  j)ainefull  In- 
dustrie of  his  Subjects  by  Navigation."  No  copy 
of  this  first  edition  is  known.  The  second  edi- 
tion, 1607,  is  in  the  British  Museum,  and  from 
this  copy  the  tract  is  reprinted  in  Davis's  P'oy 
ages  (Hakluyt  Society  ed.). 

1594.  M.  Blundevile,  his  Exercises,  with  in- 


\K 


'  Bourne  (d.  1582)  first  issued  almanacs  with  Rules  of  Navigation  in  1567.  In  157S  he  printed  an  account 
(if  sea  devices,  making  in  It  th;  earliest  mention  of  Humphrey  Cole's  invention  of  t'le  log.  Cruden's  History 
»/  Gravesend,  1843. 


208 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I 


I-' 


I:  " 


U! 


I 


>  '■ih 


f'i  'fi  m 


struction  in  the  art  of  navigation.  Tliis  proved 
a  popular  instruction  book. 

1594.  Robert  Hues  printed  in  London  a 
Latin  treatise  on  the  Molineaux  globes,  Tract- 
atiis  de  Globis,  et  eortim  usu.  This  includes  a 
chapter  by  Thomas  Hariot  on  the  rhumbs,  or 
the  lines  which  so  perplexingly  cover  the  old 
maps. 

1596.  Another  edition  of  Hood's  corrected 
issue  of  Bourne's  Regiment  of  tlie  Sea. 

1596.  Second  edition  of  Norman's  Ne7oe  At- 
tractiTe,  etc. 

1596.  John  Blagrave's  AWessary  and  Pleas- 
aunt  Solace  and  recreation  for  Navigators.  .  .  . 
Whereunto  .  .  .  he  has  anexed  another  inven- 
tion expressing  on  one  face  the  wholt  globe  ter- 
restrial, with  the  two  great  English  voyages 
lately  performed  round  the  world.  This  last  is 
a  map  by  Hondius,  reproduced  in  Drake's 
World  Encompassed  (Hakluyt  .Soc.  ed.). 

1596.  Thomas  Hood's  Use  of  the  mathemati- 
call  Instruments,  the  Crosse  Staffe  differing  from 
that  in  common  use,  and  the  Jacob's  Staffe. 

1596.  Seventh  edition  of  Eden's  version  of 
Cortes. 

1597.  Seconu  edition  of  Blundevile,  his  Ex- 
ercises. 

1597.  William  Barlow's  Navigator's  Supply, 
containing  many  things  of  principal  importance 
belonging  to  nai'igation.     Largely  on  compasses. 

1598.  John  Wolfe  translated  and  printed  A 
treatyse  .  .  .  for  all  seafaringe  men,  by  Mathias 
Si/verts  Lakeman,  alias  Sofridus. 

1599.  Sniion  .Stevin's  De  I/aven-vinding  aj)- 
peared  at  Leyden,  and  Edward  Wright  brought 
it  out  at  once  in  English,  as  The  Haven-Finding 
Art. 

1599.  Edward  Wright  published  his  Certain 
Errr>  r  in  N'a7  \'ation,  detected  and  corrected. 
Wright  was  bom  in  1560,  was  lecturer  on  navi- 
gation for  the  East  India  Company,  was  the 
verifier  and  improver  of  Mercator's  projection, 
and  is  thought  to  have  been  the  author  of  the 
Molineaux  map. 

It  will  be  observed  that  of  this  list  of  thirty- 
'hree  jjublications  for  twenty-five  years  about 
one  half  is  of  foreign  origin. 


B.  Hakluyt's  "Westerne  Planting" 
AND  THE  Maine  Historical  Society.  —  The 
history  of  this  manuscript,  so  far  as  known,  is 
as  follows :  — 

The  family  of  Sir  Peter  Thomson  (who  died 
in  1770)  possessed  it,  from  whom  Lord  Valentia 
secured  it,  and  this  collector  indorsed  upon  it 
"unpublished"  and  "extremely  curious."  It 
subsequently  is  found  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  Henry 
Stevens,  who  put  it  into  a  public  sale  in  London, 
May,  1854;  and  in  the  Catalogue  (lot  474)  it  is 
called  "a most  important  unpublished  manuscript, 


63  pages,  closely  and  neatly  written,  in  the  orig. 
inal  calf  binding."  It  brought  ^'44,  and  passed 
into  the  Collection  of  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps. 
(Stevens's  Hist,  and  Geog.  Notes,  1869,  p.  20.) 
This  gentleman  began  in  1837  to  print  privately 
a  catalogue  of  his  library,  then  kept  at  Middle 
Hill,  Worcestershire,  and  continued  the  printing, 
sheet  by  sheet,  and  under  no.  14097  this  manu- 
script appears  as  "A  Hakluyt  Discourse."  In 
1859  Sir  Thomas  bought  Thirlestane  House, 
Cheltenham,  the  seat  of  Lord  Northwick,  and 
hither  he  removed  his  vast  collections  of  manu- 
scripts and  books,  where  they  now  are,  !n  the 
possession  of  his  heirs,  Sir  Thomas  having  died 
in  1872.  They  are  open  to  inquirers  under  re- 
strictions. See  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg., 
1873,  p.  429. 

The  manuscript  of  the  Westerne  Planting  is 
not  thought  to  be  in  Hakluyt's  hand,  though 
in  a  contemporary  script ;  and  the  writing  of  it 
by  Hakluyt  seems  to  have  been  in  progress  dur- 
ing the  summer  of  1584,  while  its  author  was 
thirty-two  years  old.  There  is  evidence  that  it 
existed  in  four  or  five  copies, —  of  -.vhich  the 
only  one  known  at  this  day  is  the  Phillipps 
copy,  —  one  of  which  was  for  the  queen,  and 
all  were  made  with  the  view  of  recommending 
the  planting  of  Norumbega. 

In  1867  Dr.  Woods  was  commissioned  by  the 
Governor  of  Maine  to  procure  in  Europe  material 
for  the  early  history  of  the  State,  and  the  first 
fruit  was  the  engaging  of  Dr.  Kohl  in  the  work, 
which  subsequently  assumed  shape  in  his  Dis- 
covery of  Maine,  and  the  second  the  procurement 
of  this  Hakluyt  manuscript.  Dr.  Woods  was 
engaged  in  preparing  it  for  the  press,  when  his 
health  declined,  and  the  labor  was  completed  by 
Mr.  Charles  Deane,  the  book  being  published  by 
the  Maine  Historical  Society  in  1877. 

Under  the  auspices  of  this  .Society  some  im- 
portant historical  work  has  been  done.  Dr. 
Kohl's  book  is  the  most  elaborate  summary  yet 
made  of  the  early  explorations  on  our  New  Eng- 
land coast.  The  labors  of  Dr.  Woods  have  been 
the  subject  of  consideration  in  Dr.  E.  A.  Park's 
Life  and  Character  of  Leonard  Woods,  Andover, 
18S0,  52  pp.,  and  in  Dr.  C.  C.  Everett's  notice  in 
Me.  Hist.  Coll.  viii.  481,  and  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc,  xviii.  15.  The  late  George  Folsom  opened 
an  important  field  of  investigation  in  his  Catalogue 
of  Original  Documents  in  the  English  Archives 
relating  to  the  Early  History  of  Maine,  privately 
printed.  New  York,  1858,  which  covers  the  years 
1601-1700,  and  is  said  to  have  been  compiled  for 
him  by  Mr.  H.  G.  Somerby.  See  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.  1859,  p.  262,  and  1869,  p.  481.  Of 
the  labors  of  William  D.  Williamson,  the  prin- 
cipal historian  of  the  .State,  there  is  due  record  in 
the  Historical  Magazine,  xiii.  265,  May,  1868,  and 
in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.  i.  90.     The 


NORUMBEGA   AND    ITS    ENGLISH   EXPLORERS. 


209 


Hon.  William  Willis,  cf  whom  there  ar';  accounts 
in  the  Afaine  Hist.  Coll.  vii.  473,  and  in  the  A''.  E. 
Hist,  and  Gfiu-al.  Jieff.  1873,  p.  i,  was  for  many 
years  the  president  of  the  Society,  and  besides 
furnishing  many  cunununications,  he  issued  a 
bibliography  of  Maine  in  A'orton's  Literary  Let- 
ter, no.  4,  1859,  which  was  much  enlarged  in  the 
Historical  Magazine,  xvii.  145,  March,  1870.  In 
connection  with  this 
subject  the  bibliogra- 
phy in  Giiffin's  His- 
torv  of  the  Press  in 
Maine,  1872,  deserves 
notice.  There  is  in 
the  Hist.  Mag.,  Jan. 
1868,  an  account  of 
the  Maine  Historical 
Society  and  the  histor- 
ical investigations  it 
has  patronized. 

A  list  of  the  char- 
ters and  grants  on  the 
Maine  coast  is  given 
in  the  Hist.  Mag. 
March,  1870,  p.  154. 
See  in  this  connection 
S.  F.  Haven's  lecture 
in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Loiuell  Lectures. 


C.  The  Popham 
Colony.  —  It  was  un- 
fortunate, as  it  was 
lu'.necessary,  that  any 
t  li  e  o  1  o  g  i  c  a  1  color 
should  have  been  giv- 
en to  the  discussion 
arising  out  of  the 
claims  made  for  this 
colony,  since  the  mer- 
its of  the  case  concerned  solely  the  historical 
s .(,  .:fic".::'-e  of  secular  events,  upon  which  all 
werr  agreed  in  the  main.    The  claim  asserted  by 


resenting  it,  was  this :  That  the  temporary  set- 
tlement at  Sabino,  being  made  under  the  charter 
of  1606,  was  the  tirst  event  to  secure  New  Eng- 
land for  the  English  crown,  and  should  there- 
fore be  deemed  the  beginning  of  the  existence 
of  its  colonies.  The  claim  of  those  historical 
students  who  took  issue  was  this :  That  the 
granting  in  160b  of  a  patent  by  the  king  to  his 


UR.   JOHN    G.   KOHL, 


subjects  concerned  no  further  the  (lucstion  than 
that  it  simply  formulated  a  pre-existing  claim, 
wci'  agiccu  111  iiic  luain.     \.  iie  tianu  ussciilu  uj     while  the  actual  attempts  at  colonization  by  Go>- 
thi;  Maine  Historical  Society,  or  by  those  rep-     nold  in  1602,  whether  authorized  or  not,  —  the  lat- 

1  We  are  indebted  for  the  photograph  used  by  the  engraver  to  Dr.  Kohl's  successor  in  the  librarianoliip  of 
the  Pi:blic  Library  at  Bremen,  Dr.  Heinrich  Bulthaupt.  No  name  ranks  higher  tlian  Kohl's  in  the  investiga- 
tions of  our  early  North  American  geography.  "  From  my  childhood."  he  says,  "  I  was  highly  interested  in 
geographical  researches  in  connection  with  history."  Having  gathered  much  material  on  the  early  cartograpliical 
history  of  America  in  the  archives  and  libraries  of  Europe,  he  came  to  this  countr\-,  and  receiving  an  appropri- 
ation from  Congress  to  enable  him  to  make  copies  of  his  maps  for  the  Government,  he  undertook  that  work,  the 
results  of  which  are  now  in  the  State  Department  at  Washington.  All  that  he  desired  to  do  was  not  provided 
for  by  the  order  of  Congress,  and  he  returned  to  Europe  disappointed  in  his  hopes,  but  leaving  behind  him, 
b>;si<les  the  collections  in  Washington,  a  memoir  with  maps  on  the  discovery  of  the  western  coast  of  America, 
which  is  now  in  the  library  of  the  American  Antiquarian  -Society.  In  Europe  he  annotated  and  published  .-"t 
Munich  in  fac-simile  the  two  oldest  general  maps  of  America,  those  known  as  Kibero's  and  Ferdinando  Coltmi- 
bus's,  and  a  treatise  on  the  history  of  the  Gulf  Stream,  as  well  as  a  condensed  popular  history  of  the  discovery  of 
.\nierica.  In  1868  he  undertook,  what  proved  to  Ix!  his  chief  contribution  to  .Vmerican  hi'^torical  geography,  his 
Discovery  of  Maine.  He  did  not  feel  that  he  had  accomplished  all  in  this  that  he  would  ;  but  it  still  remains 
the  most  important  essay  since  Humboldt  in  that  peculiar  field.  See  Chcirles  Deanu's  notice  of  Kohl  in  Mass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  Dec.  1878,  and  the  memoir  in  the  Beila^c  zitr  Allgemeinen  Zeittiiig,  .\ugsburg,  July  9,  1S79. 

VOL.    III.  —27. 


'till' 


ri 


2IO 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


II. 


m 


ter  alternative  having  of  late  years  been  brought 
forward  by  Dr.  DcCosta,  —  were  more  practi- 
cally deminstrative  of  that  claim,  in  accordance 
with  the  English  interpretation  of  rights  in  new 
countries,  namely,  actual  possession.  Further, 
that  the  true  historic  beginning  of  New  England 
was  not  in  the  abortive  attempts  of  Gosuold  and 
Popham  to  effect  a  settlement,  however  much,  in 
connection  with  many  other  events,  they  helped 
in  preparing  a  way,  but  in  the  permanent  colo- 
nization which  was  made  at  Plymouth  in  1620, 
which  was  the  first  founded  upon  family  life, 
and  which  under  greater  distress  than  befell 
either  of  the  others,  was  rendered  permanent 
more  by  the  spirit  of  religious  independency, 
as  evinced  by  their  Holland  exile,  than  by  the 
mercenary  longing,  which  was  professedly  the 
chief  motive  of  the  others.  Strachey  distinctly 
says  of  the  Popham  Colony,  that  mining  was 
"  the  main  intended  benefit  expected." 

It  is  susceptible  of  pro(.  that  the  blood  of  the 
Pilgrims  and  of  their  congeners  runs  through  the 
veins  of  a  large  part  of  the  population  of  New 
England  to-day.  No  genealogical  tree  has  been 
produced  which  connects  our  present  life  with  a 
single  one  of  the  Sabino  party  How,  then,  was 
New  England  saved  for  the  English  race  ?  The 
decisive  historical  event  is  never  those  scattering 
forerunners  which  always  harbinger  an  epoch, 
but  the  fulfilment  of  the  idea  which  comes  in  the 
ripeness  of  time. 

The  controversy  as  it  was  waged  was  a  re- 
action from  the  views  with  which  the  Pilgrims 
had  long  been  regarded  for  their  devotion  under 
trial  and  for  the  pluck  of  their  constancy  in  first 
making  English  homes  on  this  part  of  the  conti- 
nent. Maine  writers  like  George  Folsom  and 
William  Willis  had  never  questioned  such  estab- 
lished claims,  but  had  reasserted  them.  The 
leading  spirit  in  this  revocation  of  judgment  was 
Mr.  John  A.  Poor,  of  Portland.  This  gentleman, 
having  done  much  to  increase  the  material  inter- 
ests of  his  native  State,  entered  with  pertinacity 
into  a  process  of  rendering,  as  he  claimed,  the 
position  of  Maine  in  history  more  conspicuous. 
This  required  the  aggrandizement  of  the  fame 
of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  ;  and  he  began  his 
missionary  work  with  a  vindication  of  Gorges' 
claims  to  be  considered  the  father  of  English 
colonization  in  America.  It  'vas  no  new  idea, 
for  George  Folsom  had  done  Gorges  justice  in 
his  Discourse  in  1846.  Mr.  Poor's  lecture  was 
printed,  and  was  subsequently  appended  to  the 
Popham  Afiniorial.  To  emphasize  this  claim, 
he  secured  the  naming  of  a  new  fort  in  Portland 
Harbor  after  Sir  Ferdinando  in  i860;  and  in 
1 86:,  when  the  General  Government  built  a  for- 
tification on  the  old  peninsula  of  Sabino,  his 
efforts  caused  it  to  be  named  Fort  Popham,  and 
his  zeal  planned  and  directed  a  commemorative 
service  in  August  of  that  year  on  the  spot,  when 


a  tablet  recounting  the  claims  of  which  he  was 
the  champion  was  placed  near  its  walls.  The 
address  which  he  then  delivered,  which  showed 
the  intemperance,  if  not  the  perversity,  of  an 
iconoclast,  and  '•  hich  appeared  with  other  papers 
and  addresses  a.ore  or  less  pronounced  in  the 
same  way  in  a  Popham  Memorial,  opened  the 
controversy.  See  also  //istorical  Miii;azine,  Jan. 
1S63,  and  Sept.  1866,  and  Mr.  C.  W.  Tuttle's 
account  of  Mr.  Poor's  agency  in  a  "  Memorial  of 
J.  \.  Poor,"  in  the  ^V.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Peg., 
Oct.  1872.  The  committee  charged  with  the 
preparation  of  the  Memorial  unwisely  omitted 
a  counter  speech  of  the  late  J.  Wingatc  Thorn- 
ton, on  "  The  Colonial  Schemes  of  Popham  and 
Gorges,"  which  was  accordingly  printed  in  the 
Congregational  Quarterly,  -April,  1863,  and  sepa- 
rately, and  is  examined  favorably  by  Abner  C. 
Goodell  in  the  Essex  Institute  Collections,  Aug. 
1863,  p.  175.  A  similar  unfavorable  estimate  of 
Popham's  colonists  had  been  taken  by  K.  H. 
Gariliner  in  the  Maine  Historical  Collections,  ii. 
269;  V.  226. 

For  some  years  the  spirit  was  kept  alive  by 
recurrent  commemorations.  Mr.  Edward  E. 
Bourne  (see  memoir  of  him  in  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Peg.,  1874,  p.  9,  and  Me.  Hist.  Coll., 
vii!.  386)  answered  the  tletractors  in  an  address, 
"The  Character  of  the  Colony  founded  by  George 
Popham,'  '^  rtland,  1S64.  The  statements  of 
Poor  and  i-  ./ne  led  to  a  review  by  S.  1 .  Haven 
in  the  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc.,  April  26,  1865, 
and  in  the  Hist.  Mag.  (Ccc.  1865,  p.  358;  March, 
July.  Sept.,  Nov.,  1867  ;  Feb.  and  May,  1869). 
There  was  a  dropping  fire  on  both  sides  for  some 
time.  Meanwhile  the  address  in  1865  by  James 
W.  Patterson,  on  The  Pesponsibilities  of  the  poun- 
ders of  Pepuhlics,  led  to  a  controversy  between 
William  F.  Poolt  attacking,  and  Rev.  Edward 
Ballard  and  Frederick  Kidder  defending,  the 
colonists ;  and  their  papers  were  printed  together 
as  The  Popham  Colony:  a  Discussion  of  its  Historic 
Claims,  to  which  Mr.  Poole  appended  a  bibliog- 
raphy of  the  subject  up  to  1866.  Poole  also 
gave  his  view  of  Gorges  and  the  colony  in  his 
edition  of  Johnson's  iVondcr  Working Proiidence, 
and  in  the  North  American  Review,  Oct.  1868. 
At  the  celebration  in  187 1  Mr.  Charles  Deane 
leviewed  the  erroneous  conclusions  presented  at 
earlier  anniversaries,  in  a  paper  on  "  Early  Voy- 
ages to  New  England,  and  their  Influence  on 
Colonization,"  which  was  printed  in  the  Boston 
Daily  Advertiser,  Sept.  2,  187 1.  A  pa])er  by  R.  K. 
Sewall  on  "  Popham's  Town  of  Fort  St.  George," 
which  contains  a  summary  of  the  arguments  and 
events  on  the  side  of  its  historic  importance,  is 
given  in  the  Me.  Hist.  Coll.  vii.,  accompanied 
by  a  map  of  the  region.  The  latest  statement  of 
the  claim,  apart  from  the  review  in  the  Preface 
to  The  Voyage  to  Sagadahoc,  referred  to  on  an 
earlier  page,  is  in  General  Chamberlain's  Maine : 


'.   i,J:'.'\ 


.  1     '^i 


NORUMUEGA    AND    ITS    ENGLISH    EXI'LORERS. 


211 


-p  (Smi^ 


her  Place  in  History,  which  is  too  moderate  to 
provoke  any  criticism.  Thus  a  reaction  that  at 
one  time  claimed  the  necessity  of  rewriting  his- 
tory, has  in  the  end  engaged  few  advocates,  and 
is  almost  lost  sight  of. 

D.  Captain  John  .Smith's  Piihi.ications. 
—  The  Descriftioit  is  now  a  rare  book,  worth 
with  the  genuine  map,  should  one  be  offered, 
fifty  pounds  or  upwards.  There  is  some  biblio- 
graphical detail  regarding  it  in  the  Memorial 
History  of  Boston,  i.  50,  52,  53.  Latin  and  Ger- 
man versions  of  it  were  included  in  De  bry, 
part  X.  Mirhael  Sparke,  the  London  printer, 
issuing  Higginson's  AVrc  Eni^laniTs  Plantation 
in  1630,  appended  this  recommendation:  — 

"  But  whosoever  desireth  to  knoiv  as  much  as  yet 
can  be  discovered,  I  advise  them  to  buy  Captalne  John 
Smith's  booke  of  the  description  of  New  England  in 
folio,  and  reade  from  fol.  203  to  the  end ;  and  there 
let  the  reader  e.xpect  to  have  full  content." 

Smith's   letter   (1618)  to  Bacon,  upon    New 
England,  is  in  the  Hist.  Afai^.,  July,  1861,  and  the 
annexed  autograph  is 
X"^  taken  from  the  origi- 

'  -  -       nal  in  the  Public  Rec- 

ord office.  See  Sains- 
bury's    Calendar    of 
Colonial  Papers,   no. 
42,  p.  21  ;  Pop/iam  HTcinorial,  App.  p.  104;  Pal- 
frey, i\Wi'  England,  i.  97. 

A  little  tract  of  Smith's,  A'ezu  England's 
Trials  [/.  e.  Attempts  at  Settlements],  needs  to 
be  taken  in  connection  with  the  Description.  Of 
this  tract,  of  eight  pages,  published  in  1620,  there 
i>  no  copy  known  in  America,  and  Mr.  Ueane 
describes  it  and  reprints  it  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proi.  xii.  428,  449,  from  the  Bodleian  copy,  which 
differs  in  the  names  of  the  dedication  from  the 
British  Museum  copy.  In  1622  it  was  issued  in 
a  second  edition,  enlarged  to  fourteen  pages, 
which  is  also  very  rare,  though  copies  are  in 
the  Deane  Collection  and  in  that  of  John  Car- 
ter-lirown,  from  the  last  of  which  a  privately 
printed  reprint  has  lieen  made.  It  was  this  text 
wliich  Force  used  in  his  Tracts,  ii.  See  Brinlcy 
Catalogue,  no.  36 

Smith  had  moved,  April  12,  1621,  in  a  meet- 
ing of  the  Virginia  Company,  that  its  official 
sanction  should  be  given  to  a  compiled  history 
of  "  that  country,  from  her  first  discovery  to  this 
day,"  showing  that  the  purpose  of  his  Generall 
Historic  was  then  in  his  mind.  (Neill's  Virginia 
Company,  p.  210.)  The  first  edition  of  it  was 
issued  in  1624,  and  in  it  he  included,  besides  ab- 
stracts of  various  other  writings,  substantially 
all  his  previous  publications  on  America  (see  the 
chapter  on  Virginia  in  the  present  volume),  ex- 
cept his  True  Relation,  in  the  place  of  which  he 
had  put  the  Map  of  Virginia,  a  tract  covering  the 


same  transactions.  When  reissued  in  1626  it 
wa.s  from  the  same  ty|>c,  and  again  in  1627,  and 
twice  in  1632.  An  account  of  the  various  edi- 
tions in  the  Lenox  Library,  which  differ  only  in 
the  front  matter  and  plates,  can  l)c  founJ  in  Nor- 
ton's Literary  (Jazette,  new  ser.  i.  pp.  1340,  218  c. 
Mr.  Deane  has  printed  a  part  of  the  original 
prospectus.    Afass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  !.•£.  454. 

The  best  opportunity  for  .studying  the  slight 
diversities  of  the  different  issues  of  this  book 
may  be  found  in  the  I.enox  Library,  which  has 
ten  copies,  showing  all  the  varieties.  Among 
other  copies,  the  following  are  noted:  — 

1624.  Charles  Deane.  A  large  pajier  dedi 
cation  copy  of  this  edition,  bound  for  Smith's 
patron,  the  Duchess  of  Richmond  and  I^nox, 
was  bought,  at  the  Brinley  .Sale  in  1879,  no.  364, 
for  the  Lenox  Library,  $1,800.  The  Menzics  and 
Barlow  copies  are  also  called  large  paper  ones. 
See  Grinvold  Catalogue,  no.  778;  Field's  Ind. 
Bihliog.  no.  1435.  The  //«///  Catalogue,  p.  1367, 
gives  a  copy  of  this  edition  in  the  original  rich 
binding,  showing  the  arras  of  the  Duke  of  No.-- 
folk  quartered  with  those  o^  his  wife,  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  Duchess  of  Richmond  and  Lenox. 

1626.  Harvard  College  Library.  Sparks's 
Collection,  now  at  Coiuell  University,  no.  2424. 

1627.  Prince  Library  in  Boston  Public  Li- 
brary. Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  .See 
the  Crmvninshield  Catalogue,  no.  992. 

1631.  The  Hut'i  Catalogue,  p.  1367,  gives, 
perhaps  by  error,  an  edition  of  this  date.  I 
have  noted  no  other  copy. 

1632.  Harvard  College  Library. 

The  two  portraits  of  the  Duchess  of  Rich- 
mond and  of  Matoaka  are  usually  wanting.  .See 
the  note  to  chapter  v.  Average  c»pics  without 
the  genuine  portraits,  which  in  Rich's  day  (1832) 
were  worth  five  guineas,  are  now  valued  at 
more  than  three  times  that  sum.  The  portrait 
of  Smith,  which  is  shown  reduced  on  the  map 
of  New  England  already  given,  has  been  simi- 
larly reproduced  full  size  in  the  Memorial  History 
of  Boston,  I.,  and  is  engraved  in  the  Richmond 
edition  of  the  ^emrall  Historic,  in  Bancroft, 
Drake's  Boston,  Hillard's  Life  of  Smith,  A\  E. 
Hist,  and  Gcneal.  Peg.,  Jan.  1S58,  etc. 

The  Generall  Historic,  in  conjunction  with 
the  True  Travels,  was  carelessly  reprinted  at 
Richmond,  in  1819,  at  the  cost  of  the  Rev.  John 
Holt  Rico,  D.n.,  who  lost  by  the  speculation. 
[A''.  E.  Hist,  and  Gcneal.  Keg.  1877,  p.  114.)  A 
large  part  appeared  in  Purchas's  Pilgrims,  iv. 
1838.  It  is  given  entire  in  Pinkerton's  Collec- 
tions of  Voyages,  xiii. 

It  is  the  sixth  book  of  this  Generall  Historie 
which  relates  to  New  England,  and  in  this  Smith 
supplements  his  own  experience,  and  brings  the 
details  down  beyond  the  limits  of  this  present 
chapter,  by  borrowing  from  Mourt's  Relation  and 
reporting  upon  other  accounts,  as  he  did  in  bis 


.!i  I 


ir.H^»' 


'  J 


212 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


\   I 


,  r 


still  later  publication,  the  tract  called  Miffer/isf- 
menu  for  ike  Uiiexperitmed  I'lantert  of  Xm) 
England,  which  brings  the  story  down  to  163a 

Ur.  Palfrey  has  a  note  on  the  confidence  to  be 
reposed  in  Stnith's  books,  in  his  History  of  New 
England,  i.  89. 

Smith  was  born  in  1579  at  Willoughby,  a» 
the  parish  records  show.  (///>/.  Mag.  i.  31  j. 
Afass.  Hist.  So<.  Proc.  ix.  451.)  He  died  June  21. 
1631,  signing  his  will  th:.-  same  day  (Ihid.  ix. 
452),  and  was  buried  in  St.  Sepulchre's,  \janAm\, 
where  the  inscription  above  his  grave  is  said  to 
be  now  illegible.  A  committee  of  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society  was  appointed  in  1874  to  see 
to  its  restoration,  but  were  prevented  from  acting 
by  the  demand  of  a  fee  for  the  privilege  from  the 
vestry  of  the  church.  (N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Keg.,  1874,  p.  222.)  In  Sparks's  American  Biog- 
raphy is  a  memoir  of  him  by  George  S.  Hillard; 
another,  by  W.  Gilmore  Simms,  was  printed  in 
1846 ;  and  a  recent  study  of  his  life  and  writings 
has  been  made  by  C.  D.  Warner,  who  says  that 
the  inscription,  with  the  three  (Turks' .')  heads 
in  St.  Sepulchre's,  long   supposed  to   mark  the 


A  m 


NEW  WORLD  FROM  THE  LENOX  GLOBE 


grave  of  Smith,  is  proved  to  commemorate  some 
one  who  died  in  .September,  aged  66,  while  Smith 
died  June,  1631,  aged  51.  Stow's  Sundry  of  Lon- 
don, 1633,  gives  the  long  epitaph  which  could 
be  read  on  the  walls  of  the  church  previous  to 
its  destruction  in  the  great  London  fire  in  1666. 
Cf.  Deane  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  Jan.  1867, 
P-  454- 


Simon  Passe,  whose  Latinized  name  we  see 
on  the  ingraving  of  Smith's  map,  was  ten  years 
in  Knglanil,  and  engraved  many  of  the  chief  peo- 
ple of  the  time ;  and  as  he  was  his  own  draughts- 
man,  it  is  probable  the  portrait  of  Smith  was 
drawr.  by  Passe  from  life,  though  Robert  Gierke 
is  credited  with  draughting  the  map. 


R  Early  Globes.  —  The  Molineaux  globe 
referred  to  in  the  text  was  constructed  at  the 
instance  of  that  great  patron  of  navigation,  Wil- 
liam Sanderson.  (Dai'is's  Voyages,  Introduction 
by  Markham,  pp.  xii.  211.)  It  is  said  to  be  the 
earliest  ever  made  in  England,  {//lid.  p.  lix.)  It 
is  two  feet  in  diameter,  and  was  completed  in 
1592.  (Asher's  Henry  Hudson,  p.  274.)  The 
oldest  globe  known  antedates  it  more  than  a 
century,  and  of  those  intervening  which  are 
known,  the  following,  with  the  prototype,  de- 
serve mention :  — 

I.  Martin  Behaim's,  1492,  preserved  in  the 
library  at  Nuremberg.  It  presents  an  open 
ocean  between  Europe  and  Asia.  The  first 
meridian  runs  through  Madeira. 
There  is  a  copy  in  fac-simile 
in  the  Biblioth^que  Nationale, 
at  Paris.  There  have  been  en- 
graved delineations  of  it  by  Dop- 
pelmayr  at  Nuremberg  in  1730; 
by  Dr.  Ghillany,  in  connection 
with  his  Geschichte  des  Seefahrers 
Kittcr  Martin  Behaim,  1853;  by 
Jomard  in  his  Monuments  de 
la  Geograp/iie,  1854-56,  pi.  15. 
There  are  sections  and  reduc- 
tions in  Cladera's  Investigacioncs 
Historicas,  Madrid,  1794;  in  Le- 
lewel's  Moyen  Age;  in  the  four- 
Hal  of  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society,  xviii.;  in  Kohl's  Dis- 
ccn'ery  of  Maine  ;  in  some  of  the 
editions  of  Irving's  Columbus; 
in  Bryant  and  Gay's  United 
States,  i.  103;  and  in  Maury's 
paper  in  Harper's  Monthly,  xlii. 
(February,  1871). 

2.  Acquired  from  a  friend  in 
Laon  in  i860  by  M.  Leroux,  of 
the  Administration  de  la  Marine 
at  Paris,  and  represents  the  geo- 
graphical knowledge  current  at 
Lisbon,  1486-87,  according  to 
D'Avezac,  who  gives  a  projection  of  it  in  the 
Bulletin  de  la  Soci^t€  de  G^ographie  de  Paris,  4th 
series,  viii.  (i860).  It  is  dated  1493.  The  first 
meridian  runs  through  Madeira. 

3.  A  small  copper  globe  in  the  Lenox  Li- 
brary, in  New  York,  v/hich  is  said  to  be  the  ear- 
liest globe  to  show  the  American  coast,  and  its 
date  is  fixed  at  about  1510-12.  but  by  some  as 


ilh'.'.il,     1,.' 


N0KUMI3EGy\   AND   ITS    ENGLISH   EXPLORERS. 


213 


;li     :n 


P-:  nL 


2»4 


NAKKATIVli   AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


ife|!fiiiJ 


ii     ' 


early  as  1506-7.  It  wa<t  bought  in  Pari*  about 
twciity-fivc  years  ago  liy  R.  M.  limit,  the  arthi- 
tcct,  and  was  given  liy  liim  to  Mr.  Lenox.  It 
is  about  live  inches  in  diameter.  Dr.  l)c  C<>»ta 
lias  descrilicd  it  and  given  a  draught  o(  its  gcog- 
ra|)liy  in  the  Afiit;.  of  Amer.  llisl.  Se|>t.  1879.  This 
paper,  translated  by  M.  (iravier,  appeared  in  the 
IhitUtin  de  la  SiviM  normiiiuit  de  Oiogrjfhic, 
iSSo.  A  projection  of  it  is  said  to  have  been 
niadc  in  the  Coast  .Sur\'cy  liurcau  in  1869,  at  the 
instance  of  Mr.  Henry  .Stevens,  and  a  reduction 
of  this  i',  given  in  the  EmyclofaJia  BrttannUti, 
9th  cdi'.ion,  x.  681,  of  which  the  Western  Hemi- 
sphere is  herewith  reproduced.  The  globe  opeiu 
on  th.:  line  of  the  e(|uator,  and  was  probably 
used  Ls  a  pyx.  It  may  be  said  to  be  the  oldest 
globe  showing  any  part  of  the  New  World. 

4.  Brought  to  light  in  a  Culali^ue  Jt  Livres 
tares  appartuhtnt  1)  M.  If.  Tross,  annee  iSSi, 
no.  xiv.  49J4,  where  a  fac-simile  by  S.  Pilinski 
is  given.  The  gores  conijxjsing  it  are  found  in 
a  coj)y  of  the  CosmOj;niphii£  JnlroJuctio,  sup- 
posed to  have  been  printed  at  Lugduni,  1314. 
This  is  the  claim  of  the  Catalogue ;  but  if  it  be- 
longed to  the  tract  it  could  hardly  have  been 
earlier  than  1518.  It  is  understood  that  the  book 
has  been  added  to  an  American  collection.  The 
plate  is  styled  Universalis  Cojiiiojp-afhie  Descrip- 
tio  tarn  in  soliJo  quern  [sic]  piano,  and  is  given 
in  twelve  sections.  The  delineation  of  South 
America  is  marked  "  America  noviter  repertx" 
It  is  claimed  that  this  gives  this  copper-plate, 
"esscntiellement  fran(,'aise,"  the  honor  of  being 
the  earliest  to  bear  the  name  of  America,  —  that 
credit  having  been  claimed  for  the  woodcut  map 
in  Camcr's  edition  of  Solinus,  1520.  The  man- 
uscript delineation  by  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  aUo 
giving  the  name,  and  preserved  at  Windsor  in 
the  Queen's  collection,  probably  antedates  it. 

5.  Made  by  Johann  Schoner  at  Bamljerg  in 
1520,  preserved  in  the  library  at  Nuremberg, 
and  thought,  until  the  discovery  of  the  Lenox 
globe,  to  be  the  earliest  showing  the  discov- 
eries Ml  America.  The  northern  section  is  still 
broken  up  into  islands  large  and  small ;  but 
South  America  is  delineated  with  approximate 
correctness.  Dr.  Ghillany  gave  a  representa- 
tion of  the  American  hemisphere  in  the  Jahres- 
bericht  dcr  technischen  Anstalten  in  Xiirnbers; 
fiir  1842 ;  also  see  his  Erdglobus  iw/  Rehaim 
vom  Jahre  1492,  nnd  der  des  Joh.  Schoner  ron 
1520,  Niirnberg,  1842,  p.  18,  two  plates.  Hum- 
boldt examines  this  Schoner  globe  in  his  Ex- 
amen  critique,  and  in  his  Appendix  to  Ghillany's 
Rittcr  Behaim,  where  a  reproduction  is  given. 
There  are  also  delineations  or  .sections  in  Lele- 
wel's  Moycn  Aj^e  ;  in  Kohl's  £)isco7'ery  of  Maine  ; 
in  Santarem's  Atlas ;  and  in  Maury's  paper  in 
//arper's  Monthly,  February,  187 1.  Schoner  pub- 
lished, in  1515,3  Territ  toti:'  descriptio,'<it'\X\i.o\H 
a  map,  of  which  there  are  jopies  in  Harvard 


College  IJbraf)-  and  the  Carter-Brown  Collection 
at  Providence. 

6.  I're»crved  at  Frankforton-the-Main;  of 
unknown  origin.  It  is  figured  in  Jomard's 
Monuments  de  la  Ciographie.  See  also  the_/.>«r- 
nal  of  the  Koyal  Geographical  Society,  xviii.  45.  It 
resembles  Schoner's,  and  Wiescr  a.Hcril)es  it  to 
ihalmakcr,  and  dates  it  1515.  It  is  lo'i  inches  in 
diameter,  and  by  some  the  date  is  fixed  at  1 520. 

7.  Given  by  Duke  Charles  V.  of  Lorraine 
to  the  church  at  Nancy,  and  o|>ening  in  the 
middle,  long  used  there  as  a  pyx,  is  now  pre- 
»cr>cd  in  the  Public  Library  in  that  town,  and 
was  described  (with  an  engraving)  by  M.  HIau 
in  the  Memoires  de  la  Sociiti  royale  de  Xancy,  in 
lSj6,  and  again  in  the  Compte-A'cndu,  Congris 
des  Amiricanistes,  1S77,  p.  359,  aiul  from  a 
photograph  by  Dr.  DeCosta,  in  the  Magazine 
of  American  History,  March,  1881.  It  make-. 
North  America  the  eastern  part  of  Asia,  and 
transforms  Norumliega  into  Anorombega.  It 
is  made  of  silver,  gilt,  and  is  six  inches  in 
diameter. 

8.  Supposed  to  be  of  Spanish  origin;  pre- 
ser\-ed  in  the  Uibliotheque  Nationalc,  at  Paris, 
and  formerly  belonged  to  the  brothers  De  Hure. 
It  bears  a  close  resemblance  to  the  Frankfort 
globe. 

9.  In  the  custody  of  the  successors  of  Canon 
L'Ecuy  of  Premontrc.  It  is  without  date,  and 
D'Avezac  fixed  it  Ijcfore  1524;  others  put  it 
about  1540.  It  is  the  lirst  globe  to  show  North 
America  disconnected  from  Asia.  It  is  said  t') 
be  now  in  the  Uibliotheque  Nationale,  at  Paris. 
Cf.  Raemdonck,  Les  Sphires  de  Mercator,  p.  28. 

10.  What  was  thought  to  be  the  only  copy 
known  of  one  of  Gerard  Mercator's  engraved 
globes  was  bought  at  the  sale  of  M.  Uenoni- 
Verelst,  at  Ghent,  in  May,  1868,  by  the  Royal 
Library  at  Brussels.  In  1875  it  was  reproduced 
in  twelve  plane  gores  at  Brussels,  in  folio,  as  a 
part  of  Sphire  terrestre  et  sphire  cileste  de  Gerard 
Mercator,  editees  i  Louvain  eii  1541  et  1 55 1,  and 
one  of  the  sections  is  inscribed,  "Edebat  Ge- 

RAKDl'S  MeRC.\TOR  RUPELMIWDANUS  CU.M 
rUVILEGIO   CES:    MA'EST.VnS  AD  AN   SEX    LoV 

ANII  AX  1541."  Onlytwo  hundred  copies  of  the 
fac-simile  were  printed.  There  are  copies  in 
the  Library  of  the  State  Department  at  Wash- 
ington, of  Harvard  College,  and  of  the  Ameri 
can  Geographical  Society,  New  York.  The  out- 
line of  the  eastern  coast  of  America  is  shown 
with  tolerable  accuracy,  though  there  is  no  in- 
dication of  the  discoveries  of  Cartier  in  the 
St.  Lawrence  Gulf  and  River,  made  a  few  years 
earlier.  In  1875  a  second  original  was  discov- 
ered in  the  Imperial  Court  Library  at  Vienna ; 
and  a  third  is  said  to  exist  at  Weimar. 

11.  Of  copper,  made  apparently  in  Italy,  —  at 
Rome,  or  Venice,  —  by  Euphrosynus  Ulpius  in 
1 542,  is  fifteen  and  one  half  inches  in  diameter. 


hi|!'iu 


NORUMBEGA   AND   ITS   ENGLISH   EXPLORERS. 


ai5 


was  bought  in  1859  out  of  a  collection  of  a  dealer 
in  Spain  by  Buckingham  Smith,  and  is  now  in 
the  Cabinet  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society. 


C.  Murphy's  I'erraizaHO,  p.  114.  See  Harrisse, 
Ai'otts  surla  A'oux'elU  FraHct,no.  291.  The  fullest 
description,  accompanied  by  engravings  of  it,  it 


The  Legends  ot  i'lis  Globe  are  these:  i.  Parias. 
3.  C.  San  til.  3.  Isabelle.  4.  Jamaica.  5.  Spagnolla. 
6.  Lit.  incognita  [The  Baccalaos  region].  The  pas- 
sage to  the  west  by  the  Central  America  isthmus  will 
be  observed 


% 


oo" 


0 

o 


SKETCH    FROM   THE   FRANKFORT   GLOBE. 


The  first  meridian  runs  through  the  Canaries, 
and  it  shows  the  demarcation  line  of  Pope  Alex- 
ander VI.  It  is  described  in  the  Historical 
Magazine,  1862,  p.  302,  and  the  American  parts 
are  engraved  in  B.  Smith's  Inquiry  into  the 
Authenticity  of  VerrasanSs  Claims,  and  Henry 


given  by  B.  F.  De  Costa  in  the  Magazine  of  Amer- 
ican History,  January,  1879;  and  in  his  Verrazano 
the  Explorer,  New  York,  1881,  p.  64. 

Mr.  C.  H.  Coote,  in  his  paper  on  "  Globes  " 
in  the  new  edition  of  the  Encyclopaedia  Britan- 
nica,  z.  6S0,  mentions  two  other  globes  of   the 


I   ! 


I 


1  ■  '. 


2l6 


NARKATIVi:   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMLRICA. 


nixli'cnlh  icntiiry,  which  may  anti'datu  that  of 
Mi>liMcaux,  Ixilh  by  A.  K.  van  l^ngrrn, —  one  in 
thi'  llil)lii)ihe(|iK-  Nationalc  at  I'aiiit,  and  the 
other,  (liscovcrcd  in  1855,  in  the  llibliuthi-quc 
«lc  (irenoblc. 

The  K'<jl^'-niakcrs  imme(hatcly  HuccecdinK 
Molincaiix  were  W.  J.  Illacii  (1571-1OJ8)  and 
hlH  MOM  John  lllai'u,  and  their  work  i*  rare  at 
this  day.  Mr.  I'.  J.  H.  Itaudet,  in  his  Lfitu 
III  Wfrktn  ran  II'.  J.  tiUitii,  Utrecht,  1S71,  re- 
ports linding  l)Ut  two  pair  of  hi»  (Hlaeu'n)  glolies 
jlerrcstrial  and  celestial)  in  Holland.  His  lirst 
cilitionii  bure  date  1599,  but  he  constantly  cur- 


io that  tlatc.  Sec  Ihniii  l'oyii);t$  (Hakluyl 
Society),  p.  J51.  Hundiu*  and  ijngcrcn  were 
rival*. 


r.  .Mol.lNr.AfX  Map,  1600.  —  Emeric  Moli- 
ncaux,  the  alleged  maker  o(  thin  map,  bclonKed 
to  Lamlicth,  "a  rare  gentleman  in  hi»  profct- 
iiion,  Uing  therein  (or  diver»  years  greatly  »u|>- 
ported  by  the  purse  and  liberality  of  the  wor- 
shipful merchant,  Mr.  William  Sanderson." 
Captain  .Markham  {Duns's  /^'.yryi-/,  Hakluyl 
Society,    London,    1880,    pp.    xxxiii,    Ixi,    alio 


SKETCH    FROM   THE    MOUNEAUX   MAP.' 


I'. ' 


rected  the  copper  plates,  from  which  he  struck 
the  gores.  Muller,  of  Amsterdam,  offered  a 
pair,  in  1877,  for  five  hundred  Dutch  florins, 
and  in  his  Books  on  America,  iii.  164,  another 
at  seven  hundred  and  fifty  florins.  ( Catalogue, 
1877,  no.  329.)  A  pair,  dated  1606,  was  in 
the  Stevens  sale,  1881.    Hist.  Coll.  i.,  no.  1335. 

I  find  no  trace  of   the  globe  of    Hondius, 
'S97>  which  gives  the  American  discoveries  up 


p.  Ixxxv-iii)  i.s  of  the  opinion  that  the  true  ati- 
thor  is  Edward  Wright,  the  mathematician,  who 
perfected  and  rendered  practicable  what  we 
know  to-day  as  Mercator's  projection,  —  first  de- 
monstrating it  in  his  Certain  Errors  in  Xav- 
igalion  Detected,  1599,  and  first  introducing  its 
formulae  accurately  in  the  1600  map.  Hakluyt 
had  spoken  of  the  globe  by  Molineaux  in  his 
1589  edition,  but  it  was  not  got  ready  in  time 


'  The  Legends  are  as  follows :  — 

I.  This  land  was  discovered  by  John  and  Sebastian  Cabot  for  Kinge  Heiuy  y«  7,  1497. 


a.  Bacalaos. 

6.  I.  Sables. 

10.  C.  Chesepick. 

14.  La  Florida. 

■;.  C.  Bonavista. 

7.   I.  S.  John. 

II.  Hotorast. 

15.  The  Gulfe  of  Mexico. 

4.  C.  Raso. 

8.  Claudia. 

12.  La  Bermudas. 

16.  Virginia. 

J.  C.  Britten. 

9.  Comokee. 

13.  Bahama. 

1 7.  The  lacke  of  Tadenac,  the  bounds  whereof  are  unknowne. 
18.  Canada.  19.   Hochelague. 


/< 


NORl'MBEGA   AND    ITS   ENliLISH    KXTLORKKS. 


217 


(or  hi*  UM.  The  map  followed  ihc  Klobr,  Iwi 
w.iH  not  JMiicil  till  alHMil  iCioo,  the  diMovcrirs 
(if  Itarcntz  in  159(1  licing  the  last  indKaicd  on 
il.  It  mcanurc*  l6.'i  »  '5  inche*.  <^uariich 
in  lK7$  advanced  the  theory  thai  the  glotie 
III  Miilincaux  wa*  referred  to  in  Shakcspeare'ii 
l\y>,l/th  .\'ii;ht  (act  iii.  nc.  z),  a*  the  "new 
map."  ((Juaritch'n  1X79  CatiiUgiu,  no.  321, 
IxMik  no.  1 1919).  —  a  theory  made  applicable  to 
ilic  map  and  HiMtained  l>y  C  II.  Coote  in  iK;)!. 
ill  Shiiktsptart' t  "  nru'  m,i/>"  im  Tutiftk  Si^hl 
(4U0  in  TriiniMtnmj  of  the  New  Shalu|>cre 
Sdiitty,  1877-79,  '■  JWJ-'OO),  and  reaiMcrted  in 
the  llakluyt  Sficiety's  edition  of  Dmii'i  I'tyttfrt, 
|i.  Ixxxv.  litnry  Steven*  (/////.  CM.  i.  soo(, 
huwcver,  i»  inclined  to  refer  Shake»peare'»  ref- 
trcncc  ("the  new  map  with  the  augmentation 
■  >(  the  Indie*")  to  the  "curious  little  round-face 
shaped  map  "  in  Wytfliet'*  Plolrmutum  Aupmtn- 
liiiii.  1597. 

The  .Molineaux-Wright  map  haa  gained 
ri'piitation  from  llallam'*  reference  to  it  in  hit 
l.iUralure  of  Kurof't  as  "  the  best  map  of  the 
sixteenth  century."  It  is  nrjw  accessible  in  the 
aiit(itv|>e  reproduction  which  was  made  by  Mr. 
ijuaritch  from  the  Grtiiville  copy  of  llaklu^-t's 
rrincifall  i\iivigativ>!  in  the  British  Museum, 
and  which  accompamc*  the  Hakloyt  Society's 
edition  of  Dm-ii's  I'oyagti.  There  are  nme 
lupics  of  the  map  known,  as  follows:  1.  King's 
Lil)rarj-.  2.  CJrenville  Libr-ry.  3.  Cracherode 
(.'iipy.  (These  three  are  in  the  British  Museum.) 
4.  .'Vclmiralty  CJflSce.  5.  Lenox  Library,  New 
Vurk.  6.  University  of  Cambridge.  7.  Christie 
Miller's  Collection.  8.  Middle  Temple.  9.  A 
copy  in  <^uaritch's  Catalogue,  1881,  no.  340, 
title-number,  6235,  which  had  previously  ap- 
peared in  the  Stevens  sale,  /////.  CoUetliimi,  i. 
199.  Quaritch  held  the  Hakluyt  (3  vols.)  with 
this  genuine  map  at  £,\ff>,  and  il  is  said  no 
other  copy  had  been  sold  since  the  Bright 
sale. 

It  may  be  noted  that  Blundeville,  w!io  in  his 
E.\,r,ists,  pp.  204-41,  describes  the  Mercatorand 
.Molineaiix  globes,  also,  pp.  245-78,  gives  a  long 
account  of  a  mappamundi  by  Peter  Plancius, 
dated  1 592,  of  which  Linschoten,  in  1594,  gives 
a  reduction. 

O.  Modern  Collections  of  Eably 
Maps.  — The  collections  of  reproductions  of  the 
older  maps,  .showing  portions  of  the  American 
coast,  and  representing  what  may  be  termed  the 
hcnimiings  of  modern  canography,  are  the  fol- 
lowing :  — 

JoMARD,  E.  F.  Lts  Monuments  dt  la  Gto- 
'graphic.  Paris,  1866.  The  death  of  Jomard  in 
1S62  (see  Memoir  by  M.  de  la  Koqoette,  in  Bul- 
letin ih-  111  Soc.  Gfoi;.  February,  1863,  or  5th  ser. 
V.  .Si,  with  a  portrait ;  Cortambert's  V'ii et  (Euz-ret 
./<■  Jomard,  Paris,  1868,  20  pages ;  and  Mast.  Hist. 
VOL.   in. —28. 


StK.  Pns.,  iv.  232,  vl.  334)  prevented  »he  com- 
pirtioti  liy  hitn  of  the  text  which  he  iiitendril 
»hi>ul(l  accompany  the  plates.  M.  D'Ave/ac's 
intention  to  supply  it  was  likewixe  Htuyed  liv  his 
death,  in  1K75.  It  proved,  however,  that  jomard 
had  left  l«hin(l  what  he  had  meant  for  an  in- 
trtxluction  to  the  text;  and  this  was  printed  in 
a  pamphlet  at  Paris  in  1879,  as  IntrotUulion  i 
r Alias  (/.  t  MonuHiiHls  ilc  lit  lii'oi;rii/'liu,  edited 
by  E.  t'ortamlH;rt.  It  is  a  succinct  account  of 
the  progress  of  cartography  Ufore  the  limes  of 
Mercalor  and  Ortelius.  The  atla.s  contains  live 
maps,  of  great  interest  in  connection  with  Amer- 
ican tliscovcry :  — 

The  Frankfort  (iloK-,  iirui  1520. 

Jt^an  de  la  Cosa's  tnap,  1500. 

The  Cabot  map  of  1544. 

A  French  map,  made  for  Henri  II. 

Behaim's  (ilolie,  1492. 

These  reproductions  are  of  the  size  of  the 
original,    (iood  copies  are  worth  /^lo  lat. 

Santarem,  VlsriiNDK  I)K.  Alliis  Comfosi di 
Car  Us  lies  XIV'  XV'  XI  l'  tt  Xf/f  sii.lts. 
Paris.  1841-53.  This  was  published  at  the 
charge  of  the  Portuguese  Oovcrnment,  and  is 
the  most  extensive  of  modern  fac-similcs.  Cop- 
ies, which  are  rarely  found  complete,  owing  to 
its  irregular  publication  over  a  long  period,  are 
worth  from  $175  to  $200.  A  list  of  the  maps  in 
it  is  given  in  I.«clcrc,  lUHiothecii  Amcrkana, 
1878,  no.  529;  and  of  them  the  following  arc  of 
interest  to  students  of  American  hi.story :  — 

51.  Mappcini'nde  de  Ruysch.  This  appeared 
in  the  Ptolemy  of  1508  at  Rome,  the  earliest  en- 
graved map  of  America. 

52.  (ilobe  of  Schoner,  and  the  map  in  Cam- 
er's  edition  of  Solinus,  each  of  1520. 

53.  Mappemonde  par  F.  Ro.selli,  Florence, 
1532,  and  the  maps  of  Sebastian  Munstcr,  1544, 
and  V'adianus,  1546. 

The  atlas  should  be  accompanied  by  Essai  stir 
thistoire  de  la  Cosmof^afhie  ft  de  la  Cartoj^afhie 
pendant  le  Moyen  Age,  et  siir  les  proi^ris  de  la  Glo- 
grafhie  apris  les  graiides  dicouvertes  du  XV'  siicle, 
3  vols.     Paris.     1849-52. 

KuNSTMANN,  F.  Eiildechiiif;  Amerikas  naeh 
den  alteslen  Quellen  f^cschkhtlich  dari^esteltt.  Mu- 
nich, 1859.  This  was  published  under  the  aus- 
pices of  the  Royal  Bavarian  Academy  of  Sciences, 
and  is  accompanied  by  a  large  atlas,  giving  fac- 
similes of  the  principal  .Spanish  and  Portugue.se 
maps  of  the  sixteenth  century,  including  one  of 
the  California  coa.st,  and  that  of  the  east  coast 
of  North  America,  by  Thomas  Hood,  1592. 
Copies  are  worth  from  ^15  to  $20. 

Lelewel,  J.  GSofiraphie  du  Moyen  Af,'e  (tu- 
diee.  Bruxelles.  1852.  3  vols.  8vo.  With  a 
small  folio  atlas,  of  thirty-five  plates,  containing 
fifty-two  maps.  The  text  is  useful ;  but,  as  a 
rule,  the  maps  are  on  too  small  a  scale  for  easy 
studv. 


ilv:t 


l^K 


% 


W 


2l8 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


(,    ' 


u 


A  series  of  photographic  reproductions  of 
early  maps  is  now  appearing  at  Venice,  under 
the  title  of  /iaccolta  di  Afappainondi  e  Carte  miti- 
ticlie del XIII al XVI secolo.    There  are  two  which 
have  a  particular  interest  in  connection  with  the 
earliest  explorations  in  America ;  namely,  — 
lO.   Carta  da  naz'iga,  u     Attributed  to  Alberto 
Canting,  supposed  to  be  a.d.  1501-03, 
and  to  illustrate  the  third  voyage  of  Co- 
lumbus.   The  original  is  in  the  Bibl.  Es- 
tcnse  at  Modena.     [Not  yet  published.] 
17.   Agnese,  Batfista.     Fac-simUe  delle  Carte 
natiiiche  dell'  anno  1554,  illustrate  da  Teo- 
baldo  Fischer.    Venezia.     1881. 
The  editor,  Fischer,  is  Professor  of  Geogra- 
phy at  Kiel.     The  original  is  in  the  Bibliotheca 
Marciana,  at  Venice.    The  sheets  which  throw 
light  upon  the  h'  ^tjrical  geography  of  America 
are  these  :  — 

XVII.  4.  Ntith  America  northward  to  the 
Penobscot  j'.id  the  Gulf  of  California ;  and  the 
west  coast  of  South  America  to  1 5°  south ;  then 
blank,  t.il  the  region  of  Magellan's  Straits  is 
reached. 

XVII.   5.  North  America,  east   coast  from 
Labrador  south ;  Central  America  ;  South  Amer- 
ica, all  of  east  coast,  and  west  coast,  as  in  XVII.  4. 
XVII.   33.  The  World,  —  the  American  con- 
tinent much  as  in  XVII.  4  and  5. 

We  note  the  foUowip  ,  other  maps  of  Ag- 
nese :  — 

a.  Portolaii-  in  the-  '•••'. ish  Museum,  bearing 
date  1536.  Ii:a.  :  it.  MSS.  in  fritis/i  Aluseiim, 
19,927.  If  this  is  the  one  I.'  .il  {Discovery  of 
Maine,  p.  293)  efers  1:1  as  no  5,463,  MS  De- 
partment Britisii  Museum,  it  Is  signed  a.  .:  jated 
by  the  author. 

b.  Portolano,  dated  1536,  ui  the  royal  library 
at  Dresden,  of  ten  plates,  —  one  being  the  World, 
the  western  half  of  which,  showing  America,  is 
given  reduced  by  Kohl,  p.  292.  It  resembles 
XVII.  y}  aboie,  but  is  not  so  well  advanced, 
and  re'jins  a  trace  of  Verrazano's  Sea,  which 
makes  New  England  an  isthmus.     It  wants  the 


California  peninsula,  a  knowledge  of  whose  dis. 
covery  had  hardly  yet  reached  Venice. 

c.  Portolano,  in  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford ; 
thought  by  Kohl,  who  gives  a  sketch  (pi.  xv.  c), 
to  be  the  work  of  Agnese,  since  it  closely  resem- 
bles, in  its  delineations  of  the  American  conti- 
nent, that  Venetian's  notions.  This,  perhaps,  is 
earlier  than  the  previous  map ;  for  it  puts  a  strait 
leading  to  the  Western  sea,  where  Cartier  had 
just  before  supposed  he  had  found  such  in  the 
St.  Lawrence. 

d.  Map  in  the  archives  of  the  Duke  of  Co- 
burg-Gotha,  marked  "  Baptista  Agnes  fecit,  Vene- 
tiis,  1543,  die  18  Fcbr."  Kohl  (pi.  xvii.  3)  gives 
from  it  a  draft  of  the  eastern  coast  of  the  United 
States. 

e.  Map,  like  d,  in  the  Huth  Library  at  Lon- 
don. 

/.  Portolano  in  the  Royal  Library,  Dresden. 
It  shows  California.     Kohl,  p.  294. 

g.  Portolano  in  the  British  Museum,  dated 
1564.     Index  to  MSS.  25,442. 

Kohl  says  (p.  293)  there  are  other  MS.  maps 
of  Agnese  in  London,  Paris,  Gotha,  and  Dres- 
den, not  here  enumerated. 

A  few  other  books,  less  extensive  and  more 
accessible,  deserve  attention  in  connection  with 
the  study  of  comparative  early  American  cartog- 
raphy. 

Henry  Stevens.  History  and  Geographical 
Notes  of  the  Early  Discor'eries  in  America,  1453- 
1530,  New  Haven,  1869,  with  five  folding  plates 
of  photographic  fac-similes  of  sixteen  of  the 
most  important  maps. 

Dr.  J.  G.  Kohl.  Discovery  of  Maine  (Docu- 
mentary History  of  Maine,  l),  with  reduced 
sketches,  not  in  fac-simile,  of  many  early  charts 
of  our  eastern  seaboard. 

Charles  P.  Daly.  Early  History  of  Cartog- 
raphy, or  what  we  know  of  Maps  and  Alap-making 
before  the  time  of  Mercator,  —  being  his  annual 
address,  1879,  before  the  American  Geographical 
Society.  The  maps  are  unfortunately  on  a  very 
much  reduced  scale. 


NOTE. — Since  this  chapter  was  completed  Henry  Harrisse's  ^ran  ei  Sebastien  Cabot,  Paris,  1882,  h.is 
given  us  tlie  fullest  account  of  Agnese's  cartographical  labors,  with  much  other  useful  information  about  tin- 
maps  from  1497  to  1550  ;  and  George  Bancroft  (Magazine  of  American  History,  18S3,  pp.  459,  460),  in  defence 
of  his  latest  revision,  has  controverted  Dr.'De  Costa's  statement  (Ibid.,  !S83,  p.  300),  that  Gosnold  had  no  per- 
mission Irom  Ralegh,  and  has  set  forth  his  reasons  for  believing  that  Waymouth  ascended  the  George's  River 
De  CosU  replied  to  Bancroft  in  the  Mag.  ofAmer.  Hist.,  Aug.,  1883,  p.  143. 


■y,,. 


on  a  very 


1882,  has 

about  the 

, in  defence 

had  no  per- 

rge's  River. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    THE    SETTLEMENT    OF    NEW 
ENGLAND.— PURITANS  AND  SEPARATISTS  IN   ENGLAND. 

BY  GEORGE  EDWARD  ELLIS, 

Vice-President  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

THERE  is  no  occasion  to  offer  any  elaborate  plea  for  making  this 
theme  the  subject  of  a  chapter  of  American  history,  however  ex- 
tended into  detail  or  compressed  in  its  dealing  with  general  themes  that 
history  might  be.  In  the  origin  and  development,  the  strengthening  and 
the  triumph,  of  those  agencies  which  transferred  from  the  Old  World  to 
the  New  the  trial  of  fresh  ideas  and  the  experiment  with  free  institutions, 
the  colonists  of  New  England  had  the  leading  part.  The  influence  and  the 
institutions  which  have  gone  forth  from  them  have  had  a  prevailing  sway 
on  the  northern  half  of  this  continent.  Their  enterprise  —  in  its  seemingly 
feeble,  but  from  the  first  earnest  and  resolute,  purpose  —  took  its  spring 
from  religious  dissension  following  upon  the  earlier  stages  of  the  Protestant 
Reformation  in  England.  The  grounds,  occasions,  and  results  of  that  dis- 
sension thus  become  the  proper  subject  of  a  chapter  in  American  history. 
It  is  certain  that  in  tracing  the  early  assertion  in  England  of  what  may  be 
called  the  principles  of  dissent  from  ecclesiastical  authority,  we  are  dealing 
with  forces  which  have  wrought  effectively  on  this  continent. 

The  well-established  and  familiar  fact,  that  the  first  successful  and  effec- 
tive colonial  enterprises  of  Englishmen  in  New  England  found  their  motive 
and  purpose  in  religious  variances  within  the  English  communion,  is  illus- 
trated by  an  incident  anticipatory  by  several  years  of  the  period  which 
realized  that  result.  A  scheme  was  devised  and  entered  upon  in  England 
in  the  interest  of  substantially  the  same  class  of  men  known  as  Separatists 
and  Nonconformists,  who  twenty-three  years  after%vard  established  them- 
selves at  Plymouth,  and  ten  years  later  in  Massachusetts  Bay.  In  the  year 
1597,  there  were  confined  in  London  prisons  a  considerable  number  of  men 
known  confusedly  as  Barrowists  or  Brownists,  who  had  been  seized  in  the 
conventicles  of  the  Separatists,  or  had  made  themselves  obnoxious  by  dis- 
affection with  the  government,  the  forms,  or  the  discipline  of  the  English 
hierarchy.     In  that  year  a  scheme  was  proposed,  apparently  by  the  Gov- 


If 

m 

SI  ^^ 

w 

II 

m 

"Pw  ''^ 

l|H 

''i'i 

Tf 

ill 

if 

■if 

jjll 

h  ti 


220 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


V'\ 


ernmei  .,  for  planting  some  permanent  colonists  somewhere  in  the  northern 
parts  of  North  America.  Some  of  these  Separatists  petitioned  the  Council 
for  leave  to  transport  themselves  for  this  purpose,  promising  fidelity  to  the 
Queen  and  her  realm.  Three  merchants  at  the  time  were  planning  a  voy- 
age for  fishing  and  discovery,  with  a  view  to  a  settlement  on  an  island 
variously  called  Rainea,  Rain^e,  and  Ramees,  in  a  group  of  the  Magdalen 
Islands,  in  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  and  they  were  to  furnish  two  ships  for 
the  enterprise.  Reinforcing  the  petition  of  the  Separatists,  they  asked  per- 
mission to  transport  with  them  "  divers  artificers  and  other  p<jrsons  that  are 
noted  to  be  Sectaries,  whose  minds  are  continually  in  an  ecclesiastical  fer- 
ment." Permission  was  granted  for  the  removal  of  two  such  persons  in 
each  of  the  two  ships,  the  merchants  giving  bonds  that  the  exiles  should 
not  return  unless  willing  to  obey  the  ecclesiastical  laws.  The  four  prisoners 
who  embarked  for  the  voyage,  April  8,  1597,  were  Francis  and  George 
Johnson,  brothers,  who  had  been  educated  at  Cambridge,  and  Daniel 
Studley  and  John  Clarke,  who  shared  with  them  their  Separatist  prin- 
ciples. One  of  the  vessels  was  wrecked  when  near  its  destination,  and  the 
company  took  jefuge  on  the  other,  which,  proving  unseaworthy  and  scantily 
provisioned,  returned  to  England,  arriving  in  the  Channel,  September  i. 
The  four  exiles  found  their  way  stealthily  to  a  hiding-place  in  London,  and 
by  the  middle  of  the  month  were  in  Amsterdam.  Their  history  there  con- 
nects with  the  subsequent  fortunes  of  the  Separatists  in  England,  and  with 
those  of  the  Pilgrims  at  Plymouth.^ 

The  facts,  persons,  and  incidents  v.ith  which  we  have  to  deal  in  treating 
of  this  special  matter  of  religious  contention  within  the  English  Church, 
give  us  simply  the  opening  in  series  and  course  of  what  under  various 
modifications  is  known  as  the  history  of  Di  ;sent.  The  strife  then  engend- 
ered has  continued  essentially  the  same  down  to  our  own  times,  turning 
upon  the  same  points  of  controversy  and  upon  contested  principles,  rights, 
and  methods.  The  present  relations  of  the  parties  to  this  entailed  dissen- 
sion may  throw  some  light  back  upon  the  working  of  the  elements  in  it 
when  it  was  first  opened.  The  result  which  has  been  reached,  after  the 
processes  engaged  in  it  for  nearly  four  centuries,  shows  itself  to  us  in  a 
still  existing  National  Church  establishment  in  England,  with  authority 
and  vested  rights,  privileges,  and  prerogatives,  yet  nevertheless  repudiated 
by  nearly,  if  not  quite,  half  of  the  subjects  of  the  realm.  The  reason  or 
the  right,  the  grounds  or  the  justification,  of  the  original  workings  of  Dis- 
sent have  certainly  been  suspended  long  enough  for  discussion  and  judg- 
ment upon  their  merits  to  help  us  to  reach  a  fair  decision  upon  them. 

The  indifference,  even  the  strong  distaste,  which  writers  and  readers  alike 
feel  to  a  rehearsal  in  our  days  of  the  embittered  and  aggravated  strife,  —  often 
concerned,  too,  with  what  seem  to  us  petty,  trivial,  and  perverse  elements  of 
scruple,  temper,  and  passion, — in  the  early  Puritan  controversy  in  the  Chuich 

1  In  Dexter's  Congregationalism,  pp.  277-78,  are  citations  of  English  State  Papers  relating  to 
this  voyage  and  to  journals  of  it. 


I'i 


THE   RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


221 


iating  to 


of  England,  may  be  sensibly  relieved  by  the  spirit  of  fairness  and  consid- 
eration in  which  the  subject  is  treated  in  the  most  recent  dealing  with  it  by 
able  and  judicious  writers.  There  are  even  now  in  the  utterances  of  pulpit 
and  platform,  and  in  the  voluminous  pages  of  pamphlet,  essay,  and  so-called 
history,  survivals  and  renewals  of  all  the  sharpness  and  acrimoniousness  of 
the  original  passions  of  the  controversy.  And  where  this  spirit  has  license, 
the  lengthening  lapse  of  time  will  more  or  less  falsify  the  truth  of  the  rela- 
tion of  either  side  of  the  strife.  One  whose  sympathies  are  with  either 
party  may  rightly  claim  thai  it  be  fairly  presented,  its  limitations,  excesses, 
and  even  its  perversities  beii.^  excused  or  palliated,  where  reasons  can 
be  shown.  Nor  is  one  who  for  any  fair  purpose  undertakes  a  statement 
or  exposition  of  the  views  and  course  of  either  of  those  parties  to  be 
regarded  as  also  its  champion  and  vindicator.  But  no  rehearsal  of  the 
controversy  will  have  much  value  or  interest  for  readers  of  our  day  which 
does  assume  such  championship  of  one  party.  As  the  Puritans,  Non- 
conformists, or  Dissenters,  from  the  beginning  up  to  this  day,  were  sub- 
stantially defeated,  disabled,  and  made  the  losers  of  the  object  for  which 
tiiey  contended,  they  may  fairly  claim  the  allowance  of  making  the  best 
possible  statement  of  their  cause. 

Those  who  at  this  distance  of  time  accede  in  their  lineage  and  principles 
to  the  heritage  of  the  first  Dissenters  from  the  English  Church  system, 
might  naturally  eulogize  them  for  their  noble  service  in  laying  the  founda- 
tions of  religious  and  civil  liberty  in  the  realm.  But  there  are  not  lacking 
in  these  days  Royalists  and  Churchmen  alike  who  in  the  pages  of  history  and 
in  essays  equally  extol  the  English  Nonconformists  as  the  foremost  cham- 
pions, the  most  effective  agents,  in  bringing  to  trial  and  triumph  the  free 
institutions  of  the  realm.  Making  the  fullest  allowances  for  all  the  perver- 
sities and  fanaticisms  wrought  in  with  the  separating  tenets  and  principles 
of  individuals  and  sects,  their  protests  and  assertions,  their  sufferings  and 
constancy  under  disabilities,  all  wrought  together  at  last  to  insure  a  grand 
result.  Boldly  is  the  assertion  now  maintained,  that  the  Church  of  England 
at  several  critical  periods  would  have  been  unable  to  withstand  the  recu- 
perative forces  of  the  Roman  Church,  had  it  not  been  for  the  persistent 
action  of  the  Nonconformists  in  holding  the  ground  won  by  the  Refor- 
mation, and  in  demanding  advance  in  the  same  line.  The  partial  schemes 
of  toleration  and  comprehension  which  were  hopefully  or  mockingly  enter- 
tained by  parties  in  the  Government  down  to  the  period  of  the  Revolu- 
tion, were  avowedly  designed  "  to  strengthen  the  Protestant  interest."  The 
strength  of  Dissent,  in  all  its  forms  and  stages,  lay  in  its  demanding  for 
the  laity  voice  and  influence  in  all  ecclesiastical  affairs.  It  was  this  that 
restrained  the  dominance  of  priestly  power. 

There  is  a  very  important  consideration  to  be  had  in  view  when  we  aim 
to  form  a  fair  and  impartial  judgment  of  the  spirit  and  course  of  those 
earnest,  if  contentious,  men,  scholars,  divines,  heads  and  fellows  of  univer- 
sities, who  in  their  Nonconforming  or  Separatist  principles  originated  dis- 


i;^ 


222 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


'f 


'.W- 


^^! 


^'"^iri 


f  !i' 


I,    :;  i'      '  1.' 


ill 


sensions  in  the  English  Church,  and  withdrew  from  it,  bearing  various  pains 
and  penalties.  Even  in  the  calmer  dealing  with  them  in  the  religious  liter- 
ature of  our  own  t'mes  coming  from  Episcopal  writers,  we  find  traces  of 
the  irritation,  reproach,  and  contempt  felt  and  expressed  for  these  original 
Dissenters  when  they  first  came  into  notice,  to  be  dealt  with  as  mischief- 
makers  and  culprits.  They  were  then  generally  regarded  as  unreasonable, 
perverse,  and  contentious  spirits,  exaggerating  trifling  matters,  obtruding 
morbid  scruples,  and  ki  ping  the  realm  in  a  ferr-?nt  of  petty  squabbles 
on  subjects  in  themselves  utterly  indifferent.  Thry  .vithstood  the  hearty, 
harmonious  engagement  of  the  rulers  and  the  mass  of  the  people  of  the 
realm  in  the  difficult  task  of  securing  the  general  principles  and  interests 
of  the  Reformation,  when  perils  and  treacheries  of  a  most  formidable  char- 
acter from  the  Papacy  and  from  internal  and  external  enemies  threatened 
every  form  of  disaster.  To  this  charge  it  might  be  replied,  that  the  P-  itans 
believed  that  a  thorough  and  consistent  work  of  reformation  withm  the 
realm  would  be  the  best  security  for  loyalty,  internal  harmony,  and  protec- 
tion from  the  plottings  of  all  outside  enemies. 

The  most  interesting  and  significant  fact  underlying  the  origin  and  the 
prmciples  alike  of  Nonconformity  and  of  Separatism  in  England  at  the 
period  of  the  Reformation,  is  this :  the  facility  and  acquiescence  with  which 
changes  were  made  in  the  English  ecclesiastical  system  up  to  a  certain 
point,  while  further  modifications  in  the  same  direction  were  so  stiffly 
resisted.  It  would  seem  as  if  it  had  been  assumed  at  once  that  there  was 
a  well-defined  line  of  division  which  should  sharply  distinguish  between 
what  must  necessarily  or  might  reasonably  be  made  a  part  of  the  new 
order  of  things  when  the  Papacy  was  renounced,  and  what  must  be  con- 
served against  all  further  innovation.  The  pivot  of  all  subsequent  contro- 
versy, disseniion,  and  alienation  turned  upon  the  question  whether  this 
sharply  drawn  line  was  not  wholly  an  arbitrary  one,  not  adjusted  by  a 
principle  of  consistency,  but  of  the  nature  of  a  compromise.  This  ques- 
tion was  followed  by  another :  Why  should  the  process  of  reformation  in 
the  Church,  so  resolute  and  revolutionary  in  changing  its  institution  and 
discipline  and  ritual,  stop  at  the  stage  which  it  has  already  reached?  Could 
any  other  answer  be  given  than  that  the  majority,  or  those  who  in  office  or 
prerogative  had  the  power  to  enforce  a  decision,  had  decided  that  the  right 
point  had  been  reached,  and  that  an  arrest  must  be  made  there? 

We  must  indicate  in  a  summary  way  the  stage  which  the  Reformation 
had  reached  in  England  when  Puritanism,  in  its  various  forms,  made  itself 
intrusive  and  obnoxious  in  demanding  further  changes.  We  need  not  open 
and  deal  with  the  controverted  point,  about  which  English  Churchmen  are 
by  no  means  in  accord,  as  to  whether  their  Church  had  or  did  not  have  an 
origin  and  jurisdiction  independently  of  all  agency,  intrusion,  or  interven- 
tion of  the  Bishop  of  Rome,  or  the  Pope.  It  is  enough  to  start  with  the 
fact,  that  up  to  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  the  Pope  asserted  and  exercised 
a  supremacy  both  in  civil  and  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  the  realm.     If  there 


THE   RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT   IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


223 


right 


nation 
itself 
open 
en  are 
ave  an 
erven- 
th  the 
rcised 
f  there 


was  a  Church  in  England,  it  was  allowed  that  that  Church  must  have  a 
head.  The  Pope  was  acknowledged  to  be  that  head.  Henry  VIII.,  with 
the  support  of  his  Parliament,  renounced  the  Papal  supremacy,  and  himself 
acceded  to  that  august  dignity.  The  year  600  is  assigned  as  the  date  when 
Pope  Gregory  I.  put  Augustin,  or  Austin,  over  the  British  Church.  The 
headship  of  the  Pope  was  acknowledged  in  the  line  of  monarchs  till  Henry 
VIII.  became  the  substitute  of  Clement  VII.  In  the  twenty-sixth  year  of 
Henry's  reign  his  Parliament  enacted  that  "whatsoever  his  Majesty  sho'ld 
enjoin  in  matters  of  religion  should  be  obeyed  by  all  his  subjects."  Some 
of  the  clergy,  being  startled  ^.  this  exaltation  of  a  layman  to  the  highest 
ecclesiastical  office,  demanded  the  insertion  of  the  qualifying  words  "  as 
far  as  is  agreeable  to  the  laws  of  Christ."  The  King  for  a  time  accepted 
this  qualification,  but  afterward  obtained  the  consent  of  Parliament  for  its 
omission.  Whatever  may  be  granted  or  denied  to  the  well-worn  plea  that 
the  King's  reformatory  zeal  was  inspired  by  his  feud  with  the  Pope  abou* 
his  matrimonial  infelicities,  it  is  evident  that,  notwithstanding  the  unre- 
strained royal  prerogative,  the  monarch  could  not  have  struck  at  the  very 
basis  of  all  ecclesiastical  rule  and  order  in  his  kingdom,  had  there  not  been 
not  only  in  his  Council  and  Parliament,  but  also  working  among  all  orders 
of  the  people,  a  spirit  and  resolve  against  the  Papal  rule  and  discipline, 
ready  to  enter  upon  the  unsounded  and  perilous  ventures  of  radical  reform- 
ation. None  as  yet  knew  where  the  opened  way  would  lead  them.  The 
initiatory  and  each  onward  step  might  yet  have  to  be  retraced.  Not  for 
many  years  afterward  did  the  threat  and  dread  of  the  full  restoration  of  the 
Papal  power  cease  to  appal  the  people  of  the  realm.  The  final  and  the 
impotent  blow  which  severed  the  Papacy  from  the  realm  came  in  the  Bull 
of  Pope  Pius  V.  in  1571,  which  denounced  Elizabeth  as  a  heretic,  and, 
under  pain  of  curse,  forbade  her  subjects  to  obey  her  laws.  The  measures 
of  reform  under  Henry  were  tentative  and  arbitrary  on  his  part.  They 
made  no  recognition  of  any  defined  aim  and  stage  to  be  reached.  We 
must  keep  this  fact  in  view  as  showing  that  while  the  realm  was  ready  for 
change,  it  was  as  yet  a  process,  not  a  mark. 

It  is  necessary  to  start  »vith  a  definition  of  terms  which  are  often  con- 
founded in  their  use.  "  Puritans,"  "  Separatists,"  and  "  Nonconformists  " 
might  in  fact  be  terms  equally  applicable  to  many  individuals,  but  none 
the  less  they  were  distinctive,  and  in  many  cases  indicated  very  broad 
divergencies  and  characteristics  in  opinion,  belief,  and  conduct.  Noncon- 
formists and  Separatists  were  alike  Puritans,  —  the  latter  intensively  such. 
Puritanism  developed  clike  into  Nonconformity  and  Separatism.  The  ear- 
liest Puritans  came  to  be  Nonconformists,  after  trying  in  vain  to  retain  a 
ministry  and  corimunion  in  the  English  Churf-h  as  established  by  royal 
and  civil  authorivy,  and  after  being  driven  from  it  because  of  their  per- 
sistent demands  lor  further  reform  in  it.  As  heartily  as  did  those  who 
remained  in  its  communion,  they  believed  in  the  fitness  of  an  established 
nationalized  Church.      They   wished   to   be   members   of  such   a  Church 


I 


224 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


i  'i     ' 


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I  I  ,|. 


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■     ■■   t    ■: 


Vll: 


themselves ;  and  not  only  so,  but  also  to  force  upon  others  such  member- 
ship. It  was  not  to  destroy,  but  to  purify ;  not  to  deny  to  the  civil  au- 
thority a  legislative  and  disciplinary  power  in  religious  matters,  but  to  limit 
the  exercise  of  that  right  within  Scriptural  rules  and  methods.  They  had 
sympathized  in  the  processes  of  reform  so  far  as  these  had  advanced,  but 
complained  that  the  work  had  been  arbitrarily  arrested,  was  incomplete, 
was  inconsistently  pursued,  was  insecure  in  the  stage  which  it  had  reached, 
and  so  left  without  the  warrant  which  Scripture  alone  could  furnish  as  a 
substitute  for  repudiated  Rome. 

Who  were  the  Separatists,  whose  utterances,  scruples,  and  conduct 
seemed  so  whimsical,  pertinacious,  disloyal,  and  refractory  in  Old  England, 
and  whose  enterprise  has  been  so  successful  and  honorable  in  its  develop- 
ment in  New  England  ?  When  the  unity  of  the  Roman  Church  was  sundered 
at  the  Reformation,  all  those  once  in  its  communion  who  parted  from  it  were 
Separatists.  It  is  an  intricate  but  interesting  story,  which  has  been  often  told, 
wearisomely  and  indeed  exhaustively,  in  explanation  of  the  fact  that  this 
epithet  came  to  designate  a  comparatively  small  number  of  individuals  in 
a  nation  to  the  mass  of  whose  population  it  equally  belonged.  The  term 
"separatist"  or  "sectary"  carries  with  it  a  changing  significance  and  asso- 
ciation, according  to  the  circumstances  of  its  application.  It  was  first  used 
to  designate  the  Christians.  The  Apostle  Paul  was  called  "  a  ringleader  of 
the  sect  of  the  Nazarenes"  (Acts  xxiv.  5).  The  Roman  Jews  described  the 
Ciiristians  as  a  "sect"  that  was  "  everywhere  spoken  against"  (Acts  xxviii. 
22).  The  civil  power  gave  a  distinctive  limitation  to  the  epithet.  It  is 
always  to  be  remembered  that  every  national-church  establishment  existing 
among  Protestants  is  the  creation  of  the  civil  authority.  Its  inclusion  and 
its  exclusion,  the  privileges  and  disabilities  which  it  gives  or  imposes,  its 
titles  of  honor  or  reproach,  are  the  awards  of  secular  magistrates.  All 
ecclesiastical  polity,  outside  of  Scriptural  rule  and  sanction,  receives  its  au- 
thority, for  those  who  accept  and  for  those  who  reject  it,  from  the  extension 
of  the  temporal  power  into  the  province  of  religion.  When  King  Henry 
VIII.  and  the  English  Parliament  assumed  the  ecclesiastical  headship  and 
prerogative  previously  exercised  by  Pope  Clement  VII.,  all  the  loyal  people 
of  the  realm  became  Separatists.  All  the  Reformed  bodies  of  the  Con- 
tinent substantially  regarded  themselves  as  coming  under  that  designation, 
which  might  have  been  applied  and  assumed  with  equal  propriety  as  the 
epithet  "  protestants."  The  Curia  of  the  hierarchy  at  Rome  from  the  first 
until  now  regards  English  and  all  other  Protestants  as  Separatists.  An 
archbishop  or  bishop  of  the  English  Church  is  ranked  by  the  Church  of 
Rome  in  the  same  category  of  unauthorized  intruders  upon  sacred  func- 
tions with  the  second-advent  exhorter  and  the  field-preacher.  The  pages 
of  English  history,  so  diligently  wrought,  and  the  developments  of  eccle- 
siastical polity  in  the  realm  must  be  studied  and  traced  by  one  who  would 
fully  understand  the  occasion,  the  grounds,  and  the  justice  of  the  restric- 
tion which  confined  the  title  of  "separatists  "  to  the  outlawed  and  persecuted 


THE   RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT    IN   NEW   ENGLAND. 


225 


and  exiled  class  of  persons,  many  of  them  graduates  of  English  universities, 
ordained  and  serving  in  the  pulpits  of  the  Church,  who  were  represented  in 
and  out  of  English  jails  by  the  four  men  whose  abortive  scheme  of  plant- 
ing a  colony  in  North  America  has  just  been  referred  to.  However,  justly 
or  unjustly,  the  epithet  "  separatists  "  came  to  be  applied  and  accepted  as 
designating  those  who  would  not  only  not  conform  to  the  discipline  of  the 
Church,  as  still  members  of  it,  but  who  utterly  renounced  all  connection 
with  it,  kept  away  from  it,  and  organized  assemblies,  conventicles,  or  fellow- 
ships, subject  only  to  such  discipline  as  they  might  agree  upon  among 
themselves. 

A  suggestion  presents  itself  here,  to  which  a  candid  view  of  facti  must 
attach  much  weight.     Nonconformity,  Separatism,  Dissent,  are  not  to  be 
regarded  as  factiously  obtruding  themselves  upon  a  peaceful,  orderly,  and 
well-established  system,  already  tried  and  approved  in  its  general  workings. 
The  Reformation  in  England  was  then  but  in  progress,  in  its  early  stages ; 
everything  had  been  shaken,  all  was  still  unsettled,  unadjusted,  not  reduced 
to  permanence  and  order.     There  was  an  experiment  to  be  tried,  an  insti- 
tution to  be  recreated  and  remodelled,  a  substitute  Church  to  be  provided 
for  a  repudiated  Church.    The  early  Dissenters  regarded  themselves  as  sim- 
ply taking  part  in  an  unfinished  reform.     The  Church  in  England,  under 
entanglements  of  civil  policy  and  complications  of  State,  gave  tokens  of 
stopping  at  a  stage  in  reform  quite  different  from  that  reached,  and  allo'Acd 
progressive  advance  and  unfettered  conditions  among  Protestants  on  the 
Continent.     There  the  course  was  free.     The  French,  Dutch,  and  Italian 
.systems,  though  not  accordant,  were  all  unlike  the  English  ecclesiastical 
system.     In  England  it  was  impeded,  leading  to  a  kind  of  establishment 
and  institution  in  hierarchical  and  ritual  administration  which  had  more 
regard  for  the  old  Church,  and  looked  to  more  compromise  with  it.     It 
was  not  as  if  yielding  to  their  own  crotchets,  self-willed  idiosyncrasies,  and 
petty  fancies  that  those  who  opened  the  line  of  the  Dissenters  obtruded 
their  variances,  scruples,   and  contentions   in  assailing  what  was  already 
established  and  perfected.     They  meant  to  come  in  at  the  beginning,  at 
tiie  first  stage,  the  initiation  of  what  was  to  be  the  new  order  of  things  in 
the  Church,  which  was  then,  as  they  viewed  it,  in  a  state  of  formation  and 
organization  for  time  to  come.     They  took  alarm  at  the  simulation  of  the 
system  and  ritual  of  the  Roman  Church,  which  the  English,  alone  of  all 
the  Reformed  Churches,  in  their  view  evidently  favored.     They  wished  to 
have  hand  and  voice  in  initiating  and  planning  the  ecclesiastical  institu- 
tions under  which  they  were  to  live  as  Christians.     Individual  conscience, 
too,  which  heretofore  had  been  a  nullity,  was  thenceforward  to  stand  for 
something.   It  remained  to  be  proved  how  much  and  what  was  to  be  allowed 
to  it,  but  it  was  not  to  be  scornfully  slighted.     Then,  also,  with  the  first 
manifestations  of  a  Nonconforming  and  Separatist  spirit,  we  note  the  agi- 
tation of  the  question,  which  steadily  strengthened  in  its  persistency  and 
emphasis  of  treatment,  as  to  what  were  to  be  the  rights  and  functions  of 

VOL.   III.  —  29. 


1   > 


226 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I    I 


)   '  I 


■''    f' 


lay  people  in  the  administration  of  a  Christian  Church.  Were  they  to 
continue,  as  under  the  Roman  system,  simply  to  be  led,  governed,  and 
disciplined,  as  sheep  in  a  fold,  by  a  clerical  order?  Hallam  gives  it  as  his 
conclusion,  that  the  party  in  the  realm  during  Elizabeth's  reign  "  adverse 
to  any  species  of  ecclesiastical  change,"  was  less  numerous  than  either  of 
the  other  parties.  Catholic  or  Puritan.  According  to  this  view,  if  one  third 
of  the  people  of  the  realm  would  have  consented  to  the  restoration  of  the 
Roman  system,  and  less  than  one  third  were  in  accord  with  the  Protestant 
prelatical  establishment,  certainly  the  other  third,  the  Puritanical  party, 
might  assert  their  right  to  a  hearing. 

While  claiming  and  pleading  that  the  strict  rule  and  example  of  Scrip- 
ture precedent  and  model  should  alone  be  followed  in  the  institution  and 
discipline  of  the  Christian  Church,  there  was  a  second  very  comprehensive 
and  positive  demand  made  by  the  Puritans,  which, —  as  we  shall  calmly  view 
it  in  the  retrospect,  as  taking  its  impulse  and  purpose  either  from  substan- 
tial and  valid  reasons  of  good  sense,  discretion,  and  practical  wisdom,  or  as 
starting  from  narrow  conceits,  perversity,  and  eccentric  judgments  leading 
it  on  into  fanaticism, — put  the  Puritans  into  antagonism  with  the  Church 
party.  From  the  first  token  of  the  breach  with  Rome  under  Henry  VIII. 
through  the  reigns  of  his  three  children  and  the  four  Stuarts,  the  Reform- 
ation was  neither  accomplished  in  its  process,  nor  secure  of  abiding  in  the 
stage  which  it  had  reached.  More  than  once  during  that  period  of  one  and 
a  half  centuries  there  were  not  only  reasonable  fears,  but  actual  eviden- 
ces, that  a  renewed  subjection  to  the  perfectly  restored  thraldom  of  Rome 
might,  in  what  seemed  to  be  merely  the  cast  of  a  die,  befall  the  distracted 
realm  of  England.  The  Court,  Council,  and  Parliament  pulsated  in  regular 
or  irregular  beats  between  Romanism  and  Protestantism.  Henry  VIII. 
left  the  work  of  reform  embittered  in  its  spirit  for  both  parties,  unaccom- 
plished, insecure,  and  with  no  settlement  by  fixed  principles.  His  three 
children,  coming  successively  to  the  crown,  pursued  each  a  policy  which 
had  all  the  elements  of  confusion,  antagonism,  inconsistency,  and  extreme 
methods. 

The  spirit  which  vivified  Puritanism  had  been  working  in  England,  and 
had  been  defining  and  certifying  its  animating  and  leading  principle^,  before 
any  formal  measures  pf  King  and  Parliament  had  opened  the  breach  with 
Rome.  The  elemental  ferment  began  with  the  circulation  and  reading  of 
parts  or  the  whole  of  the  Scriptures  in  the  English  tongue.  The  surprises 
and  perils  which  accompanied  the  enjoyment  of  this  fearful  privilege  by 
private  persons  of  acute  intelligence  and  hearts  sensitive  to  the  deepest 
religious  emotions,  were  followed  by  profound  effects.  The  book  was  to 
them  a  direct,  intelligible,  and  most  authoritative  communication  from  God. 
To  its  first  readers  it  did  not  seem  to  need  any  help  from  an  interpreter 
or  commentator.  It  is  a  suggestive  fact,  that  for  English  readers  the  now 
mountainous  heaps  of  literature  devoted  to  the  exposition,  illustration,  and 
extended  and  comparative  elucidation  of  Scripture  were  produced  only  at 


THE   RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT   IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


227 


a  later  period.  The  first  Scripture  readers,  antedating  the  actual  era  of 
the  English  Reformation  and  the  formal  national  rupture  with  the  Roman 
Church,  were  content  with  the  simple  text.  They  were  impatient  with  any 
glosses  or  criticisms.  When  afterward,  in  the  interests  of  psalmody  in 
worship,  the  first  attempts  were  made  in  constructing  metrical  versions 
of  the  Psalms,  the  intensest  opposition  was  raised  against  the  introduction 
of  a  single  expletive  word  for  which  there  was  no  answering  original  in 
the  text. 

We  must  assign  to  this  early  engagedness  of  love  and  devoted  regard 
and  fond  estimate  of  the  Bible  the  mainspring  and  the  whole  guiding 
inspiration  of  all  the  protests  and  demands  which  animated  the  Puritan 
movements.  The  degree  in  which  aftenvard  any  individual  within  the 
communion  of  the  English  Church  was  prompted  to  pursue  what  he 
regarded  as  the  work  of  reformation,  whether  he  were  prelate,  noble, 
gentleman,  scholar,  husbandman,  or  artisan,  and  whether  it  drove  him  - 
conformity  or  to  any  phase  of  Puritanism,  or  even  Separatism,  depended 
mainly  upon  the  estimate  which  he  assigned  to  the  Scriptures,  whether  as 
the  sole  or  only  the  co-ordinate  authority  for  the  institution  and  discipline 
of  the  Christian  Church.  The  free  and  devout  reading  of  the  Scriptures, 
when  engaging  the  fresh  curiosity  and  zeal  of  thoroughly  earnest  men 
and  women,  roused  them  to  an  amazed  surprise  at  the  enormous  discord-  _ 
ance  between  the  matter  and  spirit  of  the  sacred  book  and  the  ecclesias- 
tical institutions  and  discipline  under  which  they  had  been  living,  —  "the 
simplicity  that  was  in  Christ,"  contrasted  with  the  towering  corruptions 
and  the  monstrous  tyranny  and  thraldom  of  the  Papacy !  This  first  sur- 
prise developed  into  all  shades  and  degrees  of  protest,  resentment,  indig- 
nation, and  almost  blinding  passion.  Thore  who  are  conversant  with  the 
writings  of  either  class  of  the  Puritans  know  well  with  what  paramount  dis- 
tinctness and  emphasis  they  use  the  term,  "the  Word."  The  significance 
attached  to  the  expression  gives  us  the  key  to  Puritanism.  For  its  most 
forcible  use  was  when,  in  a  representative  championship,  it  was  made  to 
stand  in  bold  antagonism  with  the  lerm  "  the  Church,"  as  inclusive  of  what 
it  carried  with  it  alike  under  the  R^manor  the  English  prelatical  system 
"  The  Church,"  "  the  Scriptures,"  .ire  the  word-symbols  of  the  issue  be- 
tween Conformity  and  Puritanism.  Christ  did  not  leave  Scriptures  behind 
him,  said  one  party,  but  he  did  have  a  Church.  Yes,  replied  the  other 
party;  he  left  apostles  who  both  wrote  the  Scriptures  and  planted  and 
administered  the  Church.  The  extrime  to  which  the  famous  "  Se-Baptist," 
John  Smyth,  carried  this  insistency  upon  the  sole  authority  of  the  Scrip- 
tures, led  him  to  repudiate  the  use  of  the  English  Bible  in  worship,  and 
to  require  that  the  originals  in  Greek  and  Hebrew  should  be  substituted.' 
The  fundamental  distinguishing  principle  which  is  common  to  all  the 
phases  of  Puritanism,  Dissent,  and  Separatism  in  the  English  Church  is 
this, — of  giving  to  the  Scriptures  sole  authority,  especially  over  matters  in 


mM\ 


n '  »^ 


:M 


1  Dexter,  Congregationalism,  p.  314. 


t'  I 


228 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I  i  ; 


1  I 


[:;V 


11   I  ' 


which  the  Church  claimed  control  and  jurisdiction.  There  was  in  the  ear- 
lier stage  of  the  struggle  little,  if  any,  discordance  as  to  doctrine.  Dis- 
cipline and  ritual  were  the  matters  in  controversy.  The  rule  and  text  of 
Scripture  were  to  displace  canon  law  and  the  Church  courts.  The  first  rep- 
resentatives of  the  sect  of  Haptists  resolved,  "  by  the  grace  of  God,  not 
to  receive  or  practise  any  piece  of  positive  worship  which  had  not  pre- 
cept or  example  in  the  Word."  ■  Nor  were  the  Baptists  in  this  respect 
singular  or  emphatic  beyond  .  others  of  the  Dissenting  company. 
None  of  them  had  any  misgiving  as  to  the  resources  and  sole  authority 
of  Scripture  to  furnish  them  with  model,  guide,  and  rule.  It  is  remark- 
able that  in  view  of  the  positive  and  reiterated  avowal  of  this  principle 
by  all  the  Puritans,  there  should  have  been  in  recent  times,  as  there  was 
not  in  the  first  era  of  the  controversy,  any  misapprehension  of  their  frank 
adoption  of  it,  their  resolute  standing  by  it.  Archbishop  Whately  repeat- 
edly marked  it  as  evidence  of  the  inspired  wisdom  of  the  New  Testament 
writers,  that  they  do  not  define  the  form  or  pattern  of  a  church  institu- 
tion for  government,  worship,  or  discipline.  The  Puritans,  however,  be- 
lieved that  those  writers  did  this  very  thing,  and  had  a  purpose  in  doing 
it.  It  was  to  strike  at  the  very  roots  of  this  e.xclusive  Scriptural  theory 
of  the  Puritans  that  Hooker  wrought  out  his  famous  and  noble  classical 
production,  T/ie  Laivs  of  Ecclesiastical  Polity.  He  admitted  in  this  elegant 
and  elaborate  work  that  Scripture  furnished  the  sole  rule  for  doctrine, 
but  argued  with  consummate  ability  that  it  was  not  such  an  exclusive 
and  sufficient  guide  for  government  or  discipline.  The  apostles  did  not, 
he  said,  fix  a  rule  for  their  successors.  The  Church  was  a  divinely  insti- 
tuted society;  and,  like  every  society,  it  had  a  full  prerogative  to  make 
laws  for  its  government,  ceremonial,  and  discipline.  He  argued  that  a 
true  Church  polity  must  be  taken  not  only  from  what  the  Scriptures  affirm 
distinctly,  but  also  "  from  what  the  general  rules  and  principles  of  Scrip- 
ture potentially  contain."  Starting  with  his  grard  basis  of  the  sanctity 
and  majesty  of  Law,  as  founded  in  natural  order,  he  insisted  that  the 
Church  should  establish  such  order  in  laws,  rites,  and  ceremonies  within 
its  fold,  and  that  all  who  have  been  baptized  into  it  are  bound  to  conform 
to  its  ecclesiastical  laws.  He  would  not  concede  to  the  Puritans  their 
position  of  denial,  but  he  insisted  that  Episcopacy  was  of  apostolic  insti- 
tution. He  was,  however,  at  fault  in  affirming  that  the  Puritans  admitted 
that  they  could  not  find  all  the  parts  of  the  discipline  which  they  stood 
for  in  the  Scriptures.  Dean  Stanley  comes  nearer  to  the  truth,  in  what 
is  for  him  a  sharp  judgment,  when  he  writes  :  "  The  Puritan  idea  that 
there  was  a  Biblical  counterpart  to  every  —  the  most  trivial  —  incident  or 
institution  of  modern  ecclesiastical  life,  has  met  with  an  unsparing  criti- 
cism from  the  hand  of  Hooker."  ^  Indeed,  it  was  keenly  argued  as  against 
these  Puritan  sticklers  for  adhesion  to  Scripture  rule  and  model,  that  they 
by  no  means  conformed  rigidly  to  the  pattern,  as  they  dropped  from  observ- 


I'l  |. 


1  Neal,  History  of  the  Puritans,  iii.  347. 


2  Preface  to  Christian  Institutions. 


THE   RKLIGIOUS    ELEMENT   IN    NEW    ENGLAND. 


339 


ance  such  matters  as  a  community  of  goods,  the  love  feast,  the  kiss  of  peace, 
the  Lord's  Supper  in  upper  chambers,  and  baptism  by  immersion. 

It  is,  in  fact,  to  this  attempt  of  all  Nonconformists  to  make  the  Scriptures 
the  sole  and  rigid  guide  alike  in  Church  discipline  as  in  doctrine,  that  we 
are  to  trace  their  divergencies  and  dissensions  among  themselves,  their 
heated  controversies,  their  discordant  factions,  their  constant  parting  up  of 
their  small  conventicles  into  smaller  ones,  even  of  only  two  or  three  mem-, 
bers,  and  the  real  origin  of  all  modern  sects.  This  was  the  common  expe- 
rience of  such  Dissenters  from  the  Church,  alike  in  Kngland  before  their 
exile  and  then  in  all  the  places  of  their  exile,  —  Holland,  I'rankfort,  Geneva, 
and  elsewhere.  It  could  not  but  follow  on  their  keen,  acute,  and  concen- 
trated searching  and  scanning  of  every  sentence  and  word  of  Scripture  as 
bearing  upon  their  contest  with  prelacy,  that  they  should  be  led  beyond 
matters  of  mere  discipline  into  those  of  doctrine.  A  very  small  point  was 
enough  to  open  a  new  issue.  It  is  vexing  to  the  spirit,  while  winning  some- 
times our  admiration  for  the  intense  and  awful  sincerity  of  the  self-inflicting 
victims  of  their  own  scruples,  magnified  into  compunctions  of  conscience, 
to  trace  the  quarrels  and  leave-takings  of  those  poor  e.xiles  on  the  Continent, 
struggling  in  toil  and  sacrifice  for  a  bare  subsistence,  but  finding  compen- 
sation if  not  solace  in  their  endless  and  ever-sharpening  altercations.  But 
while  all  this  saddens  and  oppresses  us,  we  have  to  allow  that  it  was  natural 
and  inevitable.  The  Bible,  the  Holy  Scriptures,  will  never  hencefonvard  to 
any  generation,  in  any  part  of  the  globe,  be,  or  stand  for,  to  individuals  or 
groups  of  men  and  women,  what  it  was  to  the  early  English  Puritans.  To  it 
was  intrusted  all  the  honor,  reverence,  obedience,  and  transcendent  respon- 
sibility in  the  life,  the  hope,  and  the  salvation  of  men,  which  had  but  recently 
been  given,  in  awe  and  dread,  to  a  now  dishonored  and  repudiated  Church, 
against  which  scorn  and  contempt  and  hate  could  hardly  enough  embitter 
reproach  and  invective.  With  that  Book  in  hand,  men  and  women,  than 
whom  there  have  never  lived  those  more  earnest  and  sincere,  sat  down  in 
absorbed  soul-devotion,  to  exercise  their  own  thinking  on  the  highest  sub- 
jects, to  decide  each  for  himself  what  he  could  make  of  it.  Those  who 
have  lived  under  a  democracy,  or  a  full  civil,  mental,  and  religious  freedom 
like  our  own,  well  know  the  crudity,  the  perversity,  the  persistency,  the  con- 
ceits and  idiosyncrasies  into  which  individualism  will  run  on  civil,  social, 
and  political  matters  of  private  and  public  interest.  How  much  more  then 
will  all  exorbitant  and  eccentric,  as  well  as  all  ingenious  and  rational,  man- 
ifestations of  like  sort  present  themselves,  when,  instead  of  dealing  with 
ballots,  fashions,  and  social  issues,  men  and  women  take  in  hand  a  book 
which,  so  to  speak,  they  have  just  seized  out  of  a  descending  cloud,  as  from 
the  very  hand  of  God.  It  was  easy  to  claim  the  right  of  private  judgment; 
but  to  learn  how  wisely  to  use  it  was  quite  a  different  matter.  It  was,  how- 
ever, in  those  earnest,  keen  studies,  those  brooding  musings,  those  searching 
and  subtle  processes  of  speculation  and  dialectic  argument  engaged  upon 
the  Bible  and  upon  institutional  rf'Iigion,  that  the  wit,  the  wisdom,  the  logic. 


.Hi. I 


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230 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


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and  the  vigor  of  the  understandirifj  powers  of  people  of  the  Knglish  race 
were  sharpened  to  an  edge  and  a  toughness  known  elsewhere  in  no  other. 
The  aim  of  I'relatists,  Conformists,  and  clerical  and  civil  magistrates  in 
religion,  to  bring  all  into  a  common  belief  and  ritual,  was  hopeless  from  the 
.start.  It  made  no  allowance  for  the  rooted  varieties  and  divergencies  in 
nature,  taste,  sensibility,  judgment,  and  conscience  in  individuals  who  were 
anything  more  than  animated  clods.  How  was  it  possible  for  one  born  and 
furnished  in  the  inner  man  to  be  a  Quaker,  to  be  manufactured  into  a 
Churchman?  It  soon  became  very  evident  that  bringing  such  a  people 
as  the  English  into  accord  in  belief  and  observance  under  a  hierarchical 
and  parochial  system  would  be  no  work  of  dictation  or  persuasion,  but 
would  require  authority,  force,  penalties  touching  spiritual,  mental,  and 
bodily  freedom,  and  resorting  to  fines,  violence,  and  prisons. 

The  consumptive  boy-king,  Kdward  VI.,  dying  when  sixteen  years  ot 
age,  through  his  advisers,  advanced  the  Reformation  in  some  of  its  details 
beyond  the  stage  at  which  it  was  left  by  his  father,  and  put  the  work  in 
the  direction  of  further  progress.  Hut  "  Bloody  Mary,"  with  her  spectral 
Spanish  consort,  Philip  II.,  overset  what  had  by  no  means  become  a  Pro- 
testant realm,  and  made  it  over  to  cardinal  and  pope.  Nearly  three  hun- 
dred martyrs,  including  an  archbishop  and  four  bishops,  perished  at  the 
stake,  besides  the  uncounted  victims  in  the  dungeons.  No  one  had 
suffered  to  the  death  for  religion  in  the  preceding  reign.  After  her 
accession,  Elizabeth  stiffly  held  back  from  accepting  even  that  stage  of 
reform  reached  by  Edward.  In  the  Convocation  of  1562,  only  a  single 
vote,  on  a  division,  withstood  the  proposal  to  clear  the  ritual  of  nearly 
every  ceremony  objectionable  to  the  Puritans.  The  two  statutes  of  su- 
premacy and  uniformity,  passed  in  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Elizabeth, 
brought  the  English  Church  under  that  subjection  to  the  temporal  or 
civil  jurisdiction  which  has  continued  to  this  day.  The  firmness,  not  to 
say  the  obstinacy,  with  which  the  Queen  stood  for  her  prerogative  in  this 
matter  has  been  entailed  upon  Parliament;  and  the  ecclesiastical  Convo- 
cation has  in  vain  struggled  to  assert  independency  of  it.  Elizabeth  ex- 
hibited about  an  equal  measure  of  zeal  against  Catholics  and  Puritans. 
She  frankly  gave  out  her  resolution  that  if  she  should  marry  a  Catholic 
prince,  she  should  not  allow  him  a  private  chapel  in  her  palace.  About 
two  hundred  Catholics  sufifered  death  in  her  reign. 

An  important  episode  in  the  development  of  Puritanism  and  Separatism 
in  the  English  Church  brings  to  our  notice  the  share  which  different  parties 
came  to  have  in  both  those  forms  of  dissent  during  a  period  cf  temporary 
exile  on  the  Continent  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  VIII.  and  Mary,  and  after- 
ward of  Elizabeth.  The  results  reached  by  the  two  classes  of  those  exiles 
were  manifested  respectively  in  the  colonization,  first  by  Separatists,  at  Ply- 
mouth, and  next  by  Nonconformists  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  by  other 
New  England  colonists. 

In  the  thirty-first  year  of  Henry's  reign,  1539,  while  the  monarch  was 


'    I 


THE   RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


23' 


)aratism 
parties 
porary 
d  after- 
e  exiles 
at  Ply- 
y  other 

•ch  was 


vacillating  between  the  old  r.ligion  and  the  new,  was  enacted  what  wan 
called  "  The  Hloody  Statute'  This  wxs  of  "  six  articles."  These  articles 
enforced  the  dogmas  of  Tt:>iisu  jstantiation,  of  Communion  in  One  Kle- 
mcnt,  of  the  Celibacy  of  the  CI  rrgy,  of  the  Vows  of  Chastity,  of  Private 
Masses,  and  of  Auricular  Confession.  An  infraction  of  these  articles  in 
act  or  sjieech  or  writing  was  to  be  punished  either  by  hiiriiintj,  as  heresy, 
or  by  execution,  as  felony.  The  articles  were  to  be  publicly  read  by  all 
the  clergy  quarterly.  To  csca|>c  the  operation  of  this  statute,  many  of  the 
clergy  went  to  Geneva.  Returning  on  the  accession  of  lulward,  thcj'  had  to 
exile  themselves  again  when  Mar>'came  to  the  throne,  to  venture  home  once 
more  under  ICIizabeth,  in  1559.  As  early  as  1528,  there  had  been  a  small 
but  earnest  religious  fellowship  of  devout  scholars  in  Cambridge,  meeting 
for  exercises  of  prayer  and  reading.  Three  of  its  members  —  Hilney, 
Latimer,  and  lUadford — were  burned  under  Mary.  Afterward  Tiavers  and 
Cartwright,  both  of  them  men  of  eminent  ability  and  religious  fervor,  had 
found  refuge  in  Geneva;  and  to  them,  on  their  return,  is  to  be  ascribed 
the  strength  and  prevalence  of  the  spirit  of  Puritanism  in  Cambridge. 
The  fact  that  so  many  men  of  parts  and  scholarship  and  distinguished 
position  were  thus  principal  agents  in  the  first  working  of  Puritanism, 
should  qualify  the  common  notion  that  Nonconformity  in  luigland  had 
its  rise  through  obscure  and  ordinary  men.  Some  of  the  most  eminent 
I'uritans,  and  even  Separatists,  were  noted  university  men  and  scholars, — 
like  Cartwright,  Perkins,  Ames,  Bradshaw,  and  Jacob,  the  last  being  of 
Oxford.  Robinson,  the  pastor  at  Lcyden,  has  been  pronounced  to  have 
been  among  the  first  men  of  his  time  in  learning  and  comprehensiveness 
of  mind.'  It  was  really  in  the  churches  of  the  English  exiles  in  Hol- 
land that  the  ultimate  principles  of  Independency  and  Congregationalisju 
were  wrought  out,  to  be  asserted  and  so  manfully  stood  for  both  in  Old 
and  in  New  England.  Indeed,  the  essential  principles  of  largest  tolera- 
tion and  of  equality,  save  in  civil  functions,  had  been  established  in  Hol- 
land in  1572,  before  the  coming  of  the  English  exiles.  Almost  as  real  as 
ideal  was  the  recognition  there  of  the  one  all-comprehensive  church  rep- 
resented by  a  multitude  of  independent  elements.  Greenwood  and  his 
fellow-student  at  Cambridge,  —  Barrow,  a  layman, — joined  the  Separatists 
in  1586.  The  Separatists  in  England  might  well,  as  they  did,  complain 
to  King  James  that  he  did  not  allow  the  same  liberty  to  them,  his  own 
subjects,  as  was  enjoyed  by  the  P'rench  and  Walloon  churches  in  London 
and  elsewhere  in  England. 

On  the  accession  of  Queen  Mary,  who  was  crowned  in  1553,  more  than 
eight  hundred  of  the  English  Reformers  took  refuge  on  the  Continent. 
Among  them  were  five  bishops,  five  deans,  four  archdeacons,  fifty  doctors 
of  divinity  and  famous  preachers,  with  nobles,  merchants,  traders,  me- 
chanics, etc.  Among  the  "  sundrie  godly  men  "  who  went  to  Frankfort, 
the  Lutheran  system  gained  much  influence.     Those  who  found  a  refuge 

*  Dexter,  C(mgrfgatunuilirm,  pp.  395,  397, 


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232 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


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in  Zurich  and  Geneva  were  more  affected  towards  the  Calvinistic,  Soon 
after  a  flourishing  and  harmonious  church,  with  the  favor  of  the  magistrates, 
had  been  cstabUshed  at  Frankfort,  dissension  about  matters  of  discipline 
and  the  use  of  the  Prayer-book  of  King  Edward  VI.,  with  or  without  a 
revision,  was  opened  by  some  new-comers.  The  advice  of  Knox,  Calvin, 
and  others,  which  was  asked,  did  not  prevent  an  acrimonious  strife,  which 
ended  in  division.*  Carrying  back  their  differences  to  England,  we  find 
them  contributing  to  deepen  the  alienation  and  the  variances  between  Con- 
formists, Nonconformists,  and  Separatists.  The  intimacy  and  sympathy 
with  Reformers  on  the  Continent  naturally  induced  the  exiles,  even  the 
English  bishops  who  had  been  among  them,  to  lay  but  little  stress  on  the 
exclusive  prerogatives  of  Episcopacy,  including  the  theory  of  Apostolic 
Succession. 

The  English  bishops  who  were  most  earnest  in  the  early  measures 
of  reform, — such  as  Cranmer,  Ridley,  and  Latimer, — realizing  that  in  the 
minds  of  the  common  people  the  strong  ties  of  association  connected  with 
the  emblems,  forms,  and  vestments  of  the  repudiated  Church  of  Rome 
would  encourage  lingering  superstitions  in  their  continued  use,  would  have 
had  them  wholly  set  aside.  Especially  would  they  have  had  substituted  in 
the  chancels  of  churches  tables  instead  of  altars,  as  the  latter  would  always 
be  identified  with  the  Mass.  The  people  also  associated  the  validity  of 
clerical  administrations  with  prieatly  garments.  The  starting  point  of  the 
Puritan  agitation  and  protest  as  to  these  matters  may  well  be  found,  there- 
fore, in  the  refusal  of  Dr.  Hooper  to  wear  the  clerical  vestments  for  his 
consecration  as  Bishop  of  Gloucester  in  1550.  Having  exiled  himself  at 
Zurich  during  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VHI.,  Hooper  had 
become  more  thoroughly  imbued  with  Reforming  principles,  and  withstood 
the  compromising  compliances  which  some  of  the  Continental  Reformers 
yielded.  Even  Ridley  insisted  upon  his  putting  on  the  vestments  for  his 
consecration ;  and  after  being  imprisoned  for  his  recusancy,  he  was  forced 
to  a  partial  concession.  This  matter  of  habits,  tippets,  caps,  etc.,  may  be 
viewed  either  as  a  bugbear,  or  as  representative  of  a  very  serious  principle. 

In  an  early  stage  of  the  Puritan  movement  as  workin[,  in  the  progress  of 
the  Reformation  in  England,  it  thus  appeared  that  what,  as  represented  in 
men  and  princij)le.,,  might  be  called  a  third  party,  was  to  assert  itself.  As 
the  event  proved,  in  the  struggle  for  the  years  following,  and  in  the  accom- 
plished result  still  triumphant,  this  third  party  was  to  hold  the  balance  of 
power.  There  was  a  general  accord  in  dispensin^r  with  the  Pope,  renoun- 
cing his  sway,  and  retaining  within  the  realm  the  exercise  of  all  ecclesi- 


1  A  full  and  evidently  impartial  accoiuit  of 
this  dissension,  its  method  and  its  results, 
thouj""i  anonymous,  was  ])ul)lished  in  London 
m  15  5,  under  the  title  of  A  /in'i-Jf'  (//.uoiirs  off 
tni  .  it/'les  hxcniie  <it  Finiukford,  in  Ceniiiiny, 
Anno  Domini  1554,  A/io'u'U  the  Bookc  of  common 
traycr  and  Ceremonies^  and  continued  by  the  Eni;- 
lishe  men  then  to  thende  of  Q.  Maries  Raigne,  in 


the  which  discoiirs  the  gentle  reader  shail  see  the 
Tery  origina/l  and  /'ei^innenge  off  all  the  contention 
that  hath  by)i,  and  'li'hat  was  the  cause  off  the  Mime 
(no  f'lace  i;i'ren).  This,  with  an  Introduction,  was 
reprinted  in  London  in  1S46,  as/J  /irief  Discourse 
of  the  Troubles  begun  at  Frankfort  in  the  Year 
1554,  almit  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  and 
Ceremonies. 


THE   RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT   IN   NEW   ENGLAND. 


233 


l/int/  Sir  the 
•  contention 
Vff  tlu-  sami 
Iiiction,  was 
\f  Discourse 
the  Year 
\'rt/yer  and 


astical  jurisdiction.  A  Romanizing  party  was  still  in  strength,  with  its 
hopes  temporarily  reviving,  its  agencies,  open  and  secret,  on  the  alert,  and 
its  thjeatf.  bold,  if  opportunity  should  favor  the  execution  of  them.  This 
Romanizing  faction  may  represent  one  extreme ;  the  Puritans  may  repre- 
sent another.  A  third,  and  for  a  considerable  space  of  time  weaker,  as 
already  stated,  than  either  of  them,  intervened,  to  win  at  last  the  victory. 
In  ridding  themselves  of  Rome,  the  Puritans  aimed  to  rid  the  Church  of 
everything  that  had  come  into  it  from  that  source,  —  hierarchy,  cere- 
monial, superstition,  discipline,  and  assumption  of  ecclesiastical  preroga- 
tive, —  reducing  the  whole  Church  fabric  to  what  they  called  gospel 
simplicity  in  nile  and  order;  the  apostolic  model.  This,  as  we  have 
noticed,  v/as  to  be  sought  full,  sufficient,  and  authoritative  in  the  Scrip- 
t.ires.  But  neither  of  the  Reforming  monarchs,  nor  the  majority  of  the 
prelates  successively  exercising  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  were  prepared 
for  this  reversion  to  so-called  first  principles.  They  would  not  allow 
the  sufficiency  nor  the  sole  authority  of  the  Scriptural  model ;  nor 
would  they  admit  that  all  that  was  wrought  into  the  hierarchy,  the  cere- 
monial, the  institution,  and  the  discipline  of  the  English  Church  came 
into  it  through  Popery,  and  had  the  taint  or  blemish  of  Popery.  The 
English  Church  now  represents  the  principles  then  argued  out,  main- 
tained, and  adopted.  It  followed  a  principle  of  selection,  sometimes 
called  compromise,  to  some  seeming  arbitrary,  to  others  reasonable  and 
riijht.  It  proceeded  upon  the  recognition  of  an  interval  between  the  close 
of  the  ministry  of  the  apostles  and  the  rise  of  the  Papacy,  with  its  super- 
stitious innovations  and  impositions,  during  which  certain  principles  and 
usages  in  the  government  and  ceremonial  of  the  Church  came  into  observ- 
ance. Though  these  might  not  have  the  express  warrant  of  Scripture, 
they  were  in  nowise  inconsistent  with  Scripture.  They  might  claim  to 
have  the  real  warrant  and  approval  of  the  apostles,  because  they  were 
"  primitive,"  and  might  even  be  regarded  as  essential,  as  Hooker  so 
earnestly  tried  to  show,  to  the  good  order,  dignity,  and  efficiency  of  the 
Church  of  Christ.  With  exceeding  ability  did  the  Puritan  and  the  Church 
parties  deal  with  this  vital  issue.  The  Puritans  brought  to  it  no  less  of 
keen  acumen,  learning,  and  logic  than  did  their  opponents.  They  thor- 
oughly comprehended  what  the  controversy  involved.  When,  fifty  years 
aijo,  substantially  the  same  issue  was  under  vigorous  discussion  in  the 
Oxford  or  Tractarian  agitation,  so  far  were  the  "  Puseyites,"  so-called, 
from  bringing  into  it  any  new  matter,  that  the  old  arsenal  was  drawn 
upon  krgely  for  fresh  use. 

The  Puritans  held  loyally  to  the  fundamental  position  asserted  by  their 
sturdy  chi'mpion,  Cartwright,  in  his  Atimoniiiott,  etc.,  —  "The  discipline  of 
Christ's  Church  that  is  necessary  for  all  time  is  delivered  by  Christ,  and 
set  down  in  the  Holy  Scripture."  The  objection,  fatal  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Puritans,  to  receiving,  as  authoritative,  customs  and  vouchers  of  the  so-called 
"  Primitive  "  Church  and  of  the  Fathers,  was  that  it  compelled  to  the  practice 
VOL.  lu.  —  30, 


X\: 


'•£•:  \   'ih 


I   I 


234 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


) 


ih\ 


ii  I 


of  a  sort  of  eclecticism  in  choosing  or  rejecting,  by  individual  preference  01 
judgment,  out  of  that  mass  of  heterogeneous  gathering  which  Milt'  n  scorn- 
fully described  as  "the  drag-net  of  antiquity."  Though  the  pleaders  on 
both  sides  of  the  controversy  succeeded  in  showing  that  "patristic"  au- 
thority, and  the  usages  and  institutions  which  might  be  traced  out  and 
verified  in  the  dim  past,  were  by  no  means  in  accord  or  harmony  as  to 
what  was  "primitive,"  both  pa|^ies  seem  to  have  consented  to  hide,  gloss 
over,  or  palliate  very  much  of  the  crudity,  folly,  superstition,  conceit,  and 
discordancy  so  abounding  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers.  Nothing  could 
be  more  positive  than  the  teaching  of  St.  Augustine,  —  not  drawn  from  the 
New  Testament,  in  which  the  rite  was  for  adults,  but  from  the  then  uni- 
versal practice  of  the  Church, — that  baptism  was  to  be  for  infants,  and  by 
immersion.  That  Father  taught  that  an  unbaptized  infant  is  forever  lost ; 
and  that,  besides  baptism,  the  infant's  salvation  depends  upon  its  receiving 
the  Eucharist.  Yet  this  has  not  hindered  but  that  the  vast  majority  of 
Christians,  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant,  save  a  single  sect,  administer 
the  rite  by  sprinkling  infants.  How,  too,  could  the  Prelatists  approve  a 
quotation  from  TertuUian:  ^  "Where  there  are  only  three,  and  they  laics, 
there  is  a  church  "  ? 

In  consistency  with  this  their  vital  principle  of  the  sole  sufficiency  of 
the  Scripture  institution  and  pattern  for  a  church,  the  work  of  purification 
led  its  resolute  asserters  to  press  their  protests  and  demands  against  not 
only  such  superstitions  and  innovations  as  could  be  traced  directly  to  the 
Roman  corruption  and  innovation,  but  to  a  more  thorough  expurgation. 
Incident  to  the  rupture  with  the  Papacy,  and  in  the  purpose  to  repel 
what  seemed  to  be  its  vengeful  and  spiteful  devices  for  recovering  its 
sway,  there  was  developed  among  the  most  impassioned  of  the  Reformers 
an  intense  and  scornful  hate,  a  bitter  heaping  of  invectives,  objurgations, 
and  all-wrathful  epithets  against  the  old  Church  as  simply  blasphemous, — 
the  personification  of  Antichrist.  So  they  were  resolute  to  rid  themselves 
of  all  "  the  marks  of  the  Beast."  The  scrapings,  rags,  tatters  of  Popery, 
and  everything  left  of  such  remnants,  especially  provoked  their  contempt. 
Having  adopted  the  conviction  that  the  "  Mass  "  was  an  idolatrous  per- 
formance, all  its  paraphernalia,  associated  in  the  minds  of  the  common 
people  with  it  as  a  magical  rite,  the  priestly  and  altar  habits,  the  cap, 
the  tippet,  the  rochet,  etc.,  were  denounced  an<^  condemned.  The  very 
word  "priest,"  with  all  the  functionary  and  mediatorial  offices  going  with 
it,  was  repudiated.  The  New  Testament  knew  only  of  ministers,  pastors, 
teachers.  While,  of  course,  recognizing  that  the  apostles  exercised  special 
and  peculiar  prerogatives  in  planting  the  Church,  the  Puritans  maintained 
that  they  had  no  successors  in  their  full  authority.  The  Christian  Church 
assembly  they  found  to  be  based  upon  and  started  from  the  Synagogue, 
with  its  free,  popular  methods,  and  not  upon  the  Temple,  with  its  altar, 
priests,  and  ritual.      It  is   an   interesting   and   significant  fact,  that  while 

*  £xhort.  ad  Castita.  c.  J. 


THE   RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT   IN   NEW   ENGLAND. 


235 


ice  01 
icorn- 
:rs  on 
"  au- 
it  and 

as  to 
,  gloss 
it,  and 

could 
am  the 
m  uni- 
and  by 
er  lost ; 
;ceiving 
ority  of 
minister 
prove  a 
ey  laics, 

iency  of 
rification 
ainst  not 
;ly  to  the 
urgation. 
to  repel 
jering  its 
.eformers 
rgations, 
:mous, — 
lemselves 
Popery, 
ontempt. 
•ous  per- 
common 
the  cap, 
he  very 
ling  with 
pastors, 
;d  special 
maintained 
|n  Church 
■nagogue, 
its  altar, 
lat  while 


the  Reformation  in  its  ferment  was  working  as  if  all  the  elements  of 
Church  institution  were  perfectly  free  for  new  combinations,  the  edition 
of  the  English  Bible  called  Cranmer's,  in  1539,  translated  the  word  ccclesia 
by  "congregation,"  not  "church," — thus  providing  for  that  Puritan  prin- 
ciple of  the  province  of  the  laity.  Doctrine,  discipline,  and  ritual,  or 
ceremony,  being  the  natural  order  in  which  ecclesiastical  affairs  should 
receive  regard,  there  being  at  first  an  accord  among  the  Reformers  as 
to  doctrine,  the  other  essentials  engrossed  all  minds.  The  equality  of  the 
ministers  of  religion,  all  of  whom  were  brethren,  with  no  longer  a  master 
upon  earth,  struck  at  the  very  roots  of  all  hierarchical  order.  What 
would  have  been  simply  natural  in  the  objections  of  the  Puritans  when 
they  saw  that  Rome  was  to  leave  the  prelatical  element  of  its  system 
fastened  upon  the  realm,  was  intensified  by  the  assumption  of  dangerous 
and,  as  they  believed,  unchristian  and  unscriptural  power  and  sway  by 
a  class  of  the  clergy  of  lordly  rank  exercising  functions  in  Church  and 
State,  and  taking  titles  from  their  baronial  tenure  of  land.  These  lordly 
prelates  had  recently  been  filling  some  of  the  highest  administrative  and 
executive  offices  under  the  Crown,  and  holding  places  in  diplomacy.  In 
an  early  stage  of  the  Reformation,  the  mitred  abbots  had  been  dropped 
out  of  tne  upper  house  of  Parliament.  While  they  were  in  it,  they,  with 
the  twenty-one  "  Lord  Bishops,"  preponderated  over  the  temporal  peers.  As 
their  exclusion  weakened  the  ecclesiastical  power  in  the  government,  the 
prelates  who  remained  seemed  to  believe  and  to  act  as  if  it  fell  to  them  to 
represent  and  exercise  the  full  prerogative  of  sway  which  had  belonged  to 
the  old  hierarchy.  Very  marked  is  the  new  phase  assumed  by  the  spirit 
and  course  of  the  Nonconformists  under  this  changed  aspect  of  the  contro- 
versy. The  Puritans  had  begun  by  objecting  and  protesting  against  certain 
usages ;  they  now  set  themselves  resolutely  against  the  authority  of  those 
who  enforced  such  usages.  To  a  great  extent,  the  Roman  Catholic  pre- 
lates on  those  parts  of  the  Continent  where  the  Reformation  established 
itself,  deserted  their  sees.  This  left  the  way  clear  in  those  places  for  a 
church  polity  independent  of  prelacy.  The  retention  of  their  sees  and 
functions  by  the  English  bishops,  and  the  addition  to  their  number  by 
the  consecration  of  others  as  selected  by  the  Crown,  thus  made  the 
struggle  which  the  Puritans  maintained  in  England  quite  unlike  that  of 
their  sympathizers  on  the  Continent.  The  issue  thus  raised  on  the  single 
question  of  the  Divine  right  and  the  apostolic  authority  and  succession 
of  bishops  was  continuously  in  agitation  through  the  whole  contention 
'^".i.tained  by  Dissenters.  In  other  elements  of  it,  the  controversy  ex- 
hibited changing  phases,  as  the  process  of  the  reform  seemed  at  intervals 
to  be  advanced  or  impeded,  while  the  kingdom,  as  we  have  noted,  was 
pulsating  between  the  old  and  the  new  regime,  —  as  Henry  VIII.  and 
his  three  children,  in  their  succession  to  his  throne,  sought  to  modify, 
to  ai-rest,  or  to  limit  it.  The  distribution  among  the  people  of  the 
Scriptures   in    the   English   tongue  was   favored    and   brought    about  by 


' 


236 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


♦ 


m 


it  i 


)  '  I 


\H\   .   I 


i  (i 


Thomas  Cromwell  and  Cranmer.  The  privilege,  however,  was  soon  re- 
voked, as  the  people  were  thus  helped  to  take  the  matter  of  religion 
into  their  own  hands.  The  mother  tongue  was  first  used  in  worship 
with  the  translated  litany  in  1542,  which  was  revised  in  1549.  The  new 
prayer-book,  canons,  and  homilies  were  brought  into  use.  It  was  by 
royal  authority,  and  not  either  by  Convocation  or  Parliament,  that  the 
Thirty-Nine  Articles  of  Religion  were  imposed.  On  Elizabeth's  accession 
there  were  nine  thousand  four  hundred  priests  in  England.  About  two 
hundred  of  these  abandoned  their  posts  rather  than  comply  with  the 
conditions  exacted  by  the  stage  in  innovation  already  reached.  The 
more  pronounced  champions  of  the  Church  of  England  are  earnest  in 
pleading  that  the  rupture  with  Rome  was  not  the  act  of  the  King,  but 
of  what  might  be  called  the  Church  itself.  The  as  yet  unreformed 
bishops,  we  are  told,  had  in  Convocation,  in  1531,  denied  the  Papal  su- 
premacy; then  Parliament,  the  universities,  the  cathedral  bodies,  and  the 
monastic  societies  had  confirmed  the  denial.  But  on  all  these  points 
there  are  still  open  and  contested  questions  of  fact  and  argument  not 
requiring  discussion  here. 

Another  radical  question  concerned  the  rights  and  province  of  the  laity 
in  all  that  Entered  into  the  institutional  part  of  religion,  and  the  oversight 
and  administration  of  di?-:ipline  in  religious  assemblies.  There  certainly 
cuuld  be  no  complaint  that  lay  or  civil  power  as  represented  by  the  mon- 
arch had  not  exhibited  sufficient  potency  in  fettering  the  ecclesiastical 
or  clerical  usurpation.  An  already  quoted  Act  in  the  twenty-sixth  year  of 
Henry's  reign  affirmed  that  "  whatsoever  his  Majesty  should  enjoin  in 
matters  of  religion  should  be  obeyed  by  all  his  subjects."  The  Acts  of 
Supremacy  and  Uniformity  in  the  first  year  of  Elizabeth  made  the  Church 
subordinate  to,  and  dependent  upon,  the  civil  power.  Thus  ecclesiastical 
authority  was  restrained  by  the  prerogative  of  the  Crown,  while  ceremonial 
and  discipline,  as  approved  by  the  monarch,  were  left  at  the  dictation  of 
Parliament-. 

But  this  substitution  of  the  lay  power  a?  represented  by  King  or  Queen 
and  the  Houses  of  Parliament  for  the  Papal  sway,  by  no  means  satisfied  the 
Puritan  f  lea  and  conviction  as  to  the  rightful  claims  of  the  laity  in  their 
membership  of  the  reconstructed  Church.  Barrow  described  in  the  follow- 
ing sharp  sentence  the  summary  way  of  proceeding  so  far  as  the  laity  were 
concerned :  "  All  these  people,  with  all  their  manners,  were  in  one  day, 
with  the  blast  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  trumpet,  of  ignorant  Papists  and  gross 
idolaters,  made  faithful  Christians  and  true  professors."  It  was  said  that  the 
people,  divided  and  classed  in  local  territorial  parishes,  were  there  treated 
like  sheep  in  folds.  Illiterate,  debauched,  incompetent,  "dumb"  ministers 
or  priests  assumed  the  pastorate  in  a  most  promiscuous  way  over  these 
flocks.  Membership  in  the  Church  came  through  infancy  in  baptism.  The 
Puritans  wished  to  sort  out  the  draught  of  the  Gospel  net,  which  gathered 
of  every  kind.     They  claimed  that  the  laity  should  t*iemselves  be  parties 


lv>(' 


•  il! 


'^  vjfflty  ■"^■"^wiiiiajBP^ 


THE  RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT   IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


237 


in  the  administration  of  religion,  in  testing  and  approving  discipline.  They 
believed,  too,  that  ministers  should  be  supported  by  their  congregations, 
and  that  the  tithes  and  the  landed  privileges  of  the  clergy  were  bribes 
and  lures  to  them,  making  them  independent  and  autocratical.  Church 
lands  and  endowment?,  they  insisted,  should  be  sequestered,  as  had  been 
the  abbeys,  nunneries,  and  monasteries.  As  soon  as  Separatist  assem- 
blies were  associated  in  England  or  among  the  exiles  on  the  Continent, 
altercations  and  divisions  occurred  among  them  as  to  the  functions  and 
the  powers  of  the  eldership,  the  responsibility  and  the  authority  of  pastor 
and  covenanted  members  in  discipline. 

Our  space  will  admit  here  of  only  a  brief  recognition,  conformed  how- 
ever to  its  slight  intrinsic  importance,  of  an  element  entering  into  the 
Puritan  agitation,  which  at  the  .  .le  introduced  into  it  a  glow  of  excitement 
and  a  marvellously  effective  engagement  of  popular  sympathy.  The  con- 
troversy between  the  Puritans  and  the  Prelatists  had  in  the  main  been 
pursued,  however  passionately,  yet  in  a  most  grave  and  serious  spirit,  with 
a  profound  sense  of  the  dignity  and  solemnity  of  its  themes  and  interests. 
But  from  the  time  and  occasion  when  Aristophanes  tossed  the  grotesque 
trifling  of  his  Clouds  around  the  sage  and  lofty  Socrates,  down  to  this  day, 
when  Mr.  Punch  finds  a  weekly  condiment  of  mischief  and  fun  for  the 
people  of  England  in  their  own  doings  and  in  their  treatment  by  their  gov- 
ernors, it  would  seem  as  if  no  subject  of  human  interest,  however  exalted 
its  moment,  could  escape  the  test  of  satire,  sarcasm,  and  caricature.  Ex- 
perimental ventures  of  this  sort  are  n-iturally  ephemeral,  but  they  concen- 
trate their  venom  or  their  disdain  upon  their  shrinking  victims.  Some  of 
Ben  Jonson's  plays  and  Butler's  Hudibras  have  now  alone  a  currency,  and 
that  a  by  no  means  extended  one,  out  of  a  vast  mass  of  the  printed  ridi- 
cule which  was  turned  upon  the  Puritans.  But  the  matter  now  in  hand  is 
the  skill  and  jollity  with  which  one  or  more  Puritans,  with  the  gift  of  the 
comic  in  his  stern  make-up,  plied  tl  it  keen  blade  in  his  own  cause.  Eras- 
mus, though  he  never  broke  from  the  communion  of  the  Papal  Church,  en- 
gaged the  most  stinging  power  of  satire  and  sarcasm,  not  only  against  mean 
and  humble  monks,  but  against  all  the  ranks  of  the  hierarchy,  not  sparing 
the  loftiest.  Helped  out  with  Holbein's  rnts,  Erasmus's  Encomiinn  of  Folly 
drew  roars  of  mirth  and  glee  from  those  who  winced  under  its  mocking 
exposures.  Even  the  grave  Beza,  in  Geneva,  tried  h's  hand  in  this  trifling. 
But  the  venture  of  this  sort  which  cunningly  and  adroitly  intruded  itself  at 
a  peculiarly  critical  phase  of  the  Puritan  agitation,  was  of  the  most  daring 
and  rasping  character.  Under  the  happily  chosen  pseudonym  of  "  Martin 
Mar-Prelate,"  there  appeared  in  rapid  succession,  during  seven  months  of 
the  years  1588  and  1589,  the  same  number  of  little,  rudely  printed  tracts, 
the  products  of  ambulatory  presses,  which  engaged  the  full  power  of  satire, 
caricature,  and  sarcasm,  with  fun  and  rollicking,  invective  and  bitter  re- 
proach and  exposure  against  the  hierarchy,  especially  against  four  of  the 
most  odious  of  the  bishops.     The  daring  spirit  of  these  productions  wa.s 


m 


238 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


well  matched  by  the  devices  of  caution  and  secrecy  under  which  they  were 
put  in  print,  and  in  the  sly  methods  by  which  they  were  circulated,  to  be 
caught  up,  concealed,  and  revelled  over  by  thousands  who  would  find 
keen  enjoyment  in  them,  as  in  the  partaking  of  the  sweets  of  stolen  food 
and  waters.  They  may  be  said  to  have  stopped  only  at  the  very  edge  of 
ribaldry,  indecency,  and  even  blasphemy.  But  they  were  free  and  trench- 
ant, coarse  and  virulent.  As  such,  they  testify  to  the  smart  under  the 
provocation  of  which  they  were  written,  and  to  the  scorn  and  contempt 
entertained  for  the  men  and  measures  to  which  were  committed  for  the 
time  the  transcendent  interests  of  religion  and  piety.  The  more  dignified 
and  serious  of  the  Puritans,  like  Grcenham  and  Cartwright,  frowned  upon 
and  repudiated  these  weapons  of  bitter  gibe  and  contumely.  But  there 
was  a  constituency  from  which  they  received  the  heartiest  welcome,  and, 
as  is  usual  in  such  cases,  their  circulation  and  efficiency  were  vastly  multi- 
plied by  equally  bitter  and  malignant  replies  to  them  from  the  pens  or 
from  the  instigation  of  bishops.  The  whole  detective  force  of  the  king- 
dom was  put  on  the  search  for  the  writers  and  the  printers.  So  adroit 
and  cunning  was  the  secret  of  their  authorship  and  production  at  the 
time,  that  up  to  this  day  it  has  not  been  positively  disclosed.  Never  has 
the  investigation  been  so  keenly  or  intelligently  pressed  for  clearing  the 
mystery  investing  the  Martin  Mar-Prelate  tracts  as  by  the  indefatigable 
researches  and  the  sharpened  inquisition  of  Dr.  Dexter.  In  his  Congre- 
gationalism he  gives  his  readers  an  exhaustive  sketch  and  summary,  in 
detail  and  analysis,  of  all  the  facts  and  documents.  His  conclusion, 
which  cannot  be  hopefully  contested  or  invalidated,  is  that  they  were 
written  by  Barrow,  a  prisoner  in  the  Fleet,  and  carried  through  the  press 
by  the  agency  of  Penry.  There  is  abundant  evidence  in  the  appearance, 
publication,  and  circulation  of  tracts  known  to  have  come  from  the  hands 
of  imprisoned  Puritans,  that  the  bars  of  jails  and  dungeons  offered  no 
sufficient  barriers  to  prevent  the  secret  intercourse  and  interchange  of  in- 
telligence between  those  whom  they  enclosed  and  friends  outside,  who 
dared  all  risks  in  their  zeal  and  fidelity. 


:.>  Ki 


:  '.    ' 


\      \ 


We  must  now  close  this  narration  of  the  issues  raised  in  the  Puritan 
controversy,  whether  by  Nonconformists  in  the  Church  or  by  Separatists 
withdrawing  from  it,  that  we  may  note  the  concentration  of  forces  and  wit- 
nesses which  were  drawn  together  in  assemblies  or  fellowships  prepared  in 
Old  England  to  transfer  and  establish  their  principles  in  New  England. 
IMany  of  the  clergy  whose  views  and  sympathies  were  warmly  engaged  in 
the  further  work  of  reform  and  purification  within  the  Church,  and  who  at 
the  same  time  were  moderate  and  conciliatory  in  their  spirit,  contrived  to 
remain  in  their  parochial  fields,  perhaps  in  this  way  accomplishing  the  most 
for  all  that  was  reasonable  and  good  in  the  cause  which  they  had  at  heart. 
When  occasionally  molested  or  challenged,  they  might  contrive  to  make 
their  peace.     But  the  crisis  and  its  demands  called  —  as  has  always  been  the 


i  ■!'!•: 


THE    RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


239 


case  in  such  intense  agitat^'  ns  of  religious  passions  —  for  patient,  steadfast, 
and  resolute  witnessf""  ui  suffering,  for  those  who  should  be  hounded  and 
tracked  by  judicial  processes,  who  should  be  deprived  of  subsistence  and 
liberty,  and  be  ready  not  only  for  being  hidden  away  in  prisons  or  exiled 
beyond  the  seas,  but  for  public  execution  as  martyrs.  The  emergency  of 
time  and  occasion  found  such  as  these ;  and  it  was  of  such  as  these  that 
there  were  men  and  women  in  training  for  wilderness  work  on  this  soil. 
And  the  combination  of  materials  and  persons  was  precisely  such  as  would 
meet  the  exactions  of  such  an  enterprise.  There  were  university  men, 
scholars,  doctors  in  divinity,  practised  disputants  in  their  cherished  lore, 
and  with  gifts  of  zeal,  fervor,  and  tender  eloquence  in  discourse  and 
prayer.  There  were  gentry  likewise,  —  men  and  women  lifted  in  the  social 
scale,  with  furnishings  of  mind  and  worldly  goods.  To  these  were  joined, 
in  a  fellowship  which  equalized  many  distinctions,  yeomen,  small  traders, 
artisans,  and  some  of  every  place  and  grade,  save  the  low  or  mean  or  reck- 
less, in  the  make-up  of  the  population  of  the  realm.  Governor  Bradford 
says  that  the  first  Separatist  or  Independent  Church  in  England  was  that 
of  which  John  Rough,  the  minister,  and  Cuthbert  Symson,  the  deacon, 
were  burned  alive  by  Bonner,  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary.  The  laborious 
and  faithful  pages  of  Dr.  Dexter,  in  his  Congregationalism,  must  be  closely 
studied  for  the  results  of  the  marvellous  diligence  and  keen  research  by 
which  he  has  traced  every  vestige,  memorial,  and  testimony  that  can  throw 
light  on  the  little  assemblies  of  those  outlawed  Puritans.  It  is  a  curious 
and  engaging  occupation  in  our  peaceful  and  lethargic  times  of  religious 
ease,  to  scan  the  make-up,  the  spirit,  and  methods  of  those  humble  assem- 
blies in  their  lurking-places,  private  houses,  barns,  or  the  open  fields,  fre- 
quently changing  their  appointments  under  risks  from  spies  and  tipstaves, 
with  their  secret  code  of  signals  for  communicating  intelligence.  Their 
religious  exercises  were  of  the  intensest  earnestness,  and  above  all  things 
stimulating.  Their  conferences  about  order  and  discipline  bristled  with 
individualisms  and  scruples.  Many  of  these  assemblies  might  soon  resolve 
themselves  into  constituencies  of  single  members.  There  was  scarce  one 
of  those  assemblies,  either  in  England  or  in  exile  on  the  Continent,  that 
did  not  part  into  two  or  three.  There  was  a  stern  necessity  which  com- 
pelled variance  and  dissension  among  the  members.  They  had  in  hand 
the  Bible,  and  each  was  trying  what  he  could  draw  out  of  it,  as  an  oracle 
and  a  rule.  They  had  to  devise,  discuss,  and  if  possible  agree  upon  and 
enforce  ways  of  church  order  and  discipline,  a  form  of  worship,  rules  of 
initiation  into  church  membership,  of  suspension,  expulsion,  and  restora- 
tion. Tt  «vas  brain  work,  heart  work,  and  soul  work  with  them.  It  would 
be  difficult  to  reduce  to  any  exact  statements  the  numbers  of  persons,  or 
even  of  what  may  in  a  loose  sense  be  called  assemblies,  of  Nonconformists 
or  Separatists  who  remained  in  England,  or  who  were  in  refuge  on  the 
Continent  at  the  period  just  preceding  the  colonization  of  New  England. 
What  was  called  the  Millenary  Petition,  which  was  presented  to  James  I., 


I    I 


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240 


NARRATIVL   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


as  he  came  in  from  Scotlar.d,  was  claimed  to  represent  at  least  eight 
hundred  Nonconforming  ministers. 

The  way  is  now  open  for  connecting  the  principles  and  fortunes  of 
the  earnest  and  proscribed  class  of  religious  men,  whose  course  has  been 
thus  traced  in  England  and  Holland,  with  the  enterprise  of  colonization 
in  New  England.  It  is  but  reasonable  to  suppose  that,  dating  from  the 
time  and  the  incident  referred  to  in  the  opening  of  this  chapter,  such  an 
enterprise  was  latent  in  conception  or  desire  in  the  thoughts  of  many 
as  a  possible  allcnati'-e  for  the  near  future.  A  resolve  or  purpose  or 
cfifort  ol  \  a   nature   as   this    involves    much    brooding   over  by  indi- 

viduals, m  •  pr  A  '.e  communing,  balancing  of  circumstances,  conditions, 
gains,  and  .  .ses,  a  '  in  estimate  of  means  and  resources,  with  an  eye 
towards  allowance  by  a  governmental  or  noble  patronage,  or  at  least  to 
security  in  the  venture.  VV^e  have  but  fragmentary  and  scattered  informa- 
tion as  to  all  these  preliminaries  to  the  emigration.  We  must  trace  them 
backward  from  the  completion  to  the  initiation  of  the  enterprise. 

And  here  is  the  point  at  which  we  should  define  to  ours(  Ives,  as  in- 
telligently and  fairly  as  we  can  from  our  abounding  authentic  sources  of 
information,  precisely  what  was  the  influence  or  agency  of  religion  in  the 
first  emigration  to  New  England.  VVe  are  familiar  with  the  oft-reiterated 
and  positive  statement,  that  the  enterprise  would  neither  have  been  un- 
dertaken, nor  persisted  in,  nor  led  on  to  success,  had  not  religion  furnished 
its  mainspring,  its  guiding  motive,  and  the  end  aimed  at,  to  be  in  degree 
realized. 

We  may  safely  commit  ourselves  to  these  assertions,  that  religion  was 
the  master-motive  and  object  of  the  most  earnest  and  ablest  leaders  of  the 
emigration  ;  that  they  felt  this  motive  more  deeply  and  with  more  of  single- 
ness of  purpose  than  they  always  avowed,  as  their  circumstances  compelled 
them  to  take  into  view  sublunary  objects  of  trade  and  subsistence  which 
would  engage  to  them  needful  help  and  resources ;  and  that  some  of  these 
secondary  objects  very  soon  qualified  and  impaired  the  paramount  import- 
ance of  the  primary  one.  I  am  led  to  make  this  allowance  of  exception  as 
to  the  occasional  reserve  in  the  avowal  of  an  exclusively  religious  motive, 
because  of  a  fact  which  must  impress  the  careful  student  of  their  history 
and  fortunes  for  the  first  hundred  years.  That  fact  is,  that  in  multitudes 
of  occasional  utterances,  sermons,  journals,  and  historical  sketches,  many 
of  the  descendants  of  the  first  comers  laid  more  exclusive  and  emphatic 
stress  upon  the  prime  agency  of  religion  in  the  enterprise  than  did  the  first 
movers  in  it.  When  ministers  and  magistrates  in  after  years  uttered  their 
frequent  and  sombre  laments  over  the  degeneracy  of  the  times,  the  decay 
of  zeal  and  godliness,  and  the  falling  from  the  first  love,  the  refrain  always 
was  found  in  extolling  the  one,  single,  supreme  aim  of  the  fathers  as  that 
of  pure  piety.  The  pages  of  Cotton  Mather's  Mapialia  and  of  his  tracts 
of  memorial,  rebuke,  and  exhortation,  and  the  Century  Sermon  of  Foxcroft, 
minister  of  the  First  Church,  are  specimens  of  masses  of  such  matter  in  our 


THE   RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


241 


old  cabinets  pitched  in  that  tone.  Nor  need  \vc  conclude  that,  as  a  general 
rule,  the  most  fervent  of  those  laments  or  the  most  positive  of  those  state- 
ments were  exaggerated.  Only  what  such  writers  and  speakers  recognized 
as  the  degeneracy  of  their  own  later  times,  must  be  traced  to  seeds  and 
agencies  which  came  in  with  the  most  select  fellowship  of  the  fathers 
themselves.  We  cannot  go  so  far  as  to  claim  that  the  whole  aim,  the 
all-including  purpose  of  every  member,  or  of  even  of  a  majority  of  the 
colonists,  was  religion,  after  the  pattern  of  that  of  the  leaders,  or  of  any 
style  of  religion.  Hut  we  have  to  conclude  that  the  smaller  the  number 
of  those  among  whom  we  concentrate  the  religious  fervor  in  its  supreme 
sway,  the  more  intensified  must  have  been  its  power  to  have  enabled  them, 
as  it  did,  to  give  direction  to  the  whole  enterprise.  And  this  was  not  only 
true  at  the  first,  but  proportionately  so  as  the  origin  centre  of  that  enter- 
prise for  a  long  period  sent  off  its  radii  successively  to  ;w  settlements  in 
the  woods.  There  were  always  found  men  and  wc  len  cioagh  to  copy  the 
original  pattern  and  to  keep  the  motive  force  in  action.  Sir  Henry  Maine 
does  not  state  the  whole  of  the  truth  when  he  writes  thus :  "  The  earliest 
English  emigrants  to  North  America,  who  belonged  ^jrincipally  to  the  class 
of  yeomanry,  organized  themselves  in  village  r  mmunities  for  purposes  of 
cultivation."  ^ 

The  stream  of  exile  to  New  England  in  the  interest  of  religion  was  first 
parted  into  one  small  and  one  large  rill,  which,  however,  soon  flowed  to- 
gether and  assimilated,  as  it  appeared  that  they  started  substantially  from 
the  same  source,  with  similar  elements,  and  found  more  that  was  congenial 
than  discordant  in  their  qualities.  The  company  of  exiles  whom  residence 
in  Holland,  with  its  attendant  influences  and  results,  had  confirmed  and 
stiffened  in  their  original  principles  of  rigid  Separatism,  had  the  start  by 
nearly  a  decade  of  years  in  transferring  themselves  to  Plymouth.  Their 
fortunes  are  traced  in  the  next  chapter. 

The  colonists  in  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  those  who,  in  substantial 
accord  with  them,  struck  into  several  other  settlements  in  the  wilderness 
of  New  England,  were  mainly  those  who  in  the  land  of  their  birth  had 
remained  steadfast  to  their  principles  of  Nonconformity,  and  who  had 
borne  the  penalties  of  them  when  avowed  and  put  in  practice.  They 
had  not  turned  in  disdain  and  temper  from  the  institution  which  they 
called  their  "mother  church."  Their  divided  relation  to  it  they  regarded 
as  rather  caused  by  such  harsh  conditions  as  excluded  them  from  its 
privileges  than  by  any  wilfulness  or  hostility  of  their  own.  They  pro- 
fessed that  they  still  clung  to  its  breast,  and  wished  to  be  nourished 
from  it.  It  was  not  strange,  however,  that  partial  alienation  should,  under 
favoring  opportunities,  widen  and  stiffen  into  seeming  antagonism  to  it. 
They  regarded  themselves  as  having  been  subjected  to  pains  and  penal 
tics  because  of  their  protest  against  objectionable  and  harmful,  as  well 
as  unscriptural,  exactions  in  its  discipline  and  ceremonial.     So  they  were 


1   Village  Communities,  p.  201. 


VOL.  ni. 


■31- 


I    ': 


sm^^vM 


243 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


Xs 


content  to  be  known  as  Nonconformists,  but  repelled  the  charge  of  being 
Separatists.  Tiiey  i<ept  alive  a  lingeririjj  tenderness,  in  a  reminder  of 
their  early  membership  and  later  disturbed  affiliation  with  it.  Some  few 
of  the  sterner  spirits  among  them  —  and  Roger  Williams  was  such,  as  he 
appeared  here  in  his  youth — demanded  a  penitential  avowal  of  sin  from 
VVinthrop's  company,  on  account  of  their  having  once  been  in  fellowship 
with  the  Hnglish  Church.  An  agitation  also  arose  upon  the  question 
whether  the  members  of  the  Boston  Church,  who  on  visits  to  the  old 
home  occasionally  conformed,  should  not  be  put  under  discipline  on 
their  return  here.  Happily  the  dispute  was  disposed  of  by  forbearance 
and  charity. 

Still,  wliile  there  was  a  slight  manifestation  at  first  of  an  antipathy  or 
a  jealousy  on  the  part  of  the  Nonconformists  at  the  Bay  of  being  in  any 
way  confounded  with  the  Separatists  at  Plymouth,  there  never  was  a  breach 
or  even  a  controversy,  beyond  that  of  a  friendly  discussion,  between  them ; 
and  there  is  something  well-nigh  amusing,  as  well  as  interesting,  in  follow- 
ing the  quaint  narration  '  of  the  establishment  of  immediate  harmony  and 
accord  between  their  respective  church  ways.  Endicott's  little  company 
at  Salem,  heralding  the  great  emigration  to  the  Bay,  "  entered  into  church 
estate  "  in  August,  1629,  having  sought  what  we  should  now  call  the  advice, 
help,  and  sympathy  of  their  Plymouth  brethren.  This  fellowship  was  ex- 
tended through  Governor  Bradford  and  other  delegates,  and  the  example 
was  afterward  followed  in  like  recognition  of  other  churches.  The  cove- 
nanted members  of  the  Salem  Church  ordained  their  pastor  and  teacher, 
notwithstanding  that  they  had  previously  been  under  the  hands  of  a  bishop. 
It  soon  appeared,  however,  that  the  church  was  to  be  emphatically  Noncon- 
formist. Two  brothers  Brown,  at  Salem,  set  up  separate  worship  by  the 
Common  Prayer.  On  being  "  convented  "  before  the  Governor,  his  Council 
and  the  ministers,  and  accusing  the  church  of  Separatism,  they  were  told 
that  the  members  did  not  wish  to  be  Separatists,  but  were  simply  Non- 
conformists with  the  corruptions  of  the  Church ;  and  that  having  suffered 
much  for  their  principles,  and  being  now  in  a  free  place,  they  were  deter- 
mined to  be  rid  of  Common  Prayer  and  ceremonial.* 

The  First  Boston  Church,  in  1630,  was  organized  under  its  covenant,  with 
its  appointed  and  ordained  teacher,  ruling  elder,  and  deacons.  In  ten  years 
after  the  landing  at  Plymouth  there  were  five  churches  after  this  pattern, 
and  in  twenty  years  thirty-five,  in  New  England. 

This  instantaneous  abandonment,  as  it  may  be  called,  of  everything  in 
the  institution  of  a  church,  followed  by  an  immediate  disuse  of  everything 
in  ceremonial  and  worship  in  the  English  usage  which  the  Nonconformists 
had  scrupled  at  home,  is  of  itself  very  suggestive,  even  in  the  first  aspect 
of  it.  Followed  into  detail,  it  presents  some  surprises  and  very  rich  instruc- 
tion. In  full  result,  it  exhibits  to  us  principles  and  institutions  in  the  highest 
interests  of  religion,  in  civil,  social,  and  domestic  life,  which  had  been  repu- 


'  In  Morton's  Ntrui  England  Memorial. 


*  Morton,  p.  76. 


THE   RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT   IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


243 


diated  and  put  under  severe  penalties  in  England,  crossing  the  ocean  to 
plant  themselves  in  a  wilderness  for  the  training  and  guidance  of  successive 
generations  of  men  and  women  in  freedom,  virtue,  piety,  worldly  thrift,  and 
every  form  of  prosperity.  There  must  have  been  nobleness  in  those  princi- 
ples, as  well  as  in  the  men  and  women  who  suffered  for  them,  put  them  on 
trial,  and  led  them  to  triumph. 

The  work  of  preference,  of  conviction  and  conscience,  had  been  wrought 
in  behalf  of  those  principles,  in  old  English  homes  and  byways,  in  humble 
conventicles,  in  fireside  and  wayside  musings  and  conferences.  Enough 
persons  had  been  brought  to  be  of  one  mind,  purpose,  and  resolve,  in 
the  spirit  of  a  determined  heroism,  to  make  a  beginning  of  such  a  sort 
that  it  would  be  more  than  half  of  the  accomplished  work.  There  may 
have  been  debates,  warm  variances,  hesitations,  and  conciliatory  methods 
used  among  those  who  entered  into  covenant  as  the  First  Church  of  Bos- 
ton. If  there  were  such,  we  know  nothing  of  them.  There  is  no  surviv- 
ing record  or  intimation  of  them.  The  pattern  and  model  which  the 
exiled  colonists  followed,  needed  no  study  or  shaping  on  the  wilderness  soil. 
It  was  an  old-home  product.  What  might  seem  to  be  extemporized  work 
was  prepared  work.  It  was  as  if  they  had  brought  over  timbers  cut  in  their 
native  woods  all  framed  and  matched  for  setting  up  in  their  transferred 
home.  Their  initiated  teachers  had  been  ordained  by  Episcopal  hands. 
But  this  was  neither  help  nor  hindrance.  When  they  needed  more  and  new 
ones,  they  had  a  method  of  qualifying  them.  Surplice,  tippet,  cap,  rochet, 
and  prayer-book  are  not  missed  or  mourned  over.  Simply  not  a  word  is 
said  about  them.  The  fabric  which  they  set  up  was  of  a  new  and  peculiar 
style.  No !  They  would  not  have  owned  it  to  be  new ;  they  regarded  it  as 
the  oldest,  because  the  original,  —  that  which  was  established  by  the  first 
generation  of  the  disciples  of  Jesus  Christ. 

One  hundred  university  men  from  the  grand  old  nooks  and  shrines  of  con- 
secrated learning  in  Old  England  were  the  medium  for  the  "  Gospel  work  " 
in  \ew  England,  till  it  could  supply  its  needs  from  its  own  well-provided 
resources.  But  there  was  not  a  prelate  among  them.  English  magistrates 
of  various  grades  and  authority,  governors,  judges,  spies,  collectors,  and 
commissionaries  were  here  to  represent  the  mother  country,  till  she  became 
so  stingy  that  we  were  forced  to  wean  ourselves  from  her;  but  never  did  an 
English  bishop  as  a  functionary  set  foot  on  the  soil  of  what  is  now  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States.  And  when  after  our  Revolution  the  virtue 
which  comes  from  episcopal  hands  was  communicated  to  the  possessors  of 
it  here,  it  had  parted  with  what  was  most  offensive  or  objectionable  in  its 
claim  or  efficacy  to  the  Old  and  the  New  English  Puritans.  Town  and 
rural  parishes,  colleges  and  schools,  had  the  faithful  services  of  that  hundred 
of  university  men.  For  a  long  time,  the  books  that  were  imported  here 
were  almost  exclusively  the  Puritan  literature  of  the  old  home,  and  had  a 
perceptible  influence  in  stiffening,  rather  than  relaxing,  the  stern  spirit  of 
Dissent,  and  throwing  new  vitality  into  the  hard  work  which  it  had  to  do  in 


i       I''    ■• 


.1 


244 


NARKATIVK  AND  CKITICAL  HISTOKY  OF  AMERICA. 


the  wikierncss.  One  consideration  of  the  highest  practical  weight  is  pre- 
sented to  lis  in  the  fact  tiiat  the  I'tiritanism  uf  New  Kntjiand  ori^jinatetl  and 
fostered  the  free  and  radically  working;  instrumentalities  and  forces  which 
neutralized  its  own  errors,  restrained  its  own  bigotry  and  severity,  and 
compelled  it  to  develop  from  its  own  best  elements  something  better 
than  itself.  There  were  other  plantations  on  this  virgin  soil,  of  which 
religion  was  in  no  sense  the  master-impulse,  and  others  still  in  which  the 
mother  church  sought  to  direct  the  movement.  New  Kngland  was  never 
affected  for  evil  or  for  good  by  them.  Hut  if  over  the  whole  land,  in 
radiations  or  percolations  of  influence,  the  leaven  of  any  one  section  of 
the  country  has  wrought  in  the  whole  of  it,  it  is  that  of  the  New  England 
I'uritanism. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY  ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFOR.MATION. 


rl|; 


iVflj    i    I 


THE  oriKin.il  ,-iuthorities  and  sources  of  inform.-uion,  in  manuscript  and  print,  rclatinj; 
to  the  agitations  and  controversies  arising  within  the  real  or  .issumed  membership 
of  the  Church  of  England  after  the  Reformation,  are  to  be  distinguished  into  two  great 
classes,  —  those  of  a  public  character,  as  records  of  the  proceedings  of  government,  of 
the  courts,  and  of  all  bodies  or  individuals  in  office  charged  with  authority  ;  and  those  of 
a  private  nature,  coming  from  voluntary  bodies,  or  from  single  members  of  them,  or  from 
writers  and  authors  whose  works  were  published  after  the  usual  method,  or  sent  forth  and 
circulated  surreptitiously.  Both  these  classes  of  original  authorities,  constituting  to- 
gether an  enormous  mass  of  an  intinitely  varied  elementary  composition,  are  alike  widely 
scittered,  and,  so  far  as  they  have  not  been  gathered  into  local  repositories,  could  be 
directly  consulted  only  by  one  whose  travel,  investigation,  and  research  were  of  the  most 
extended  comprehensiveness.  England,  Holland,  and  Switzerland  have  in  keeping  con- 
temporary records  and  documents  relating  to  minute  and  trivial,  or  to  most  important  and 
vital,  points  in  one  or  another  stage,  or  concerning  one  or  another  prime  party  in  the  con- 
troversy. Perhaps,  even  after  all  the  keen  investigation  and  diligent  toil  of  the  most 
recent  inquisitors,  such  original  papers  have  net  been  exhaustively  detected  and  ex- 
amined, liut  one  who  is  familiar  with  the  stores  already  reported  to  us,  unless  his  taste 
and  interest  in  them  run  to  morbidness,  will  hardly  desire  more  of  them.  It  is  certain 
that  whatever  obscurity  may  still  invest  any  incidental  point  in  the  controversy,  the  matter 
is  of  such  comparatively  slight  importance,  that  the  substance  and  details  of  any  informa- 
tion as  to  persons  or  events  which  may  be  Licking  to  us  would  hardly  qualify  the  general 
narratives  of  history. 

The  expense,  diligence,  and  intelligent  illustration  which  within  the  last  thirty  or  forty 
years  have  been  devoted  to  the  collection  and  arrangement  and  calendaring  of  such  mas.ses 
of  the  St.ite  and  other  public  papers  of  Great  Britain,  have  aided  as  well  as  prompted  the 
researches  of  those  who  have  been  zealous  to  trace  out  with  fidelity  and  accuracy  every 
stage,  and  the  character  and  course  of  each  one,  lofty  or  obscure,  as  an  actor  in  the  larger 
and  the  lesser  bearings  of  the  struggle  of  Nonconformity  and  Dissent.  As  a  general  state- 
ment, it  may  be  affirmed  that  the  developments  and  the  more  full  and  mi  lute  information 
concerning  the  substance  and  phases  of  early  Puritanism,  as  they  ha'  e  been  studied  in 
the  mass  of  accumulated  documents,  have  set  forth  the  controversy  in  a  dignity  of  interest 
and  in  a  disclosure  of  its  vital  relations  to  all  theories  of  civil  goveriment,  church  estab- 


/'■: 


THE    RELIGIOUS   ELEMENT   IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


245 


lithmentfi,  an<l  the  institutional  adminittration  o(  religion,  (ir  more  fully  and  in  a  much 
more  comprehensive  view  than  wa«  recognixed  by  contcmpornry  actors. 

There  arc  two  exten«lve  and  exceedingly  rich  collections  of  tracts,  books,  and  manu- 
script documents  of  a  mo»t  varied  character  wcll-prcscrvcd  and  easily  .icccNsiblv  in  Lon- 
don, which  furnish  well-nigh  ineshaustiMe  materials  for  the  study  ol  the  I'uritan,  the 
•Nonconformist,  and  the  Separatist  movements  in  all  their  phases.  One  of  these  is  in  the 
Hritish  .Museum,  the  other  in  I*r.  Williams's  Library.  In  the  times  with  which  we  are 
iiiiw  concerned,  the  motive,  perhaps  but  v.iguely  comprchcndL-d  by  himself,  which  led 
(ivorgc  Thomason  to  gather  his  marvellous  collection,  now  in  the  Hritish  Museum,  would 
have  been  called  a  providinlial  prompting.  He  w.is  a  modest  man  in  private  life,  and, 
so  far  aa  we  know,  took  no  part  in  public  agitations.  As  a  Royalist  bookseller,  at  "  The 
Rose  and  Crown,  in  .St.  Paul's  Churchyard,"  he  had  op|K>rtunitics  favoring  him  in  the 
scheme  which  he  undertook.  It  was  in  1641  that  he  began  a  laborious  enterprise,  and 
one  not  without  very  serious  risks  to  himself,  which  he  continued  to  pursue  till  just  before 
his  death  in  16O6.  This  was  to  gather  up,  preserve,  and  bind  in  volumes,  —  though  with- 
out any  system  or  order  of  arrangement  except  chronological, —  a  copy  of  each  of  the 
publications  in  tract,  or  pamphlet,  or  fly-leaf  form  which  appeared  from  the  press,  licensed 
or  surreptitiously  printed,  during  a  period  teeming  with  the  issue,  like  the  dropping  of 
forest  leaves,  of  a  most  extraordinary  series  of  ephemeral  works,  quickened  with  all  the 
vitality  of  those  times.  Though  he  began  his  collection  in  1641,  he  anticipated  thai  date 
by  gathering  similar  publications  previous  to  it.  He  copied  during  Cromwell's  time  nearly 
.1  hundred  manuscripts,  mainly  "on  the  King's  side,  which  no  man  durst  venture  to  pub- 
lish here  without  the  danger  of  his  ruin."  He  took  pains  to  write  upon  mo.st  of  the 
publications  the  date  of  it.s  appearance,  and  when  anonymous,  the  name  of  its  author  if 
he  could  ascertain  it.  Besides  the  risks  of  fire  and  the  burden  of  such  a  mass  of  m.v 
tcrials  filling  his  house  from  cellar  to  garret,  this  ze.ilous  collector  exposed  himself  to 
severe  penalties  from  tin-  authorities  on  either  side  of  the  great  civil  and  religious  conriict. 
He  was  compelled  or.i  c  at  least  to  remove  his  collection  to  a  safe  hiding-place.  It  fills 
now  2,220  volumes,  and  counts  to  34.cxx>  separate  publications,  from  folio  downward.  It 
is  (lif)icult  to  say  what  may  not  be  found  there,  and  nearly  as  difficult  to  find  exactly  what 
one  wishes.  After  various  exposures  through  which  the  collection  passed  safely,  it  now 
rests  in  the  British  Museum,  under  the  general  title  of  the  "  King's  Pamphlets,"  having 
been  purchased  and  presented  by  King  George  III.  in  1762,  at  a  cost  of  ^300.  A  mine 
of  most  curious  matter  is  there  ready  for  search  on  every  subject,  serious  or  comic,  sacred 
or  secular,  illustrative  of  high  and  low  life  during  the  period.  I'robably  the  two  most 
zealous  delvers  in  that  mine  for  its  best  uses  have  been  Professor  Masson,  for  the  purpose 
of  The  Life  ofjohti  Milton  :  narrated  in  connexion  with  the  Political,  Ecclesiastical,  ami 
Literary  History  0/  his  Time,  in  six  volumes;  and  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter,  in  his  Coni^re- 
^ationalism  of  the  Last  Three  Hundred  Years,  etc.  Both  authors  have  turned  these 
pamphlets  to  the  best  account  in  clearing  obscurities  or  filling  gaps  in  the  history  or 
writings  of  men  prominent  in  the  cause  of  Nonconformity. 

The  other  comprehensive  and  extensive  collection  of  pamphlets,  volumes,  and  original 
jiapers  for  illustrating  the  whole  history  of  Puritanism  and  Dissent,  is  in  what  is  known 
-  >  Dr.  Williams's  Library,  in  London.  Dr.  Daniel  Williams,  an  eminent  Presbyterian 
uivinc,  possessed  of  means,  had  purchased  the  library  of  the  famous  Dr.  William  Bates. 
Addin;!  to  it  from  his  own  resources,  he  founded  in  1716  the  library  which  bears  his  name, 
committing  it,  with  a  sum  of  money  for  a  building  (to  which  additions  were  made  by  a 
subscription),  to  the  hands  of  trustees  in  succe.ssion.  The  library  edifice  —  long  '.tanding 
in  Red-Cross  Street,  now  removed  to  Grafton  Street  — has  been  ever  since  a  favorite  place 
for  the  assembling  of  meetings  and  committees  in  the  Dissenting  interest  (of  late  yi  s 
Presbyterians  and  Unitarians  acceding  to  their  trust),  for  the  transaction  of  busines; ,  i*.  r 
preparing  addresses  to  successive  sovereigns,  and  managing  their  cause  in  Parliai.  '-i;;. 
Those  who  in  former  years  have  sat  in  one  of  the  ancient  chairs  of  the  library  in  Red-Cioss 


vV  '■ 


;a 


HI 


ifi; 


iti 


/   I  !' 


'Li' 

;  1 

1 «      >'  ' 

'!• 

i'  r 

246 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Street  have  hardly  escaped  feeling  profoundly  the  influence  of  the  place  and  Ci  its  associa- 
tions,—the  walls  hung  with  the  portraits  of  venerable  divines  and  scholars  learned  in  all 
ancient  lore  ;  the  cabinets  fillea  with  laboriously  wrought  manuscripts,  histories,  diaries, 
and  letters,  some  of  them  dating  in  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  ;  the  crowded 
shelves  of  folios  and  smaller  tractates  composed  of  brain-work  and  patient  toil,  without 
the  facilities  of  modern  research  and  study,  and  the  many  relics  and  memorials  connected 
with  the  daily  ministerial  and  domestic  life  of  men  of  self-denying  and  honorable 
service.  Harvard  College  holds  and  administers  a  fund  of  over  sixteen  thousand  dollars, 
left  by  Dr.  Williams  in  1711,  as  a  trust  for  the  benefit  of  the  aborigines. 

Here  is  the  fitting  place  for  appropriate  and  most  grateful  mention  of  the  results  of  a 
labor  of  devoted  zeal  and  love  given  by  the  Rev.  Henry  Martyn  Dexter,  D.D.,  to  the 
historic  memorial  of  a  cause  of  which  he  inherits  the  full  spirit,  and  in  the  service  of 
which  he  has  spent  his  mature  life.  It  may  safely  be  said  that  not  a  single  person,  at 
least  of  those  horn  on  the  soil  of  New  England,  of  the  lineage  of  the  Fathers  has  so 
"  magnified  "  their  cause  and  work  as  he  has  d<-  ne.  Holding  with  such  a  rooted  conviction 
as  is  his,  that  the  Congregational  polity  of  the  Christian  Church  has  the  war/ant  of  Scrip- 
ture and  of  the  Primitive  Church,  and  that  it  b^st  serves  the  sacred  interests  of  soul- 
freedom  and  of  associated  religion  in  its  ir.bLitutions,  works,  and  influence,  the  earliest 
witnesses,  confessors,  and  martyrs  in  its  behalf  have  se  med  to  him  worthy  of  the  most 
lavish  labor  for  their  commemorr.i'on.  Repeatedly  has  he  crossed  the  seas  and  pHed  his 
most  diligent  scrutiny  of  tracing  and  searching,  as  he  got  the  scent  of  some  tract  or 
record  in  its  hiding-place  of  private  cabinet  or  dim  old  parchment.  With  hardly  eye  or 
thought  for  the  usual  attractions  of  foreign  travel,  his  valuable  leisure  has  been  spent  in 
following  any  clew  which  promised  him  even  the  slightest  aid  to  clearing  an  obscjre 
point,  or  setting  right  a  disputed  fact,  or  completing  our  information  on  any  serious 
matter  relating  to  the  early  history  of  what  is  now  represented  by  Congregationalism. 
The  Introduction  to  his  volume,  T/ie  CoHi^regationalistn  of  the  last  Three  Hundred 
Years,  as  seen  in  its  LiteratHrc,  with  Special  Reference  to  Certain  Recondite,  Neglected, 
"r  Disputed  Passages,^  tells  in  a  vigorous  and  hearty  tone  what  vas  his  aim,  his  course, 
and  its  method. 

The  principal  text  of  his  volume  disposes  the  treatment  of  his  subject  under  twelve 
lectures,  delivered  by  the  author  in  die  Theological  Seminary  at  Andover,  in  1876-1879. 
This  text  is  elaborately  illustrated  by  notes,  with  references  and  extracts,  largely  drawn 
from  the  recondite  sources  and  the  deposito'-Ies  already  referred  to.  The  author  is  careful 
to  authenticate  all  his  statements  from  prime  authorities  ;  jind  where  obscurity  or  conflict 
of  views  or  of  evidence  adduced  makes  it  necessary,  his  patience  and  candor  give  weight 
to  his  judgment  or  decision.  The  extraordinary  and  unique  element  of  his  work  is  pre- 
sented in  his  Collections  towards  a  Bibliography  of  Congregationalism,  which  with  the 
Index  to  its  titles  covers  more  than  three  hundred  royal  octavo  pages,  in  close  type. 
This  contains  an  enumeration  of  7,250  titles  of  publications,  from  folios  dowr  to  a  few 
leaves,  dating  between  the  years  1546  and  1879,  which  have  even  the  slightest  relation  in 
contents,  authorship,  or  purpose  with  the  most  comprehensive  bearings  of  his  subject 
in   its  historical  development. 

I  have  mentioned  this  elaborate  work  among  the  primary,  instead  of  classing  it  with 
the  secondary,  sources  of  information  on  the  history  of  Nonconformity,  because  it  is 
r-omething  more  than  a  link  between  the  two.  It  takes  its  flavor  from  the  past.  Its 
abounding  extracts  from  the  quaint  writings,  and  its  portraitures  and  relations  of  the 
experiences  of  the  old-time  worthies  transfer  us  to  their  presence,  make  us  sharers  of 
their  buffeted  fortunes  and  listeners  to  their  living  speech.  The  work  may  be  regarded 
as  a  summary  of  monumental  memorials,  more  frank  and  true  than  are  such  generally  on 
stone  or  brass  of  those  who  fought  a  good  fight  and  trusted  in  promises. 

»  New  York,  1S80. 


THE   RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    LN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


247 


The  naturn'  desire  of  a  dispassionate  reader  of  the  original  documents  dealing  with 
the  heats  of  the  Puritan  controversy,  or  pursuing  it  in  the  pages  of  historians  who  may 
relate  it  either  with  a  partisan  or  an  impartial  spirit,  is  that  he  might  have  before  him  the 
words  and  impressions  of  some  contemporary  or  observer  of  profound  wisdom  and  of 
well-balanced  judgment,  as  he  viewed  this  turmoil  of  affairs.  The  nearest  approach  made 
to  the  gratification  of  this  wish  is  found  in  two  brief  but  very  comprehensive  essays 
from  the  pen  of  the  great  Lord  Bacon,  as  with  an  evident  serenity  and  poise  of  spirit  he 
studied  the  scenes  before  him,  and  the  characters,  aims,  excesses,  and  shortcomings  of 
the  various  actors,  monarchs,  prelates,  zealots,  enthusiasts,  and  earnest,  however  ill- 
judging,  extremists  on  either  side.  The  first  of  these  essays  in  publication,  whenever  it 
may  have  been  written,  is  entitled  Certain  Consiiferuiions  touching  the  better  Pacification 
and  Edification  of  the  Church  of  England.  The  date  of  its  imprint  is  1640.  But  in  this 
reference  is  made,  in  the  address  to  King  James,  to  an  earl  "r  essay,  whicli  appeared 
anonymously  with  the  imprint  of  1641,  under  the  title  of  An  Advertisement  touching  the 
Controversies  of  the  Church  of  England.  This  was  evidently  written  in  the  time  of 
Elizabeth.  In  it.  Bacon  sagaciously  traces  the  origin  of  the  controversy  to  four  main 
springs,  —  namely,  the  otTering  and  the  accepting  occasions  for  variance  ;  the  extending  and 
multiplying  them ;  passionate  and  unbrotherly  proceedings  on  both  parts,  and  the  recourse 
on  either  side  to  a  stiffer  union  among  its  members,  heightening  the  distraction.  His 
most  severe  stricture  is  upon  the  Church,  for  its  harsh  measures,  as  the  strife  advanced,  in 
enforcing  with  penalties  what  had  previously  been  allowed  to  be  matters  of  inditTerence, 
thus  driving  some  discontents  into  a  banded  sect.  He  regards  it  as  a  grave  error  that 
some  of  the  English  Church  zealots  had  spoken  contemptuously  of  foreign  Protestant 
Churches.  Though  Bacon  affirms  that  he  is  himself  no  party  to  the  strife,  and  aims 
only  for  an  impartial  arbitration  in  it,  his  judgment  and  sympathy  evidently  incline 
him  to  the  Puritan  side  as  against  the  bishops.  A  fair-minded  Paritau  of  the  time 
might  well  have  contented  himself  with  this  wise  man's  statement  of  his  side  and  cause. 
Of  the  second  of  these  essays,  it  being  addressed  to  King  James  on  his  accession,  it 
may  be  said  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  any  piece  of  writing  of  equal  compass,  on 
the  themes  with  which  it  deals,  more  crowded  with  sound,  solid  good  sense,  better  bal- 
anced in  its  allowances  and  limitations,  more  moderate,  judicious,  and  practical  in  its 
principles,  or  more  likely  to  harmonize  all  reasonable  differences,  and  to  repress  and 
discountenance  extreme  and  perverst:  individualisms.  Bacon  justifies  innovations  and 
reconstructions.  He  tells  the  King  that  the  opening  of  his  reign  is  the  opportune  time 
for  making  them.  He  protests  against  modelling  all  reformation  after  one  pattern.  Then 
he  utters  words  of  eminent  wisdom  about  the  government  of  bishops,  about  the  liturgy, 
ceremonies,  and  subscription,  about  a  preaching  ministry,  the  abuse  of  excommunication, 
and  about  non-residence,  pluralities,  and  the  maintenance  of  the  ministry.  Here,  again, 
moderate  men  of  both  parties  might  well  have  been  content  with  the  great  philosopher's 
judgment. 


Documents  in  Foreign  Repositories.  —  In  connection  with  the  exile  of  so  many 
prelates,  clergy,  and  other  members  of  the  English  Church  on  the  accession  of  Queen 
Mary  in  1553,  the  relations  established  between  them  and  many  eminent  Reformers  on  the 
Continent  resulted  in  the  production  of  a  large  number  of  documents  of  the  highest  his- 
torical authenticity  and  value,as  throwing  light  upon  the  aims  and  methods  of  the  Puritans 
in  England  during  the  whole  period  from  1553  to  1602.  Several  of  these  exiles  settled  at 
Zurich,  and  there  formed  intimate  friendships  with  many  magistrates  and  ministers  of  the 
Reformed  religion.  On  the  return  of  the  exiles,  on  the  accession  of  Elizabeth,  many  of 
tliem  kept  up  a  constant  correspondence  with  their  friends.  The  letters  have  been  pre- 
served in  the  archives  of  Zurich,  and  it  has  been  only  within  the  last  forty  years  that  the 
wealth  of  information  in  them  has  been  revealed  in  England.  There  are  nearly  two 
hundred  folio  volumes  of  these  letters.     Strype  and  Burnet  had  obtained  copies  of  some 


i|  I 


ill 

m 


248 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


!   ■  'I' 


Ml' 


I  SI 


if) 


I  '!' 


1  ■     i 


M:, 


'h" 


ifi/i 


\i.h.'\ 


of  them,  which  they  put  to  use  in  their  histories.'  A  descendant  of  one  of  the  Swiss 
correspondents  had  before  1788  copied  eighteen  thousand  of  the  letters  with  his  own  hand, 
arranged  chronologically.  In  1845  and  1846,  "The  Parker  Society"  in  England  pub- 
lished,- in  four  octavo  volumes,  a  large  number  of  these  "Zurich  Letters,"  translated  and 
carefully  edited,  .  ith  annotations.  The  general  titles  are  The  Zurich  Letters,  comprising 
the  Correspondence  of  Several  English  Bishops,  and  Others,  with  Some  of  the  Helvetian 
Reformers,  during  the  reigns  of  Henry  VIll.,  Edward  VI.,  and  Queens  Mary  and  Eliza- 
beth. In  the  collection  are  several  letters  to  royal  personages.  One  of  these,  by  Rodolph 
Gualter,  who  in  his  youth  had  resided  at  Oxford,  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  dated  Zuricii, 
Jan.  16,  ISS9)  's  a  long  epistle,  written  in  a  dignified,  courteous  and  earnest  strain,  counsel- 
ling the  Queen  to  have  two  things  in  her  supreme  regard  :  "  First,  that  every  reformation 
of  the  Church  and  of  religion  be  conducted  agreeably  to  the  Word  of  God  ;  "  and  second, 
that  she  restrain  her  counsellors  from  hindering  or  reversing  the  good  work.  Better  than 
from  the  best-digested  pages  of  history,  one  may  learn  from  these  fresh  and  admirable 
letters,  down  to  the  most  minute  detail  and  incident,  the  cross-workings,  the  entangle- 
ments, the  progressive  advance,  the  obstructions,  the  retrograde  and  opposing  forces  and 
influences  connected  with  the  oscillations  of  the  reform  in  England.  Nowhere  else  in  our 
abounding  literature  on  the  subject  are  the  Puritans  and  Nonconformists  presented  more 
faithfully  and  intelligently  in  their  conscientious,  scrupulous,  and  certainly  well-meant 
efforts,  within  the  Church  itself,  to  have  its  institutions,  ceremonial,  and  discipline  disposed 
after  a  pattern  which  should  have  regard  equally  to  discountenance  the  impositions  and 
superstitions  of  the  Papal  system,  which  had  been  nominally  renounced,  and  to  make  the 
purified  Church  a  power  to  advance  the  best  interests  of  true  religion.  The  intelligent 
American  visitor  to  Zurich,  if  his  attention  is  drawn  to  this  highly  valued  and  admirably 
arranged  collection  in  its  library,  can  hardly  fail  of  the  impression  that  he  has  before  him 
most  sincere  evidences  of  the  depth  of  thought  and  the  nobleness  of  spirit  of  men  who 
were  working  out  the  principles  of  wisdom  and  righteousness. 

Considering  the  influence  exerted  upon  some  of  the  English  Puritans  by  their  res- 
idence on  the  Continent,  and  their  frequent  reference  afterward  to  the  different  ecclesi- 
astical system  and  discipline  adopted  there,  an  interesting  phase  of  the  controversy  is 
presented  in  the  two  following  works.  At  the  opening  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Dr. 
William  Nichols,  —  as  he  says,  at  the  prompting  of  others,  though,  it  was  intimated, 
of  his  own  motion,  —  wrote  a  Defence  of  the  Doctrine  and  Discipline  of  the  Church  of 
England,  addressed  especially  to  foreign  divines  and  churches.  This  was  replied  to  by 
James  Peirce  in  his  Vindication  of  the  Dissenters ;  or,  an  Appeal  to  Foreign  Divines, 
Professors,  and  all  other  Learned  Men  of  the  Reformed  Religion.  In  this  volume,  origi- 
nally written  and  published  in  Latin,  afterward  translated  by  the  author  and  published  in 
English,  there  is  in  the  main  a  thorough  and  candid  review  of  the  rise  and  the  conduct  of 
the  cause  of  Nonconformity,  and  a  searching  examination  of  the  principles  of  the  Church 
of  England.  Peirce  quotes  with  care  the  original  aulhorities,  and  puts  them  to  a  good 
use.  He  follows  the  history  into  the  fortunes  of  those  who  had  taken  refuge  and  estab- 
lished their  religion  in  New  England,  and  while  he  says  he  differs  with  Mr.  Cotton,  of 
Boston,  "in  many  of  his  opinions,"  defends  him  and  all  the  "Independents"  from  the 
charge  of  being  "  Brownists." 

The  historians  Bancroft  and  Motley  and  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter  have,  after  diligent 
research  in  Holland,  discovered  many  little  scraps  of  curious  information  relating  to  the 


''I 


•  The  works  of  John  Strype  include  His- 
torical Memorials,  six  volumes ;  Annals  of  the 
Reformation,  seven  volumes  j  and  his  /,;>•«  of 
C'ranmer,  Parker,  Whitgift,  Grintlall,  Aylmer, 
Chtke,  and  Smith,  published  at  Oxford,  1812- 
ifSiS,  which  should  be  accompanied  by  a  General 
Index,  by  R.  T.  Lawrence,  in  two  volumes. 


Gilbert  liurnet's  History  of  the  Reformation 
of  til  ■  '^hnrch  of  England  was  originally  pub- 
lishp  ndon  in  three  volumes  in  1679, 1681, 

and  .,.f.  There  have  been  various  editions 
since. 

■^  University  Press,  Cambridge.  Cf.  Tht 
Zurich  Letters. 


»i'^: 


<  I 


THE   RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


249 


diligent 
ig  to  the 


Cf.    Tht 


residence,  moae  of  life,  social  and  domestic  experiences,  and  way  of  conducting  their 
religious  affairs,  of  the  earliest  English  exiles  there  associated  in  cliurches  and  assem- 
blies. These  slight  memorials  indicate  that  the  Puritans  and  Separatists  in  refuge  there, 
though  their  circumstances  were  modest,  if  not  obscure,  were  respected  for  their  characters 
and  for  tlie  sincerity  of  their  purposes.  They  found  conveniences  from  the  presses  in 
Holland  for  putting  into  print  their  own  fertile  productions  in  the  setting  forth  of  their 
principles,  while  the  busy  commerce  between  the  ports  of  Holland  and  those  of  England 
and  Scotland  furnished  ready  means  for  conveying  these  publications,  as  well  as  private 
letters,  secretly  and  surreptitiously  if  it  were  necessary,  to  the  safe  hands  of  friends.  Nor, 
it  the  occasion  was  urgent,  would  one  of  these  refugees  hesitate,  taking  in  his  hands  the 
risk  of  his  liberty  or  life,  to  pass  the  seas  on  some  secret  errand  in  his  own  behalf  or  in 
the  interest  of  his  fellows.  Such  scraps  of  information  from  Dutch  repositories  as  the 
explorers  above  named  have  gathered  have  all  been  duly  valued  as  filling  g?.ps  in  our 
previous  knowledge,  or  clearing  up  some  obscure  passages.  The  results  have  been  so 
gratefully  recognized  and  at  once  incorporated  in  the  many  modern  rehearsals  of  the 
old  history,  that  they  need  not  be  referred  to  more  specifically  here.' 

English  Authorities.  —  All  such  periods  of  intense  controversy  and  struggle  upon 
themes  of  the  highest  concern  to  man,  as  that  of  the  internal  commotions  in  England  imme- 
diately following  and  consequent  upon  the  Reformation,  leave  behind  them  some  memorial 
in  literature  of  so  conspicuous  and  rare  an  excellence  as  to  insure  perpetual  freshness,  and 
to  acquire  interest  and  attractions  even  beyond  that  of  the  particular  subject  with  which  it 
deals.  When  the  Press  in  such  periods  is  pouring  its  outflow  of  ephemeral  tracts  and 
books,  vigorous,  intense,  effective,  as  they  may  be  for  a  temporary  end  or  for  the  circle  of 
a  sect  or  party,  genius  or  scholarly  culture,  or  a  philosophical  and  comprehensive  spirit, 
penetrating  below  the  surface  and  rising  above  the  details  of  a  controversy,  will  engage 
itself  upon  the  product  of  what  we  call  an  immortal  work.  Such  a  work '■' is  that  which 
came  from  the  pen  of  "  the  judicious  Hooker,"  —  Richard  by  baptismal  name.  His  eight 
books  constitute  one  of  the  richest  classics  of  the  English  tongue.  It  finds  delighted 
readers  among  those  who  care  little,  if  at  all,  for  the  mere  issues  of  the  questions  under 
controversy.  Its  generally  rich  and  stately  style,  its  logic  and  rhetoric,  its  wealth  of 
learning,  and  its  occasional  play  of  satire  or  contempt,  engage  the  interest  of  many  a 
reader  who  would  turn  listlessly  from  most  pages  of  polemics.  There  is  so  much  in  it  of 
a  manly,  fr..;  courage  and  self-asserting  spirit,  that  at  times  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  it 
was  written  by  one  who,  according  to  the  quaint  biography  of  Iiim  by  Isaack  Walton,  was 
so  cowed  and  subjugated  by  his  domestic  partner,  the  mother  of  his  children.  English 
Churchmen  may  well  boast  themselves  on  this  majestic  work,  dealing  with  the  nucleus  of 
the  whole  Puritan  controversy,  the  question  of  Church  authority.  Of  course,  its  argument 
ill  its  whole  sum  and  detail,  in  its  array  and  estimate  of  original  vouchers,  has  been  tra- 
versed and  brought  under  dispute  by  champions  on  the  other  side.  But  it  will  always 
hold  its  supreme  place  while  the  cnuse  which  it  upholds  shall  need  a  classic. 

Hallam"  says  that,  "though  the  reasonings  of  Hooker  won  for  him  the  surname  of 
'  tlie  Judicious,'  they  are  not  always  safe  or  satisfactory,  nor,  perhaps,  can  they  be  reckoned 
wholly  clear  or  consistent.  His  learning,  though  beyond  that  of  most  English  writers  in 
that  age,  is  necessarily  uncritical ;  and  his  fundamental  theory,  the  mutability  of  ecclesi- 
.istical  government,  has  as  little  pleased  those  for  whom  he  wrote,  as  those  whom  he 
repelled  by  its  means."  The  same  writer,  in  another  work,^  passes  a  high  encomium  upon 
Hooker's  Polity,  as  finding  a  basis  for  its  argument  in  natural  law. 


'  [Cf.  the  Critical  Essay  appended  to  the 
chapter  on  the  "  Pilgrim  Church  "  in  the  present 
volume.  —  Kd.) 

-  The  Laws  of  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  London, 
1594.  The  seventh  and  eighth  books  did  not 
VOL.   HI.  —  32. 


appcir  till  1618;  and  the  whole  was  issued 
together  in  1622.  There  have  been  various 
editions  siucc. 

■'  Literature  of  Eitro['c\\\.  1C6. 

*  Constitutional  History  of  Ens^land. 


' '  1 

n 

,  IB 

■  ^'  ''  ■ 

i. 

f 

•  1 

r 

1' 

\ 

' 


I'    ) 


*  i 


iti 


250 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA. 


The  first  four  of  the  books  of  Hooker's  work  were  published  in  1594,  the  fifth  in  1597. 
As  the  other  three  had  been  left  in  manuscript,  and  did  not  appear  in  print  till  many  years 
after  his  death  in  1600,  suspicions  were  raised  that  they  might  have  been  interpolated. 
As  the  Narrative  of  this  chapter  has  given  place  to  an  exposition  of  Hooker's  fundamental 
position  against  the  Nonconformists,  it  need  not  be  repeated  here. 

For  a  long  period,  the  well-known  work*  of  Daniel  Neal,  in  its  successive  editions, 
was  the  only  one  written  from  an  historical  point  of  view  by  an  author  not  contemj  o-ary 
with  Its  whole  subject,  which  had  appeared  from  the  press,  w;:s  widely  circulated  and  gen- 
erally accredited  for  its  fidelity,  its  ability,  and  its  trustworthiness.  Mr.  Neal,  born  in 
London  in  1678,  was  a  Dissenting  miPiister  in  that  city,  and  died  in  1743.  His  history 
was  jjublished  in  portions  between  1731  and  1738.  The  editions  of  it  now  in  general  cir- 
culation are  those  edited  with  valuable  notes  by  Dr.  Touhnin,  the  first  of  which  appeared 
in  London  in  1793,  and  the  last  in  1837.  The  editor  continued  the  history  after  the  English 
Revolution.  Mr.  Neal  made  diligent  research,  in  order  to  verify  his  statements  from  all  the 
original  sources  which  were  open  to  him.  He  relied  large) ^'  on  the  laborious  Memorials 
gathered  by  the  painstaking  Strype,  while  owing  much  to  Fuller  and  Burnet.  Mosheim 
accepted  Neal's  work  as  of  the  highest  authority.  Dr.  Kippis  commends  it  highly  in  the 
Bioi^raphia  Britannica.  After  the  publication  of  his  first  volume,  Neal  made  public  his 
answer  to  an  anonymous  work  by  Dr.  Maddox,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  vindicating  the 
Church  of  England  "  from  the  injurious  reflections  cast  upon  it  in  that  volume."  Similar 
anim.idrersions  were  cast  upon  the  later  volumes  by  Dr.  Zachary  Grey.  Bi.';hop  Warbur- 
ton,  in  some  Azotes  to  ^  r.  Neal's  history  which  he  published  in  1788,  even  oiiiigs  in  ques- 
tion the  author's  veracity.  Dr.  Toulmin  meets  and  answers  such  charge.s  Mr.  Neal 
souf^ht  to  give  his  pages  authenticity  by  full  quotations,  citations,  and  references  to  his 
original  authorities.  In  a  few  instances  in  which  Burnet  or  others  denied  his  fairness  or 
accuracy.  Dr.  Toulmin  has  vindicated  him  against  all  aspersions,  if  not  from  all  charges 
of  error.  The  author  wrote  when  the  Dissenters  were  relieved  by  legislation  of  the 
severe  impositions,  fines,  and  inflictions  of  an  earlier  period,  but  were  by  no  means  brought 
into  an  equality  in  social  and  civil  rights  and  privileges  with  the  favoica  ikUd  patronized 
members  of  the  Church  Establishment.  So  Mr.  Neal's  pages  are  free  tiom  the  asperity 
and  bitterness  ].rovoked  into  indulgence  by  his  predecessors  under  the  smart  of  humili- 
ating wrongs.  Still,  he  is  loya'  to  the  memory  and  steadfastness  of  those  earlier  sufferers. 
There  was  much  on  which  the  Dissen'.f  c\  his  time  might  pride  themselves  as  won  by 
the  constancy  of  those  who  had  foug  .1;  :hem  the  battles  with  lordly  arrogance  and 
hierarchical  assumptions  ..nd  prerogatr  ■•  There  was  a  palmy  age  for  Dissent  in  Eng- 
land which  Lord  Macaulay  describes  very  felicitously,  when,  as  he  says,  there  were  Dis- 
senting ministers  whose  standing  and  condition  in  life  compared  favorably  with  those  of 
all  the  clergy  of  the  Establisir.nent  below  those  of  the  bishops.  Among  the  Dissenting 
laity  were  men  of  wealth  and  of  commercial  consequence,  as  a  high  and  honored  social 
class,  whose  munificent  endowments  were  bestowed  on  some  of  the  noblest  institutions 
of  the  realm. 

Mr.  Hallam  devotes  the  second,  third,  and  fourth  chapters  of  his  Constitutional  His- 
tory of  England  to  the  development  of  the  history  of  Nonconformity,  bodi  among  Roman 
Catholics  and  Protestants,  during  the  reigns  of  Henry  VHI.,  Edward  VI.,  Mary,  and 
Elizabeth.  Among  the  many  reviews  and  critical  estimates  of  this  history,  that  in  the 
Edinburgh  RcTiew,  vol.  xlviii.,  is  especially  able  and  satisfactory.  Mr.  Hallam  brought 
to  tile  presentation  of  this  part  of  his  whole  subject,  not  only  his  habitually  thorough  and 
conscientious  fulnesj;  of  research  among  authorities  and  documents,  public  and  private, 
bi't  also  that  spirit  of  candor,  moderation,  and  equitable  impartiality  which,  if  not  already 


(  ' 


ii 


'    Tlie  History  of  the  Puritans,  or  Prolfslant  Reformation  in  the  Church,  their  Sufferings,  and 

Xomonf'-mists :  from     'le  Reformation  in   1517  the  Lives  and  Characters  of  their  Most  Consid- 

to  the  Rn'olution  in  16S-.    Comprisingan  Account  erable   Divines.      By   Daniel    Neal,   M.A.      Cf 

of  thiir  Principles,  their  Attempts  for  a  Further  Boli.i's  edition  of  Lowndes,  p.  1655. 

/ 


^jm^' 


THE   RELrJIOUS   ELEMENT   IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


251 


cherished  in  the  purposes  and  motives  of  one  intending  the  task  of  an  historian,  may  or 
may  not  be  acquired  and  exercised  in  dealing  with  tliemes  <  ngaging  so  mucli  of  temper, 
strife,  and  intenseness  of  polemical  animosity.  From  his  point  of  view,  reading  back- 
wards along  the  line  of  historical  development,  he  recognized  .hat  the  early  Nonconform- 
ists were  dealing  with  fundamental  principles  in  religious  affairs  wiiich,  though  not  at  the 
time  fully  apprehended,  would  necessarily  involve  immunities  and  rights  of  a  political  char- 
acter. It  is  because  of  th.s,  now  clearly  exposed  and  certified  to  us,  that  such  lofty  tributes 
are  rendered  to  the  Puritans  as  the  e.xponents  and  champions  of  English  liberty. 

The  Inner  Life^  of  Robert  Barclay,  not  completely,  though  substantially,  finished  and 
supervised  by  its  author,  is  an  admirable  example  of  the  more  wise,  just,  and  considerate 
tone  and  method  adopted  in  quite  recent  years  for  dealing  with  times  and  subjects  of 
once  embittered  religious  agitation  and  controversy.  It  is  calm  and  judicial  in  its  temper, 
inclusive  and  well-digested  in  its  materials  and  contents.  The  author's  research  was  most 
wide  and  comprehensive.  He  spared  no  labor  in  the  quest  of  original  documents,  in 
manuscript  or  print,  all  over  England  and  on  the  Continent,  of  prime  use  and  authority 
for  liis  purpose,  whether  in  public  repositories  or  in  privp.'e  cabinets.  For  some  very 
important  matters  which  entered  into  the  full  treatment  of  hib  theme  he  has  used  for  the 
first  time  many  records  that  had  been  lying  in  undisturbed  repose,  and  he  has  enlisted  the 
valuable  aid  of  many  friends. 

The  author,  after  defining  the  idea  and  object  of  a  visible  church,  makes  an  elaborate 
effort  to  trace  to  its  sources  and  in  its  course  the  development  of  religious  opinion  in 
ICngland  previous  to  1C40.  He  marks  the  rise  of  Barrowism,  Brownism,  of  the  Johnson- 
ists,  the  Separatists,  the  Presbyterians,  the  early  Independents,  the  two  parties  of  Bap- 
lists,  and  the  Friends,  or  (2uakers.  Some  of  the  views,  habits,  and  principles  adopted 
by  these  parties  he  traces  in  their  connection  with  the  Mennonites  on  the  Continent. 
He  distinguishes,  as  far  as  possible,  the  various  shades  of  opinion,  the  introduction  of 
new  points  of  controversy  or  discussion,  the  individualisms,  extravagancies,  eccentricities, 
and  erratic  excesses  of  individuals  or  parties,  and  he  keeps  distinct  the  two  main  currents 
of  the  development,  as  they  favored  or  rejected  the  connection  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
authority.  He  draws  the  line  distinctly  between  the  Episcopalians  and  Presbyterians,  on 
the  one  side,  as  according  in  favoring  a  state  church  and  a  national  establishment,  and 
the  original  ideas  gradually  developed  into  positive  principles  of  individuals  and  societies 
among  the  Separatists,  which  involved  the  complete  separation  of  the  administration  it 
religion  from  the  civil  power. 

The  central  subject  of  Mr.  Barclay's  volume  is  the  early  history  of  the  Friends,  or 
()uakers.  Two  chief  points  are  specially  dealt  with:  First,  many  of  thd  distinctive  prin- 
ciples in  their  teaching  and  conduct  which  have  been  generally  rr -arded  as  original  with 
them  are  traced  as  in  full  recognition  by  other  parties  previous  to  inc  preaching  of  George 
Fox.  Second,  the  author  presents  many  facts,  new,  or  in  a  nev/  light,  which  disclose  liovv 
earnest  were  the  efforts  of  the  early  FriL.ids  for  a  very  careful  and  even  elaborate  inner 
organization  and  discipline  of  their  membership,  after  the  manner  of  a  visible  Church,  — 
the  appointment  and  oversight  of  a  qualified  ministry,  the  sending  out  of  authorized  mis- 
sionaries, and  the  inquisiiion  into  the  private  affairs,  the  liome  life,  habits,  and  business 
lit  memijers,  carried  out  into  very  minute  and  annoying  details.  He  reveals  to  us  the 
embarrassments  met  by  them  in  deciding  upon  the  question  of  "birthright  membership." 
Manuscript  documents,  records,  minute-books,  etc.,  preserved  in  many  places  where  the 
early  Friends  had  their  meeting.^,  are  found  very  communicative.'* 

-Mr.  Skeats,  in  his  Free  Churc/us^  has  in  view  as  his  general  purpose,  to  trace  "the 


I    I 


\ 


*  1 


ih\m^ 


'   TV/e'  Jnticr  Life  of  the  Religious  Societies  of  -  [See   the   chapter   on   "The    Founding  of 

/'Ji'  Commo)r,ivalt/i,   considered  princij'ally  unth  Pennsylvania  "  in  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 

Kifcrcnce  to  the  Influence  of  Church  Orgunisation  ^  A  History  of  ili:  Free  Churches  of  England, 

I'll  !he  Spread  of  Christianity.     By  Robert  Bar-  from  A.D.  16S8  to  A   D.  1851.     By  Herbert  S. 

elay.     Usntion,  1876,  410,  700  pp.  Skeats.     London,  1868. 


252 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OV   AMERICA. 


•Ml 


\)',A 


part  which  English  Dissent  has  played  in  the  history  of  England."  Following  this  com- 
prehensive design,  he  presents  the  various  phases  of  Nonconformity  and  Separatism 
through  der.uminational  organizations  among  Presbyterians,  Baptists,  Quakers,  Independ- 
ents, and  Congregationalists,  noting  the  attitude  of  opposition  assumed  towards  them  by 
the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities.  He  regards  the  Toleration  Act,  passed  in  1689, — 
which  even  then  excluded  the  Unitarians  from  its  terms,  —  as  drawing  the  line  between 
the  efforts  which  had  been  made  up  to  that  time  to  extinguish  Dissent,  and  the  leaving  it 
simply  under  a  stigma,  as  lacking  social  standing  and  ("lOvernment  recognition.  Only  the 
first  chapter,  covering  a  hundred  of  the  six  hundred  pages  of  the  volume,  is  concerned 
with  the  subject  directly  in  our  hands.  The  author  is  in  full  sympathy  with  the  principles 
and  the  cause,  the  attitude  and  the  persistency,  of  the  resolute  and  buffeted  men  whose 
views  he  sets  forth,  as  developed  from  the  earliest  stage  of  the  Reforniaiion  in  England. 
He  cites  and  quotes  original  authorities  to  authenticate  his  statements  and  his  judgments. 
In  some  instances,  where  they  bear  hard  upon  the  conduct  of  the  archbishops  of  Canterbury 
under  Queen  EHzabeth,  Curteis,  in  his  Bampton  Lectures,  challenges  their  fairness.  More 
than  four  hundred  Dissenting  societies,  Congregationalist  and  Baptist,  are  now  existing 
in  England,  which  date  their  origin  before  the  passage  of  the  Toleration  Act  under 
William.'     To  these  are  to  be  added  many  societies  of  Presbyterians  and  Quakers. 

The  Congregational  Union  of  England  and  Wales  is  an  organized  body  devoted  to  the 
interests  of  the  fellowship  to  which  it  succeeds  as  representing  the  original  single  and 
associated  Nonconformists  from  the  date  of  the  English  Reformation.  Its  magazines,  its 
annual  reports,  and  various  publications  issued  under  its  patronage,  keep  in  living  interest 
and  advocacy  the  principles  first  stood  for  by  faithful  witnesses,  sufferers,  and  martyrs. 
One  of  these  publications,  of  especial  importance,  bears  the  following  title :  Historical 
Memorials  relating  to  the  Independents,  or  Congregationalists,  from  their  Rise  to  the  Res- 
toration  of  the  Monarchy,  1660,  London,  TS39.  The  distinctive  value  and  authority  of 
this  work,  which  is  in  four  octavo  volumes,  attach  to  its  being  almost  exclusively  composed 
of  the  original  writings,  of  various  kinds,  from  the  pens  of  the  first  Nonconformists,  and 
the  answers  or  arguments  brought  against  them.  These  have  been  gathered  by  keen  and 
extended  investigation,  carefully  authenticated,  and,  where  it  is  necessary,  annotated.  The 
motive  which  inspired  tiiis  undertaking  was  to  remove  the  obscurity  and  contumely  wliich 
had  been  threatening  to  settle  over  the  memory  and  princ'jjles  of  men  whose  own  w  ritings 
prove  them  to  have  been  equal  in  learning,  acumen,  argumentative  power,  ana  heroic  con- 
stancy of  purp  jse  to  defend  a  cause  by  them  thought  worthy  of  their  devotion.  Many 
important  papers  which  elsewhere  are  found  only  in  quotalions,  extracts,  or  fragments, 
are  here  given  in  full. 

The  Bi-Centennial  commemoration  of  the  ejectment  of  all  Nonconforming  ministers 
from  the  pTrish  churches  of  England,  on  St.  Bartholomew's  Day,  1662,  was  made  the 
occasiun.  after  modern  usage  for  such  observances,  of  the  delivery  of  a  multitude  of  ad- 
dresses, and  the  preparation  and  publication  of  numerous  pamphlets  and  volumes,  of  local 
01  general  interest,  with  historical  retrospect  and  review  of  the  origin  and  development  of 
K]  g!ish  Nun '.oiiformity.  Curteis  '^  has  a  very  pregnant  note  on  the  "  bicentenary  rhetoric  " 
conni'i't'vi  with  'his  occasion.  He  alleges  that  "incredible  exaggerations"  were  exposed, 
;i<  founded  upon  '.he  lists  given  in  Calamy's  famous  Nonconformist  Memorial  (edited  by 
Palmer)  of  the  ejei-ted  »nlnisters,  as  being  in  number  two  thousand.  Curteis  says  it  was 
proved  that  iiste  m  of  there  being  293  such  in  London  parishes,  there  were  by  count  only 
127,  and  that  from  the  whole  alleged  number  of  two  thousand,  there  should  be  struck  off 
no  less  than  twelve  hundred.' 


'  See  the  inntial  Congrei^ational  Year-Book. 

'^  Bampton  Lectures,  p.  68. 

*  \mong  the  more  important  volumes  of  a 
historical  character  prompted  by  the  occasion 
.ibove  referred  to,  may  be   mentioned,  English 


Puritanism,  its  Character  and  History,  etc.  (by 
P.  Bayne)  ;  The  Early  English  Baptists  (by  B. 
Evans) ;  Church  and  State  Two  Hundred  Years 
Ago  (by  J.  Stoughton) ;  and  English  Aoncon. 
formity  (by  R.  Vaughan). 


*  !,  I 


THE   RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW    ENGLAND. 


253 


There  are  three  very  admirable  works  •  covering  much  of  tlie  matter  of  this  chapter, 
from  the  pen  of  John  Tulloch,  D.D.,  Principal  of  St.  Mary's  College  in  the  University 
of  St.  Andrew's. 

Though  these  three  works  are  from  the  pen  of  a  clergyman  of  tlie  Church  of  Scotland, 
they  are  written  in  a  spirit  of  the  most  broad  and  comprehensive  catiiolicity.  They  set 
forth  with  keen  discernment  and  with  generous  appreciation  the  advances  made  by  highly 
gifted  individual  minds  in  the  several  stages  and  phases  of  the  development  of  a  pro- 
tracted controversy  upon  the  principles  involved  in  an  attempted  adjustment  of  the  rights 
of  conscience  and  free  thought,  in  asserting  themselves  against  traditional  and  ecclesi- 
astical proscriptions.  It  required  the  contributions  from  many  such  minds  and  spirits, 
with  their  fragments  of  certified  truth,  to  insure  the  substitution  of  reason  for  authority. 

Church  of  England  Authorities.  —  Among  the  recently  published  works,  the  au- 
thors of  which  have  aimed  with  moderation  and  impartiality  to  treat  a  theme  of  embittered 
relations  and  rehearsals  so  as  to  present  readers  with  information  of  facts  and  the  means 
of  judging  fairly  between  violent  contestants  in  their  once  angry  issues,  is  one  already  re- 
ferred to  as  Curteis's  Hampton  Lectun's.''  Assuming  that  the  English  Church  had  an  origin 
and  existence  independent  of  the  ecclesiastical  authority  of  the  Pope,  the  author  relates 
the  process  by  which  it  reformed  itself,  by  renouncing  his  interference  and  impositions, 
and  establishing  its  own  discipline  and  ritual.  After  this  he  regards  and  treats  the 
Romanists  as  but  one  class  of  Dissenters,  taking  their  place  as  such  with  the  Indepen- 
dents, the  Baptists,  the  Quakers,  the  Unitarians,  and  the  Wesleyans.  Of  these  divided 
elements  of  the  common  Christian  fold,  the  author  traces  the  rise,  the  leading  principles, 
and  the  distinct  institutions  and  methods  which  they  adopted.  His  treatment  of  his  large 
and  tangled  subject  is  as  fair,  considerate,  and  judicious  as  could  be  expected  from  an 
earnest  and  heartily  loyal  minister  of  the  English  Church.  He  makes  many  strong  state- 
ments to  commend  and  urge  a  national  establishment  of  religion  as  far  more  dignified, 
consistent,  and  desirable  than  the  scattering  and  fragmentary  multiplication,  indefinitely 
increasing  under  petty  variances,  of  independent  religious  organizations.  liut  he  does  not 
work  out  a  practicable  method  for  his  suggested  scheme  when  those  concerned  in  it  prefer 
their  own  ways.  Mr.  Curteis  is  very  severe  (p.  62)  in  his  rebuke  upon  the  harshness  of 
terms  in  which  Mr.  Skeats^  deals  with  Archbishop  Parker,  in  the  course  pursued  by  him 
towards  the  Puritans.  But  the  view  presented  by  Mr.  Skeats  is  more  than  justified  by 
Hallam,''  in  his  calm  dealing  with  the  original  documents. 

In  the  same  connection  may  be  mentioned  The  Church  and  Puritans?  a  small  and 
compact  volume,  written  in  the  best  spirit  of  moderation  and  candor.  In  but  little  more 
than  two  hundred  open  pages,  the  author  traces  the  whole  course  of  Dissent.  —  its  rise, 
aims,  principles,  and  methods,  and  its  struggles,  buffetings,  and  discomfitures,  from  its 
manifestations  under  Elizabeth  to  the  failure  of  "a  glorious  opportunity  of  reconciling  all 
moderate  Dissenters  to  the  communion  of  the  Church  of  England,  under  William  and 
Mary."  By  the  judicious  restraint  upon  what  might  naturally  be  his  promptings,  as  a 
clergyman  of  the  Churcli  of  England,  to  criticise  with  some  sharr  'ess  what  has  so  gen- 
trally  been  represented  as  the  perversity  and  weak  scrupulosity  of  the  Puritans,  he  is 
eminently  fair  and  considerate  in  presenting  their  side  of  the  controversy,  and  in  dealing 


'  leaders  of  the  Reformation  ;  English  Puri- 
tanism and  its  Lenders^  —  Cromwell,  Milton, 
Baxter,  Bunyan ;  and  Rational  Theology  and 
Christian  Pliilosophy  in  England  in  the  Sez'en- 
tcenth  Century.  These  works  were  published 
in  1859,  1861,  and  1872,  respectively,  and  there 
!nve  been  later  editions. 

'^  Dissent  in  its  Relations  to  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land: Eight  Lectures,  on  the  Bampton  Foundation, 


preached  before  the  University  of  Oxford  in  1871. 
By  George  Herbert  Curteis,  M.A.,  London,  1872. 

^  History  of  Free  Churches  of  England,  p.  14. 

■*  Constitutional  //istory,  chap.  1  »•. 

''  The  Church  and  Puritans  :  a  Short  Account 
of  the  Puritans  :  their  Ejection  from  the  Church  oj 
England,  and  the  Efforts  to  restore  them.  By  D. 
Mountfield,  M.A.,  Rector  of  Newport,  Salop. 
London,  i88j. 


i^  m 


\ 


m 


\ ' 


it 


1^  ;',  ' 

1     1 

1  ;    ' 

I      ;  i 


254 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


with  their  more  conspicuous  men.  The  abounding  cit.ition  of  original  authorities  on  both 
sides  in  his  notes  authenticates,  for  nearly  every  sentence  of  the  work,  the  statement  made 
in  it. 

Two  works  of  a  remarkably  liberal  and  scholarly  character  which  have  quite  recently 
appeared  from  the  pens  of  eminent  divines  of  the  English  Church,  would  have  been  grate- 
fully welcomed  by  the  Nonconformists  in  the  period  of  their  sharpest  conflict,  on  account 
of  their  generous  spirit  and  their  contents.  They  would  have  been  especially  noteworthy 
in  the  liberal  concessions  which  they  make  upon  all  the  points  involved  in  the  controversy, 
as  to  the  simple  authority  and  pattern  of  Scripture  in  the  constitution  and  discipline  of 
the  Christian  Church,  as  against  the  hierarchical  claims  based  upon  traditions  and  usages 
subseciuent  to  the  age  of  the  apostles,  and  traceable  in  the  so-called  Primitive  Church. 
These  books  are  .Mr.  Edwin  Hatch's  0>j^anization  of  the  Early  Christian  Churches,^  and 
Dean  Stanley's  Christian  Institutions.'^ 

Mr.  Hatch  has  also  published  articles  of  a  similar  tenor  to  the  contents  of  his  Rampton 
Lectures,  in  the  Dictionary  of  Christian  Antiquities.  In  these  lectures,  the  author  aims 
to  trace  the  facts  of  ecclesiastical  history  in  the  same  way  as  those  of  civil  history  are  usu- 
ally dealt  with.  His  aim  is  to  investigate  the  framework  of  tlie  earliest  Christian  societies. 
He  says  these  societies  in  their  formation  adjusted  themselves  to  previously  existing 
methods  of  association.  The  philanthropic  element  in  them  suggested  the  sort  of  office|-s 
needed,  their  provinces  and  functions.  A  president  of  the  society  and  one  or  more  dis- 
tributors of  alms  were  the  requisite  officers.  Then  as  increasing  numbers  in  a  society,  and 
of  societies,  made  necessary  a  distribution  of  functions,  with  centralization  and  subordina- 
tion of  duty  and  authority,  an  ecclesiastical  system  was  developed  by  like  methods  to 
those  of  a  civil  or  political  system.  Convenience  and  adaptation  thus  originated  the 
elements  of  a  hierarchy,  the  regulation  of  which  was  watched  over  and  disposed  by  a 
system  of  councils. 

Dean  Stanley's  volume  is  a  collection  of  essays,  previously  published  separately.  They 
are  liberal  in  tone  and  tenor,  and  by  no  means  in  harmony  with,  or  even  quite  respectful 
toward,  any  high-church  principles,  or  any  demands  of  '•  divine  right "  for  ecclesiastical 
authority.  He  adopts  a  rational  point  of  view  for  marking  the  accumulation  of  sentiments 
and  usages  around  the  original  substance  of  Christianity.  He  exhibits  the  entire  unlike- 
i^ess  of  conditions  and  needs  between  the  early  days  of  the  religion  and  our  own.  He 
r -cognizes  the  vast  superstructure  of  fable  reared  upon  original  simple  verities,  and,  like 
Mr.  Hatch,  identifies  the  development  of  ecclesiastical  with  that  of  civil  forms  and  usages. 

An  Essay  on  the  Christian  Ministry,  liy  Bishop  Lightfoot,  treats  after  a  like  uncon- 
ventional method,  the  themes  which  in  the  Jays  of  early  Nonconformity  were  dealt  with 
in  so  different  a  tone  and  method. 

New  EnTiLAxd  Authorities.'  —  The  authorities  concerning  every  detail  in  the  in- 
stitution and  disposing  of  church  affairs  in  New  England  are  abundant  and  well-nigh 
e.\haustive.  They  may  be  consulted  as  digested  and  set  in  order  in  the  more  recently 
published  works  to  be  here  named  by  title,  or  they  may  be  traced  fragmentarily  in  chrono- 
logical order  in  the  writings  of  the  Fathers  themselves.  The  organization  of  the  New 
England  churches  came  to  be  best  described  under  the  term  "Congregational."  It  was 
in  substance  a  modification  of  Barrowism.  While  there  seems  to  have  been  but  little 
discordancy  here  among  those  who  followed  the  pattern,  they  were  soon  challenged  by 
some  of  their  brethren  in  England  most  nearly  in  sympathy  with  them,  as  to  doubtful  or 
debated  principles  and  methods  in  their  institution  and  discipline  of  churches.  There 
were  two  chief  points  which  came  under  discussion :  first,  the  respective  rights  of  all  the 


'  The  Organization  of  the  early  Christian 
Churches :  Eif^ht  Lectitres  dtlirered  before  the  Uni- 
versity  of  O.xford,  in  the  year  !88o.  Bampton  Lec- 
tures.   Tiy  Edwin  Hatch,  M.A.    London,  i8Si. 


2  Christian  Institutions  :  Essays  on  Ecclesiasti- 
cal Subjects.  By  Dean  Stanley,  of  Westminster 
London,  i88i. 

^  |Cf.  also  chapter  ix.  —  Ed.] 


;  r^"«5  •' 


THK    RELIGIOUS    ELEMENT    IN    NEW   ENGLAND. 


!55 


clcsiiisli- 
tminster 


brethren  composing  a  church  fellowship  in  administering  discipline,  and  those  ol  the 
jiastor,  teacher,  and  e!;.  Siiould  tlie  whole  church,  or  only  its  officers,  lie  primarily  and 

idtimately  invested  with  executive  and  administrative  power  ?  The  second  point  covered 
ail  the  considerations  which  would  come  into  prominence  in  deciding  upon  the  relations 
(if  chiirches  to  each  other, —  whether  each  should  maintain  an  ahsohite  independency,  or 
(|ualify  it  in  any  way  by  seeking  sympathy,  fellowship,  and  advice,  and  iieeding  remon- 
strances or  interference  from  "  sister  churciies,"  through  their  teacher.-,  and  elders. 

Contemporary  references  to  these  matters  as  they  presented  themselves  to  the  atten- 
tion of  those  who  here  first  entered  into  a  "  cliurch  estate,"  are  scattered  over  Governor 
Winthrop's  journal.  John  Cotton,  minister  of  the  First  Church  of  lioston,  diligently  .and 
earnestly,  in  successive  writings  and  publications,  set  himself  to  answering  all  questioning 
and  challenging  friends  abroad.  He  evidently  had  to  work  out  clear  and  consistent  views 
of  his  own  on  a  sul)ject  which,  besides  being  novel  in  many  of  its  relations,  was  embar- 
rassed by  local  difficulties,  and  by  some  conscientious  or  practical  diversities  of  judgment 
among  his  associates.  Richard  .Mather,  of  Uorchesler,  also  contributed  his  help  in  tiie  ex- 
position of  the  Congregational  polity,  which  was  to  \y^  defended  alike  from  extreme  liar- 
rowism  and  from  Presbyterianism.  which  was  soon  found  to  have  some  sympathizers  in 
;iie  colony,  liy  a  sort  of  general  consent,  recourse  was  had  to  a  succession  of  "  sjnods." 
or  councils  of  the  represent.itives  of  the  churches,  first  those  of  the  liay  Colony  alone, 
llien  with  some  of  the  other  New  England  colonies.  These  synods  resulted  in  the  forma- 
tion of  a  "  Platform,"  which  laid  out  in  form  and  detail  the  system  of  the  Congregational 
polity. 

It  is  not  necessary  here  to  indicate  the  titles,  contents,  and  authors;  of  the  seviial  pub- 
lications, preserved  in  our  cabinets  of  relics,  which  contributed  either  to  the  dissension  or 
to  the  pacification  of  the  sometimes  eccentric  and  heated,  and  of  the  always  scrupulous, 
earnest,  and  independent  parties  in  this  work  of  ecclesiastical  reconstruction.  They  have 
been  so  faithfully,  admirably,  and  impartially  digested  by  Dr.  Dexter  in  the  eight);  of  the 
lectures  in  his  Congregationalism,  as  to  present  to  the  reader  a  full  antl  intelligent  view 
of  the  whole  subject  in  its  development  and  its  results,  while  relieving  him  of  what  save 
to  the  fewest  possible  of  historical  students  would  be  a  repelling  task.  If,  however,  zeal 
iir  curiosity  should  dispose  any  one  to  peer  through  those  dried  and  withered  relics  of 
the  old  polemics  of  a  generation  that  drew  its  honey  from  the  rocks,  he  will  find  much 
occasion  to  respect  the  acuteness  and  the  persistency  of  men  who,  having  taken  the  inter- 
ests of  their  creed  and  piety  into  their  own  hands,  determined  to  build  on  what  was  to 
ihem  the  only  sure  foundation.  That  foundation  was  "the  Word."  If  the  Scriptures,  as 
their  prelatical  foes  insisted,  were  not  intended  to  afford,  and  would  not  aftbrd,  a  complete 
pattern  of  a  method  of  institution  and  government  of  a  Christian  Church,  the  reader  of 
those  patiently  wrought  tractates  will  often  be  amazed  as  he  notes  how  rich  and  fertile, 
how  apt  and  facile,  the  contents  of  the  sacred  books  were  found  to  be,  in  furnishing  the 
requisite  material  for  argument  and  authority. 

A  controversial  discussion  was  opened  in  1861  by  Hon.  D.  A.  White,  of  Salem,  by  the 
publication  of  his  Nexv  England  Congregatioualism  in  its  Origin  and  Purity,  illustrated 
by  the  Foundation  and  Early  Records  of  the  First  Church  in  Salem,  and  Various  Discus- 
sions pertaining  to  the  Subject.  To  this  work  Rev.  J.  B.  Felt,  in  the  same  year,  made  an 
answer:  Reply  to  the  New  England  Congregationalism  of  Hon.  D.  A.  White.  The 
principal  interest  of  the  matter  of  these  two  publications  consists  in  their  arguments  upon 
the  question  whether  Congregationalism  as  a  .system  of  polity  in  the  constitution  and  gov- 
ernment of  churches  carries  with  it,  as  an  essential  organic  part,  the  doctrinal  creed  held 
by  those  who  first  adopted  it.  Dr.  Dexter  offers  some  suggestions  on  tliis  point,  arguing 
that  the  creed  of  the  first  Congregationalists  belongs  continuously  to  their  system  of 
polity.  Of  course,  only  constructive  and  inferential  arguments  can  be  brought  to  bear  on 
this  point.  As  we  have  seen,  from  the  first  manifestations  of  Nonconformity  and  Dis- 
sent in  England,  doctrinal  themes  did  not  at  all  enter  into  the  controversy,  it  being  taken 


t    M 


i 


M' 


256 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


iii'i'H  \   ''■  >\l' 


for  granted  that  there  was  accord  upon  them.  But  there  cerliinly  is  no  absolute,  vital 
connet:ion  between  a  tbrm  of  polity  and  a  doctrinal  system.  There  have  come  to  be  very 
many  organizations  and  fellowships  among  i'rotestants  which  are  substantially  Congrega- 
tional in  their  order,  while  widely  diverse  in  their  creeds. 

In  1862,  Mr.  Felt  published  7'Jie  EccUuastical  History  of  New  England. 

Very  full  and  curiously  interesting  information  about  the  principles,  persons,  and 
events  connecting  the  Puritan  controversy  in  the  Old  World  with  the  settlement  of  New 
England,  may  be  found  in  the  now  well-nij^h  innumerable  volumes  containing  the  history 
of  our  oldest  towns  and  churches.  In  their  earlier  pa  .d  or  chapters  these  histories  find 
the  town  and  the  church  a  common  theme.  Grateful  occasions  have  been  found  in  com- 
memorations of  bi-centennial  or  longer  periods,  from  the  settlement  of  municipalities  or 
the  foundation  of  parishes,  to  review  the  past,  and  to  trace  in  the  old  land  the  men  who 
brought  here  in  their  exile,  for  free  and  successful  enjoyment,  principles  for  which  they 
had  there  suffered.  The  history  of  the  Reformation  and  of  Nonconformity  might  indeed 
be  largely  written  from  the  pamphlets  and  the  volumes  called  out  by  these  local  commem- 
orations, so  numerous  during  the  last  decade  of  years.  Traces  of  matter  of  a  similar 
character  may  also  be  found  in  the  personal  and  historical  references,  in  text  or  note,  of 
the  first  volume  of  the  Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Graduates  of  Harvard  University, 
by  John  Langdon  Sibley.  In  connection  with  the  public  and  formal  observance  of  the 
1  wo  Hundred  and  Fiftieth  Anniversary  of  the  Founding  of  the  First  Church  of  Boston,— 
in  the  fifth  in  order  of  the  edifices  in  which  it  had  worshipped,  —  a  son  of  the  present 
pastor  (the  -seventeenth  in  the  line  of  succession)  prepared  and  published  a  work 
with  the  following  title:  History  of  tlu  First  Church  in  Boston.  1630-1880.  By  Arthur 
B.  Ellis.  With  an  Introduction  by  George  E.  Ellis.  Illustrated.  Boston,  1881. 
Pages  IxxxTiit  -f  356. 


.^^ 


<£.  e& 


<et^. 


;'>!,::!' 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE   I'lLGRlM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH   COLONY. 

BV   FRANKLIN    I!    OKXTKR. 
Pre/fuor  of  Amtrican  Hutory  in   }'ft/f  CMfff 


THE  preceding  chapter  has  outlined  the  growth  of  Separatism  in 
England,  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  story  of  the  fortunes  of  tliat 
remarkable  congregation  which  has  given  a  new  significance  to  the  namv 
"  Pilgrim." 

Elizabeth's  policy  of  Uniformity,  so  sternly  pursued  by  her  last  Arch- 
bishop of  Cantirbury,  Whitgift  (1583-1604),  Wcis  ostentatiously  adopted 
by  her  successor.  James  L,  at  the  Hampton  Court  Conference  held  in  his 
presence  by  learned  men  of  the  Puritan  and  High  Church  parties  in  the 
first  year  of  his  reign ;  and  when  this  conference  was  quickly  followed  by 
the  elevation  of  Banci  oft,  a  more  arbitrary  Whitgift,  to  Whitgift's  vacant 
place,  those  who  were  earnest  in  the  opposite  opinions  were  forced  to 
choose  between  persecution  and  exile. 

There  were  doubtless  other  neighborhoods  where  the  Separatists  main- 
tained thriving  congregations  for  a  longer  or  shorter  time  after  the  King's 
policy  became  known ;  but  by  far  the  most  zealous  company  of  which 
accounts  remain  was  one  formed  by  residents  "  of  sundry  towns  and  villages, 
some  in  Nottinghamshire,  some  of  Lincolnshire,  and  some  of  Yorkshire, 
wliLTc  they  border  nearest  together."  In  i602,or  thereabout,  these  people, 
from  places  at  least  eight  or  ten  miles  apart,  gathered  themselves  into  a 
church,  —  probably  at  Gainsborough,  a  market-town  in  Lincolnshire,  on  the 
Trent ;  at  least  we  know  that  when  the  original  congregation  divided,  in 
1605  or  1606,  into  two,  —  perhaps  for  greater  se-  ^  ^ 

ciirity,  as  well  as  for  local  convenience, —  it  was        fLfjntn,     Jj'V^h}^ 
at  Gainsborough  that  one  branch  remained,  which        y  C     ^ 

soon  chose  John  Smyth,  a  Cambridge  graduate,   «-^ 
who  had  been  some  time  with  them,  to  be  its  pastor,  and  that  with  him 
many  of  this  portion  of  the  parent  stock  migrated  in  1606  to  Amsterdam. 

The  western  division  of  the  original  compan\-  appears  to  have   been 
formed  into  a  distinct  church  in  the  summer  of  1606,  and,  according  to  the 
testimony  of  Governor  Bradford,  in  his  notice  of  Elder   Brewster,  "  they 
VOL.  in. —33. 


fif 


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'<if 


258 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'  'II 


ordinarily  met  at  his  [Brewster's]  house  on  the  Lord's  day  (which  was  a 
manor  [i.  e.  manor-house]  of  the  Kishop's,  an?!  with  great  love  he  enter- 
tained them  when  they  came,  making  provision  for  them,  to  his  great 
charge." 

William  Jkewster,  the  chief  layman  of  this  congregation,  was  postmaster, 
or  "  post,"  as  the  usual  term  was,  at  Scrooby,  a  small  village  in  tlie  northern 
part  of  Nottinghamshire,  ten  miles  west  of  Gainsborough.  Though  Scrooby 
was  a  mere  hamlet,  its  station  on  the  London  and  lulinburgh  post-road  gave 
Brewster  full  occupation,  especially  after  the  two  capitals  were  united  under 


m 


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'% 


SrTE  OF  THE   MA.\OR-HOUSE.* 

one  king,  as  it  was  his  duty  to  provide  food  and  lodging  for  all  travellers  by 
post  on  Government  business,  as  well  as  relays  of  horses  for  them  and  for 
the  conveyance  of  Government  despatches.  He  was  a  native  of  the  village, 
and  had  matriculated  in  1580  at  the  University  of  Cambridge,  where  he 
came  under  Puritan  influence ;  he  soon,  however,  quitted  his  books  to  enter 
the  service  of  William  Davison,  Elizabeth's  upright  and  Puritan  Secretary 
of  State,  whose  promising  career  was  sacrificed  to  her  duplicity  in  the 
matter  of  the  execution  of  Mary  Stuart.  Under  Davison,  Brewster  had 
experience  both  at  court  and  in   foreign  embassies ;   he   remained  with  his 


'  [This  cut  follows  an  engraving  in  Bartlett's 
Pilffrim  Fiithrrs,  p.  40,  representing  the  scene 
about  thirty  vers  ago.  Kaine,  Parish  of  Plyth, 
p.  129,  referring  to  the  time  of  Kilwin  .Sandys, 
raised  to  the  archicpiscopal  throne  of  York  in 
1576, says:  "  Under  hirri  a  family  of  the  name  of 
Hrewstcr  occupied  the  manor-hmise,  which  had 
gradually  and  insensibly  dwindled  down  from  a 


large  mansion  to  a  moderately  sized  farmhouse ;" 
and  Kaine  gives  for  a  frontispiece  a  view  of  the 
remaining  fragment,  which  is  copied  by  Or.  Dex- 
ter in  SnhhtUh  at  Home,  1867,  p.  135.  Atr.  Deanc 
sa;,  s  of  it, "  It  mav  have  l)cen  originally  connected 
with  the  manor-house,  which  has  long  since 
passed  away."  (Mass.  IHsl.  Sof.  Proc.  xi.  404,)  I>r. 
Dexter  gives  a  plan  of  the  neighborhood. —  F.D.] 


,t:  ,V 


M  1 


THL    I'lUiRIM    CHURCH    AND    I'LY.MOUTH    COLONY. 


=  59 


master  for  a  year  or  two  after  the  fall  of  the  latter  in  1587,  and  then  retired 
to  his  native  village.  Thero  he  assisted  his  father,  who  was  then  |)Ostmaster, 
until  the  latter's  death  in  1590;  and  after  a  brief  interval  the  son,  then 
about  twenty-three  years  of  age,' 
succeeded  to  the  father's  place 
through  the  intercession  of  his 
old  patron,  Davison.*  In  1603  his 
annual  stipend  from  the  Govern- 
ment was  raised  from  ^^30  to  £^6, 
the  two  sums  corresponding  in 
j)resent  values  to  perhaps  si.\ 
and  seven  hundred  dollars  re  \)cc- 
tively.  The  manor-house  of 
Scrooby,  built  originally  as  a  hunt- 
ing-seat for  the  Archbishops  of 
York,  though  in  Brewster's  time 
"  much  decayed,"  "^  had  been  oc- 
cupied for  many  years  by  his 
father  as  bailirf  for  the  archbish- 
ops, and  a?  representative  of  their 
vested  inteie.ts  in  the  surround- 
ing property,  which  was  leased  to 
Sir  Samuel  Sandys,  of  London. 

The  clerical  leaders  of  the  church,  meeting  in  the  great  hall  or  chapel 
under  Brewster's  roof,  were    Richard  Clyfton  and  John  Robinson.     The 
«v,  former  had  been  instituted  in  1586,  at  the  age  of 

^r^'  ^o^^ ^^   thirty-three,  rector  of  Babworth,  a  village  si.\  or 
^  L       ^y^""^"  seven  miles  southeast  of  Scrooby,  and  had  con- 

tinued Uiere  until  the  undisguised  Puritanism  of 
his  teachings  caused  his  removal,  probably  in  con- 
nection with  Archbishop  Bancroft's  summary  pro- 
ceedings against  Nonconformist  ministers  at  the 
end  of  1604.  His  associate,  Robinson,  apparently 
a  native  of  the  neighborhood,  had  entered  Cambridge  University  in  1592, 
and  after  gaining  a  F'  'lowship  had  spent  some  years  in  the  ministry  in  or 
near  Norwich;    but  about  1604  he  threw  up  his  cure  on  conscientious 


SCROOBY   AND   AUSTERFIELD. 


AUTOGRAPHS   OF  JOHN 
ROBINSON.^ 


'  Al  £.  //is/,  ami  Geneal.  Rei^.  xviii.  20. 
''■  Mass.  /{ist.  Soc.  Proc.  xii.  98. 

•  Calendar  0/  Domestic  Stale  Papers,  Aug.  18, 
1O03. 

*  [No  wholly  authenticated  signature  of  Rob- 
inson is  known.  Dr.  Dexter,  in  his  Congregation- 
iilism  as  seen  in  its  Literature,  pp.  xx,  359,  gives  the 
upper  of  these  two,  as  from  a  book  in  the  Uritish 
Museum,  "  believed  by  the  experts  of  that  insti- 
tution to  have  belonged  to  him."  It  is  evidently 
liy  the  same  hand  as  the  lower  of  the  two,  which, 
with  another  very  like  it,  is  upon  the  title  of  Sir 


Edwin  Sandys's  /^elation  0/  the  Slate  of  Relii^ion, 
London,  1O05,  belonging  to  Charles  Dcane,  Esq., 
of  Cambridge.  Hunter,  Founders  of  Nexv  /Ply- 
mouth, p.  1 55,  has  pointed  out  how  parts  of  this 
book  show  its  author  to  have  been  "  much  in  ad- 
vance of  his  time,"  and  that  there  is  "a  cor- 
respondency in  some  parts  with  the  celebrated 
Farewell  Address  of  Robinson."  It  is  easy  to 
suppose,  therefore,  that  Robinson  once  owned 
the  little  treatise.  Hunter  errs  in  assigning  1687 
as  the  date  of  its  first  edition.  That  of  1605  is 
called  in  the  1629  edition  a  surreptitious  one,  and 


!       ;        lii 


260 


NARRATIVL   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


jjrounds,  and  returning  to  the  North,  allied  himself  with  Separatists  in 
Ciainsborough.  He  was,  by  the  testimony  of  an  opponent  ( Robert  Baillie), 
"  tiic  most  learned,  polished,  and  modest  spirit  among  the  Brownists." 


'■  ••!' 


AUS-rERKIKLI)   CHURCH. 


The  other  members  of  the  Scrooby  congregation  were  of  humble  sta- 
tion, and  have  left  little  trace  even  of  their  names;  most  notable  to  us  is 
young  William  Bradford,  born  in  1590  in  Austerfield,  a  hamlet  two  and 
a  half  miles  to  the  northward,  within  the  limits  of  Yorkshire. 


•»  ,>■(  8J 


After  they  had  covenanted  together  in  church  relations,  "  they  could  not 
long  continue  in  any  peaceable  condition,  but  were  hunted  and  persecuted 
on  every  side.  .  .  .  For  some  were  taken  and  clapped  up  in  prison ;  others 

there  is  a  copy  in  the  Euiton  Athenxum,  with 
MS.  annotations  said  to  lie  hy  the  author.  Dr. 
I  )c.\ttr  points  out  1629  as  the  year  of  the  first 
authorized  edition,  and  there  were  others  in  1632, 
i63j,i638,and  1673.  {Cotn'rtxii/ioiia/ism,  App.  nos. 
299,  568;  PaHrcy,  A'ac £nir/,iHj,i.  191.)— Ed.) 

'  [This  cut  follows  a  photograph  owned  liy 
Mr.  Charles  Deanc,  who  also  furnished  a  photo- 
graph, after  which  the  accompanying  fac-simile 


of  the  registry  of  the  baptLm  of  Bradford,  pre- 
served in  this  church,  is  made ;  see  Afass.  Hist. 
SW.  Proc.  X.  39.  The  view  of  the  church  given 
in  the  title  of  Uartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathers  is  the 
one  followed  by  Dexter  in  Sabbath  at  Home,  rSO;, 
p.  131,  and  in  I/arper's  Magazine,  1877,  p.  1S3. 
Kaine,  in  his  Parish  of  Blyth,  Westminster,  i860, 
gives  a  larger  view  ;  and  Bartlett,  p.  36,  gives 
the  old  Norman  door  within  the  porch.  —Ed.] 


THE   PILGRIM    CHURCH   AND    I'LYMOUTH   COLONY. 


261 


had  their  houses  beset  and  watched  night  and  day,  and  hardly  escaped  their 
hantls ;  and  the  most  were  fain  to  fly  and  leave  tlieir  houses  and  liabitations. 
.  .  .  Seeing  themselves  thus  molested,  and  that  there  was  no  hope  of  their 
continuance  there,  by  a  joint  consent  they  resolved  to  go  into  the  Low 
Countries,  where  they  heard  was  freedom  of  religion  for  all  men." 

The  remedy  of  e.vile  was  not  new  to  a  generation  that  could  remember 
the  emigration  of  Robert  Browne's  followers  from  Norwich  to  Zealand  in 
1581,    and    had    witnessed    the   transfer   of  their    ^-^    .  ^_ 

(lainsborough  neighbors  to  Holland  shortly  after  '^^f  ^to»\^n<^ 
tiicir  own  organization.  "  So,  after  they  had  continued  together  about  a 
_\xar,  and  kept  their  meetings  every  Sabbath  in  one  place  or  other,  .  .  . 
seeing  they  could  no  longer  continue  in  that  condition,  they  resolved 
to  get  over  into  Holland  as  they  could."  A  large  number  attempted,  in 
tiic  latter  part  of  the  year  1607,  to  embark  at  Boston  in  Lincolnshire,  the 
most  convenient  seaport  for  them,  though  fifty  miles  distant  from  Scrooby. 
Hut  emigration,  except  with  a  license,  was  in  general  prohibited  by  an  early 
statute  (a.  1).  1389),  and  the  ship's  captain,  who  had  engaged  to  take  them, 
found  it  to  his  interest  to  betray  them  in  the  act  of  embarking ;  so  that 
tlie  only  result  for  most  of  them  was  a  month's  detention  in  Boston  jail, 
.uul  the  confiscation  of  their  goods,  while  seven  of  the  leaders,  including 
Brewster,  were  kept  in  prison  still  longer.  In  a  new  attempt  the  following 
spring,  an  unfrequented  strip  of  sea-coast  in  northeastern  Lincolnshire, 
above  Great  Grimsby,  was  selected,  and  a  bargain  made  with  a  Dutch  cap- 
tain to  convey  the  party  thence  to  Holland ;  then,  perhaps,  taking  advantage 
of  the  Idle,  a  sluggish  stream  flowing  near  their  doors,  tributary  to  the  Trent, 
and  so  to  the  Humber,  the  women  and  children,  with  all  the  household 
goods,  were  in  that  case  despatched  by  water,  while  the  men  marched  some 
forty  miles  across  country  to  the  rendezvous.  But  after  a  part  of  the  men 
(who  arrived  first)  had  embarked,  on  the  appearance  of  armed  representa- 
tives of  the  law  the  captain  took  alarm  and  departed ;  some  of  those  left  on 
shore  fled,  and  reached  their  destination  by  other  means ;  but  the  women 
and  children,  with  a  few  of  the  men  and  all  their  valuables,  were  captured. 
Another  season  of  suspense  followed ;  but  at  length  the  absurdity  of 
detaining  such  a  helpless  group  began  to  be  felt,  the  magistrates  were  glad 
to  be  rid  of  them,  and  by  August,  1608,  the  last  of  the  straggling  unfortu- 
nates got  safely  over  to  Amsterdam. 

They  found  there  the  church  of  English  Separatists  transplanted  under 
Francis  Johnson  upwards  of  twenty  years  before,  as  well  as  that  of  John 

Smyth   and    his    Gainsborough    people;     but   the 
S^IJ^^ZsS  jiJoTUbYL:   church   from  Scrooby  appears   to   have   kept   its 
*/  separate    organization,    and    their    experience    is 

calmly  recounted  by  their  historian,  Bradford,  as  follows:  "When  they 
had  lived  at  Amsterdam  about  a  year,  Mr.  Robinson,  their  pastor,  and 
some  others  of  best  discerning,  seeing  how  Mr.  John  Smyth  and  his 
company  was   already   fallen   into  contention  with   the   church    that  was 


I    ■> 


I 


1 

, 

,';M    \ 

V ) '- 

,  / 

'.[.i 

! 

■      ! 

1 

ii4 

A 

1      '  ■    ' 

262 


NAKKATIVL   AM)   CRITICAL    HISTOKY   OF    AMERICA. 


there  before  them,  and  no  means  tliej'  could  use  would  do  any  good  to 
cure  the  same ;  and  also  that  the  flames  of  contention  were  like  to  break 
out  in  the  ancient  church  itself  (as  afterwards  lamentably  came  to  pass). — 
which  thinjjs  thej-  prudently  foreseeing,  thought  it  was  best  to  remove. 
before  they  were  anyway  engaged  with  the  same ;  though  they  well  knew 
it  would  be  much  to  the  prejudice  of  their  outward  estates,  both  at  present 
and  in  likelihood  in  the  future,  —  as,  indeed,  it  proved  to  be." 

For  these,  with  other  reasons,  in  the  winter  after  their  arrival  they  asked 
the  authorities  of  Lcyden,  an  inland  city,  twi.-nty  miles  or  more  southwest 
from  Amsterdam,  and  the  next  in  size  to  it  in  the  province,  to  allow  their 
congregation,  of  about  one  hundred  English  men  and  women,  to  remove 
thither  by  May  i,  1609.*  The  application  was  granted,  and  the  removal  to 
that  beautiful  city  was  accomplished,  probably  in  May ;  but  their  senior 
pastor,  Clyfton,  being  oppressed  with  premature  infirmity,  preferred  to 
remain  in  Amsterdam. 

In  Leyden  they  were  forced  to  adapt  themselves,  as  they  had  begun  to 
do  hitherto,  to  conditions  of  life  very  unlike  those  to  which  they  had  been 
trained  in  their  own  country;  and  so  far  as  we  can  trace  them,  a  majority 
of  the  flock  seem  to  have  found  employment  in  the  manufacture  of  the 

woollen  goods  for  which  the  city  was 
famous.  Upon  the  public  records 
the  church  appears  as  an  organized 
body  early  in  161 1,  when  Robinson 
with  three  others  purchased  for  8.0CX) 
guilders  (corresponding  in  our  cur- 
rency to  perhaps  $10,000  or  $12,000) 
a  valuable  estate  in  the  centre  of  the 
cit}',  including  a  spacious  house  for 
the  pastor,  used  also  for  Sunday  wor- 
ship, and  at  the  back  of  the  garden 
an  area  large  enough  for  the  subsequent  erectioi;  of  twentj'-onc  small 
residences  for  church  members. 

Among  additional  reasons  which  had  led  the  studious  Robinson  to  favor 
the  removal  to  Lcyden,  may  be  counted  the  fact  that  it  was  the  site  of  a 
university  already  famous,  and  so  furnished  ample  opportunities  of  inter- 
course with   learned  men   and  of  access  to  valuable  libraries.     The  shaqt 


'  ULtorical  Miis^zinc,  iii.  358. 

*  [This  little  cut  is  a  (ac-simile  of  one  giv- 
tn  by  Mr.  Murphy  in  the  Historical  A/ai^iniiie, 
i  i.  332,  following  a  bird's-eye  map  of  the  city, 
dated  1670,  when  this  part  of  the  town  was  un- 
changed from  its  condition  in  the  Pilgrims' 
time.  More  of  the  same  plan  is  given  by  I3r. 
Dexter  in  Hours  at  Home,  i.  198.  No.  t  is  the 
beli  turret,  no  longer  standing,  of  the  cathe- 
dral which  stood  at  2,  and  l>eneath  which  Rob- 
inson was  buried.     No.  10  is  the  house  in  which 


Robinson  lived,  with  a  garden  on  the  hifhei  sidt, 
the  front  being  at  the  other  end  o*  the  building, 
on  the  Klog-steeg,  or  Clock-alier,  marked  5:  a 
building  now  on  the  spot,  bearing  lite  date  16S3 
as  that  of  its  erection,  has  ab<a  borne  since 
1S66  another  tablet,  placed  there  In-  the  care 
of  Dr.  Dexter,  which  read* :  *•  Om  tkis  spot 
li'rti,  taught,  and  died  JfoHX  RoBIXSOX,  161 1- 
1625."  .See  Dexter  in  Htmrt  at  U*mu\.  aax-z, 
and  in  Congregationalism  as  uxm  im  its  Uter.h 
lure,  p.  387.  — Ed.] 


iM  •::i' 


THE    IMLGRIM    CHURCH    AND    I'LYMOUTH    COLONY. 


263 


►'  good  to 
:  to  break 
)  pass). — 

0  rcmovf, 
well  knew 
at  present 

they  asked 
southwest 
allow  their 
to  remove 
removal  to 
heir  senior 
referred  to 

J  begun  to 
y  had  been 
a  majority 
ture  of  the 
he  city  was 
ilic   records 

1  organized 
I  Robin^^n 
td  for  8.000 
n  our  cur- 
[>r  $12,000) 

ntrc  of  the 
house  for 
unday  wor- 
the  garden 
-one   small 

K»n  to  favor 

le  site  of  a 

?5  of  intcr- 

The  shaq> 

(he  hilbrr  side, 
i  the  building. 
-,  marked  5;  a 

the  date  16S3 
o  borne  since 
ne  br  the  care 
"Om  tku  .'pot 
isixsoN.  1611- 
Htme  i.  aoi-i 

im  its  UUr* 


controversy  between  the  occupants  of  the  chair  of  theology,  Gomarus 
and  Arminius,  involving  no  personal  ripk  to  the  English  spectators,  was 
an  added  attraction ;  and  before  long  Robinson  himself  appeared  as  a 
disputant  on  the  Calvinist  side  in  the  public  discussions,  and  so  succossfully 
that  by  Bradford's  testimony  "  the  Arminians  stood  more  in  fear  of  hin\ 
than  [of]  any  of  the  University."  This  perhaps  opened  the  way  for  his 
admission  to  membership  of  the  University,  which  took  place  in  September. 
1615,  and  se- 
cured him  valu- 
able civil  as  well 
as  literary  privi- 
leges. Such  an 
honor  was  justi- 
fied also  by  the 
activity  of  his 
pen  while  in 
exile.  Between 
1610  and  1615 
he  published 
four  controver- 
sial pieces,  of 
nearly  seven 
hundred  quarto 
pages,  the  most 

important  being  a  popularly  written  justification  of  Separation  from  the 
Church  of  England.  In  the  same  held  of  argument  were  the  other  treatises ; 
while  in  1619,  when  public  attention  was  absorbed  with  the  Synod  of  Dort, 
he  brought  out  in  Latin  a  brief  but  telling  Apologia,  or  Defence  of  the  views 
of  the  Separatists,  in  distinction  from  those  of  the  Dutch  churches. 

These  outside  discussions,  in  which  their  pastor  took  such  interest,  left 
undisturbed  the  steady  growth  of  the  Pilgrim  church,  in  the  government  of 
which  Brewster,  as  ruling  elder,  was  associated  with  Robinson,  after  the 
removal  to  Leyden.  In  these  years  "  many  came  unto  them  from  divers 
parts  of  England,  so  as  they  grew  a  great  congregation,"  numbering  at 
times  nearly  three  hundred  communicants.  Among  these  new-comers  were 
some  who  ranked  thenceforth  among  their  principal  men :  John  Carver, 
an  early  deacon  of  the  church,  and  leader  of  the  first  migrating  colony ; 
Robert  Cushman,  Carver's  adjutant  in  effecting  that  migration;  Miles 
Standish,  the  soldier  of  the  company;  and  Edward  Winslow,  a  young  man 
probably  of  higher  social  position  than  the  rest,  who  shared  with  Bradford, 
after  Carver's  death,  the  main  burden  of  sustaining  the  infant  colony. 

'  [This   follows   a  plan   given    by   Bartlctt  the   interior.     Nn.  3  is  Saint   Pancras  church, 

in  his  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  79.     No.  I  is  Saint  No.  3  is  the  Town  Hall.     Hartlett  also  gives 

IVter's   Church,   where    Robinson  was   buried  a  view,  p.  8j,  from  th?  tower  of  this  building. 

in   1635.     Uartlett  also  gives,  p.  8S.  a  view  of  —Ed.) 


PlMi  OK   I.F.VDE.\.* 


364 


NAKRATIVi;    AM)   CKITKAL    IIIST(«KY   OF   AMKKICA. 


I     ,1 


I'l 


I'     I 


Hut  though  some  recruits  wore  attracted  by  Robinson's  gifts  and  by  a 
prospect  of  freedom  from  prelatical  oppression ,  yet  the  condition  of  the 
I.eyden  people  was  in  general  one  of  strugghng  p«>verty,  with  httle  hope  of 
amendment.  It  were  vain  to  expect  th-it  their  language  or  their  peculiari- 
ties of  religious  order  could  g-  in  a  secure  foothold  on  Dutch  soil,  or  that  a 
Government  on  friendly  terms  with  ICngland  could  show  active  good-will  to 
a  nest  of  outcasts  which  Kngland  was  anxious  to  break  up.  The  increase 
of  numbers  had  come  'n  spite  of  the  hartlships  attending  the  struggle  for  a 
livelihood  in  a  foreign  city;  but  as  the  conditions  of  the  struggle  were 
better  understood,  the  numbers  fell  off.  Time  was  also  bringing  a  new 
danger  with  the  approaching  expiration  of  the  twelve  years'  truce  (April. 
1609- April,   1621)  between  Spain  and  the  Netherlands. 

.As  years  passed,  the  older  generation  amcug  the  exiles  who  clung  loy- 
ally to  the  Knglish  name  and  tongue  began  to  realize  that  a  great  part  (<f 
their  aims  would  be  frustrated  if  their  children  should,  by  intermairiage 
with  t'lie  Dutch  and  other  outside  influences,  wander  from  their  fathers' 
principles,  and  be  absorbed  in  the  Dutch  people.  These  ilangers  bnng 
recog'iized,  and  the  major  part  of  the  company  being  agreed  that  it  was 
best  to  avoid  them  by  a  removal,  it  became  necessary  to  select  a  .lew  asy- 
lum, where  Knglishmen  might  preserve  their  nationality  undisturb* -J.  To 
the  new  continent  of  America,  wiiich  best  satisfied  the  conditions,  all 
thoughts  turned  as  early  as  the  summer  of  1617;  and  the  respective  claims 
were  weighed  of  tropical  Guiana  on  the  one  hand,  which  Raleigh  had  de- 
scribed in  1 595  as  the  true  KIdorado,  and  Virginia  on  the  other,  con.spicu- 
ous  as  the  seat  of  the  first  successful  English  colony.  A  little  consideration 
excluded  Guiana,  with  its  supposed  wealth  of  gold  tempting  the  jealousy 
of  the  Spaniard ;  and  so  the  choice  was  limited  to  tie  territory  somewhat 
vaguely  known  as  Virginia,  within  the  bounds  assigned  to  the  two  compa- 
nies chartered  by  King  James  in  1606.  The  objection  was  duly  weighed 
"  that  if  they  lived  among  the  English  which  were  there  planted  [i.e.  on  the 
James  River],  or  so  near  them  as  to  be  under  their  government,  they  should 
be  in  as  great  danger  to  be  troubled  or  persecuted  for  the  cause  of  religion 
as  if  they  lived  in  England ;  and  it  might  be  worse.  And  if  they  lived  too 
far  off,  they  should  neither  have  succor  nor  defence  from  ;hem." 

There  were  risks  either  way ;  but  they  decided,  under  the  advice  of  son  =" 
persons  of  rank  and  quality  at  home,  —  friends,  perhaps,  of  Bre\  stcr's 
when  at  court,  or  of  Winslow's,  —  to  dare  the  dangers  from  wild  beasts  and 
savages  in  the  unsettled  parts  of  Virginia,  rather  than  the  dangers  from 
their  own  bigoted  countrym'^.n,  and  to  ask  the  King  boldly  for  leave  to 
continue  as  they  were  in  church  matters. 

Their  first  care  was  for  the  regular  sanction  of  the  Virginia  Company  in 
London  to  the  settlement  of  the  propo.sed  colony  on  their  territory ;  and 
with  this  object  Carver  and  Cushman  were  despatched  to  li)ngland  as 
agents,  apparently  in  September,  161 7.  They  took  with  them,  for  use  in 
conciliating  the  sentiments  which  any  petition  from  a  community  with  t!:eir 


V  I 


TJIi:    PILGRIM    cm  KtJI    AM)    I'l.Y.MOL  III    COLONY. 


265 


ind  by  a 
n  of  the 
;  hope  of 
|)ccuUari- 
or  tliat  a 
ul-will  to 
increase 
l\^\v  for  a 
^j^le  were 
ijT  a  new 
:e  {.April. 

:lung  loy- 
it  part  of 
rmai  riage 
ir  fathers' 
rers  b-intj 
hat  it  was 
I  .lew  asy- 
rb- J.     To 
litions,    all 
tive  claims 
;h  had  de- 
,  conspicu- 
nsideration 
c  jealousy 
somewhat 
o  compa- 
y  weighed 
.e.  on  the 
ey  should 
f  religion 
lived  too 

ce  of  son  * 

Bre\  ster's 

leasts  and 

ngers  from 

sr  leave  to 

Company  in 
•itory;  and 
i^ngland  as 
for  use  in 
with  tieir 


history  would  awaken  at  court,  a  memorable  declaration  in  seven  articles, 
signed  by  the  j-astor  and  elder,  which  professed  their  full  assent  to  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Church  of  England,  as  well  as  their  acknowledgment  of  the 
King's  supremacy  and  of  the  obedience  due  to  him,  "  either  active,  if  the 
thing  commanded  be  not  against  (iod's  Word,  or  passive  [i.f.  underf  oing 
the  appoi'Ueil  penalties],  if  it  be."  The  sar  le  articles,  in  carefully  guarded 
languagv',  recognized  as  lawful  the  existing  relations  of  Church  and  State  in 
lingland.  and  disavoweil  the  notion  of  authority  inhering  in  any  assembly 
of  ecclesiastical  offic-.Ts,  except  as  conferred  by  the  civil  magistrate.  In 
.iny  estimate  of  the  lilgrims,  it  is  necessary  to  give  full  weight  to  this  delib- 
tr.ite  record  of  their  readiness  to  toler.ite  other  opinions. 

The  two  messengers  found  the  Virginia  Company  in  general  well  dis- 
piised,  and  gained  an  active  friend  in  Sir  ICdwin  .Sandys  (a  prominent 
member  of  the  Company  and  brother  of  Sir  Samuel  Sandys,  the  lessee  of 
.Scrooby  Manor),  who,  though  no  Puritan,  was  a  firm  advocate  of  toleration  ; 
but  as  he  was  also  a  leader  of  the  Parliamentary  Opposition,  his  friendship 
was  a  doubtfid  recommendation  to  royal  favor.  Their  report,  on  their 
r-Jturn  in  November,  was  so  encouraging  that  Carver  and  another  were  sent 
over  the  next  month  for  further  negotiations  with  the  Virginia  Company 
and  with  the  King.  Hut  the  former  business  still  halted,  because  of  the 
|)rejutlice  in  official  minds  against  their  independent  practices  in  church 
government.  Sir  Kdwin  Sandys,  Sir  Robert  Naunton  (one  of  the  .Secre- 
taries of  State),  and  other  friends  labored  early  in  1618  with  the  King  for 
.1  guarantee  of  liberty  of  religion ;  but  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  were 
••trong  in  their  opposition,  tliere  was  a  suspicion  abroad  that  the  design  was 
"  to  make  a  free  popular  State  there,"  '  and  the  delegates  returned  to  Ley- 
den  to  propose  that  a  patent  be  taken  on  the  indirect  assurance  of  the  King 
■'  that  he  would  connive  at  them  and  not  molest  them,  provided  they  car- 
ried themselves  peaceably."  It  seemed  wisest  to  proceed,  and  Brewster 
(now  fifty-two  years  of  age,  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  experienced  of  the 
congregation)  and  Cushman  were  commissioned  in  the  spring  of  1619  to 
procure  a  patent  from  the  Virginia  Company,  and  to  complete  an  arrangc- 
tncnt  with  some  London  merchants  who  had  partially  agreed  to  advance 
liiiuls  for  the  undertaking.  The  business  was  delayed  by  a  crisis  in  the 
X'irginia  Company's  affairs,  connected  with  the  excited  canvass  attending 
the  election  (April  28  [May  8],  1619)  of  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  as  Governor; 
l»ut  at  length  the  patent  was  granted  (June  9, 19,  1619),  being  taken  by 
the  advice  of  friends,  not  in  their  own  names,  but  in  that  of  Mr.  John  Win- 
cob  (or  Whincop),  described  by  Bradford  as  "a  religious  gentleman  then 
belonging  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  who  intended  to  go  with  them.'"'' 

t'  l-.ifhih  Kf/iort  of  Royal  Commiuion  on  Hist,  emigrants,  and  is  never  heart!  of  again.    Another 

'•/.S.V,  pt.  .-:,  p.  45  ;  Ilanbury's  Memorials,  i.  368.  John  Whincop  was  matriciiiatcd  at  Trinity  Col- 

•  In  the  household  of  this  Countess  (widow  lege,  C'ambridge,  in  July,  1618,   graduated  H.A. 

•  f  the  fourteenth  Earl),  Thomas  Dudley,  later  jn  1O22,  was  a  mcml)cr  of  the  Westminster  As- 

•nc    iif    the   founders    of    Massachusetts,    was  scmbly  in  1643,  and  died   Rector  of   Clothall, 

-tiward      The   patentee  did  not  go  with   the  Herts,  May  6,  1653,  in  his  fifty-second  year. 
VOL.  in. — 34. 


n 


i  H 


1 1 
if 


266 


NAKKATIVK    AM)   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA. 


I 


't  '      !!J 


{■ 


When  the  patent  was  secured,  Brewster  appears  to  have  returned  to 
Lcyden  at  once,  leaving;  Cushman  for  a  time  to  ne(jotiate  with  the  mer- 
chants ;  but  so  little  was  done  or  perhaps  hoped  for  in  this  direction,  that 
an  entirely  new  project  was  started  the  next  winter  under  Robinson's  aus- 
pices. Certain  Amsterdam  merchants,  already  interested  in  the  rich  fur- 
trade  on  and  near  the  Hudson  River,  presented  a  memorial  to  the  States- 
General,  Feb.  2  12,  1620,  from  which  it  appears  that  Robinson  had  sij;ni- 
fied  his  readiness  to  lead  a  colony  of  over  four  hundred  Kn^^lish  families  to 
settle  under  the  Dutch  in  New  Netherland,  if  assured  of  protection.  The 
memorial  asked  for  a.ssurances  on  this  last  head,  and  for  the  immediate 
despatch  of  two  ships  of  war  to  take  formal  possession  of  the  lands  to  be 
reserved  for  such  a  colony. 

While  this  memorial  was  awaiting  its  (unfavorable)  answer,'  Thomas 
Weston,  one  of  those  London  merchants  with  whom  there  had  already  been 
consultations,  came  to  Lcyden  as  their  agent,  to  propose  a  new  arrangement 
for  a  settlement  in  North  Virginia.  I'or  some  reason,  not  now  clear,  the 
Pilgrims  showed  peculiar  deference  to  his  advice ;  and  accordingly  the  ne- 
gotiations with  the  Dutch  were  broken  off  and  articles  of  agreement  with 
the  London  merchants  drawn  up,  embodying  the  conditions  propounded  by 
Weston.  By  these  conditions  a  common  stock  was  formed,  with  shares  of 
ten  pounds  each,  which  might  be  taken  up  cither  by  a  deposit  of  money  or 
of  goods  necessary  for  the  undertaking;  and  Carver  and  Cushman  were 
sent  to  England  to  collect  subscriptions  and  to  make  purchases  and  prepa- 
rations for  the  voyage.  In  this  service,  while  Carver  was  busy  with  the 
ship  in  Southampton,  Cushman  took  the  responsibility  of  conceding  certain 
alterations  in  the  agreement,  to  please  the  "  merchant  adventurers,"  as  the>' 
were  styled,  whose  part  in  the  scheme  was  indispensable.  The  original 
plan  was  for  a  seven  years'  partnership,  during  which  all  th*^  colonists'  labor 
—  except  for  two  days  a  week  —  was  to  be  for  the  common  benefit ;  and 
at  the  end  of  the  time,  when  the  resulting  profits  were  divided,  the  houses 
and  improved  lands  in  the  colony  were  to  go  to  the  planters:  but  the 
changes  sanctioned  by  Cushman  did  away  with  the  reservation  of  two  dajs 
in  the  week  for  each  man's  private  use,  and  arranged  for  an  equal  division, 
after  seven  years,  of  houses,  lands,  and  goods  between  the  "  merchant 
adventurers  "  and  the  planters.  Dr.  Palfrey  has  well  observed  that  "  the 
hardship  of  the  terms  to  which  the  Pilgrims  were  reduced  shows  at  once 
the  slenderness  of  their  means  and  the  constancy  of  their  purpose."  About 
seventy  merchants  joined  in  the  enterprise,  of  whom  only  three  — William 
Collier,  Timothy  Hatherly,  and  William  Thomas — became  sufficiently  in- 
terested to  settle  in  the  colony. 

Notwithstanding  discouragements,  the  removal  was  pressed  forward,  but 
the  means  at  command  provided  only  for  sending  a  portion  of  the  com- 
pany; and  "those  that  stayed,  being  the  greater  number,  required  the 
pastor  to  stay  with  them,"  while  Elder  Brewster  accompanied,  in  the 
pastor's  stead,  the  almost  as  numerous  minority  who  were  to  constitute 


THK   IMLGRIM   CHURCH   ANO   I'LYMOUTH   COLONY. 


267 


a  church  by  themselves ;  and  in  every  church,  by  Robinson's  theories,  the 
'•  ^overninn  elder,"  next  in  rank  to  the  pastor  and  the  teacher,  must  be 
•apt  to  teach." 

A  small  ship,  —  the  "Speedwell,"  —  of  some  sixty  tons  burtien,  wa.s 
boujjht  and  fitted  out  in  Holland,  and  early  in  July  those  who  were  ready 
fur  the  formidable  voyage,  beinj;  "  the  younjjest  and  stronj^est  part,"  left 
I.eyden  for  embarkation  at  Delft- Haven,  nearly  twenty  miles  to  the  south- 
ward,—  sad  at  the  paitinj^.  "but,"  says  Hradford,  "they  kn-.-w  that  they 
wire  piljirims."  About  the  middle  of  the  second  week  of  the  month  the 
vessel  sailed  for  Southampton,  ICnpland.  On  the  arrival  there,  they  found 
the  "  Mayflower,"  a  ship  of  about  one  hundred  and  eij^hty  tons  burden, 
which  had  been  hired  in  London,  awaiting  them  with  their  fellow-passen- 
j^LTs.  —  partly  laborers  employed  by  the  merchants,  partly  luij;lishmen 
like-minded  with  themselves,  who  were  disposed  to  join  the  colony.  Mr. 
Weston,  also,  was  there,  to  represent  the  merchants ;  but  when  discus- 
sion arose  about  the  terms  of  the  contract,  he  went  ofT  in  aufjcr,  leaving 
the  contract  unsigned  and  the  arrangements  so  incomplete  that  the  I'il- 
},'rinis  were  forced  to  dispose  of  sixty  pounds'  worth  of  their  not  abundant 
stock  of  provisions  to  meet  absolutely  necessary  charges. 

The  ships,  with  perhaps  one  hundred  and  twenty  passengers,  put  to  sea 
about  August  5  15,  with  hopes  of  the  colony  being  well  settled  befoic 
winter ;  but  the  "  Speedwell "  was  soon  pronounced  too  leaky  to  proceed 
without  being  overhauled,  and  so  both  ships  put  in  at  Dartmouth,  after 
I  i^jht  days'  sail.  Repairs  were  made,  and  before  the  end  of  another  week 
tluy  started  again ;  but  when  above  a  hundred  leagues  beyond  Land's  luul, 
Reynolds,  the  master  of  the  "  Speedwell,"  declared  her  in  imminent  danger 
(if  sinking,  so  that  both  ships  again  put  about.  On  reaching  I'lymouth 
Harbor  it  was  decided  to  abandon  the  smaller  vessel,  and  thus  to  send  back 
those  of  the  company  whom  such  a  succession  of  mishaps  had  disheart- 
ened. Those  who  withdrew  were  chiefly  such  as  from  their  own  weakness 
or  from  the  weakness  of  their  families  were  likely  to  be  least  useful  in  the 
hard  labor  of  colonization ;  the  most  conspicuous  desertion  was  that  of 
Cushman,  smarting  under  criticism  and  despairing  of  success.  The  unex- 
pected parting  between  those  who  disembarked  and  those  who  crowded 
into  the  "  Mayflower  "  was  sad  enough.  It  was  not  known  till  later  that  the 
alarm  over  the  "  Speedwell's  "  condition  was  owing  to  deception  practised 
by  the  master  and  crew,  who  repented  of  their  bargain  to  remain  a  year 
with  the  colony,  and  took  this  means  of  dissolving  it. 

At  length,  on  Wednesday,  September  6/16,  the  "  Mayflower"  left  Plym- 
outh, and  nine  weeks  from  the  following  day,  on  November  9/19,  sighted 
the  eastern  coast  of  the  flat,  but  at  that  time  well-wooded,  shores  of  Cape 
Cdd.  She  took  from  Plymouth  one  hundred  and  two  passengers,  besides 
tlic  master  and  crew ;  on  the  voyage  one  man-servant  died  and  one  child 
was  born,  making  102  (73  males  and  29  females)  who  reached  their  des- 
tination.    Of  these,  the  colony  proper  consisted  of  34  adult  males,  18  of 


Ill 


368 


NARRATIVK   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMKRICA. 


t     .1 


them  accnmpaniccl  by  their  wiven  and  14  by  minor  children  (30  boys  and  8 
Ijirls)  ;  besides  these,  there  were  3  maid-servantn  and  19  men-scr\'ant'», 
sailors,  and  craftsmen,  —  5  of  them  only  half-jjrown  boys,  —  who  were  hired 
for  temporary  service.     Of  the  thirty-four  men  wlio  were  the  nucleus  of 


AUTOGRAPHS  Of  THE  "MAYFLOWKR       PILGRIMS. 


the  colony,  more  than  half  arc  known  to  have  come  from  Lcydcn ;  in  fact, 
but  four  of  the  thirty-four  are  certainly  known  to  be  of  the  Southampton 
accessions.  The  ruling  motive  of  the  majority  was,  therefore,  that  which 
had  impelled  the  church  in  Leyden  to  this  step,  modified,  perhaps,  to  some 
small  extent  by  their  knowledge  of  the  chief  reason,  as  Bradford  alleges,  in 
the  minds  of  Weston  and  the  others  who  had  advanced  them  money,  '"  for 


>  [It  i.s  thought  that  the  autographs  of  all 
who  came  in  the  "  Mayflower,"  whose  signatures 

PM  arc  known,  are  in- 

(yy'/u    /yi^Vy^  eluded   in    this 
f^  (       grouPi  except  that 

^^  *-^   of  Dorothy   May, 

who  at  this  time  was  the  wife  of  William  Brad- 
ford, and  whose  maiden  signature  Dr.  Dexter 
found  in  Holland,  as  well  as  the  earliest  one 
known  of  Bradford,  attached  to  his  marriage 
application  at  Amsterdam,  in   1613,  when  he 


was  twenty-four  years  old.  (See  Dezter's  0-- 
grtgatioHtUitm,  p.  j8i.)     Resolved   White  wa> 

then  but  a  child,  and  his  brother  Peregrine  wai 
not  born  till  the  ship  had  reached  Cape  Cod 
Harbor.  John  Cooke,  son  of  Francis  Cooke, 
was  the  last  male  survivor  of  the  "Mayflower* 
passengers.  —  Eo.] 


I     , 


}       ■, 


•  ( 


THK    I'lLOKIM   CIILKCII   A.\l>   l'LY>'#lTH   COLONY. 


269 


the  hope  of  prcicnt  pnifit  to  be  made  by  the  fi»hin(;  that  was  found  in  th.it 
country"  whither  they  were  b«>un(i. 

And  whither  were  they  bound  *  As  we  have  <«cen,  n  patent  was  secured 
in  1619  in  Mr.  Wincob's  name,  but  "(mkI  s«i  dii|»osed  as  he  never  went 
nor  they  ever  made  use  of  thi<t  |>atcnt."  says  Hradford.  —  not  however  mak- 
ing it  clear  wlien  the  intention  of  culonizint;  under  this  instrument  was  aban- 
doned. I'he  "  merchant  adventurers"  while  negotiating;  at  Leyden  seem  to 
have  taken  out  another  patent  from  the  Vir(;inia  Company,  in  February. 
l()20,  in  the  names  of  Ji>hn  I'circe  and  of  his  associates;  and  tliis  was  more 
probably  the  authority  under  which  the  "Mayflower"  voyaije  was  under- 
taken. As  the  IMI^rims  had  known  before  Icavint;  Holland  of  an  intended 
l>rant  of  the  northern  parts  of  Vir^^inia  to  a  new  company,  —  the  Council  for 
New  ICn^fland,  —  when  they  found  themselves  off  Cape  Cod.  "the  patent 
they  had  bein^  for  Vir|;inia  and  not  for  New  Knjjland,  which  belon(!ed  to 
another  Government,  with  which  the  Vir(pnia  Company  had  nnthini;  to  dt»," 
they  changed  the  ship's  course,  with  intent,  says  Hr.idford,  "  to  find  some 
place  about  Hudson's  River  for  their  habitation,"  and  so  fulfil  the  condi- 
tions of  their  patent :  but  difficulties  of  navigation  and  opposition  from  the 
master  and  crew  caused  the  exiles,  after  half  a  day's  voyaije,  to  retrace  their 
course  and  seek  a  rcstin({-pl.ice  on  the  nearest  shore.  Near  half  a  centur>- 
after,  a  charjje  of  treacher>'  was  brought  against  Mr.  Jones,  the  master  of 
the  "  Mayflower,"  for  bringing  the  vessel  so  far  out  of  her  course ;  but  the 
alleged  cause,  collusion  with  the  Dutch,  who  desired  to  keep  the  Knglish 
away  from  the  neighborhood  of  New  Nethcrland.  is  incredible. 

But  their  radical  change  of  destination  exposed  the  colonists  to  a  new 
danger.  As  soon  as  it  was  known,  some  of  the  hired  laborers  threatened 
to  break  loose  ( upon  landing )  from  their  engagements,  and  to  enjoy  full 
license,  as  a  result  of  the  loss  of  the  authority  delegated  in  the  Virginia 
Company's  patent. 

The  necessity  of  some  mode  of  ci\il  government  had  been  enjoined  on 
the  Pilgrims  in  the  farewell  letter  from  their  pastor,  and  was  now  availed 
of  to  restrain  these  insurgents  and  to  unite  visibly  the  well-afl"ectcd.  .\ 
compact,  which  has  often  been  eulogized  as  the  first  written  constitution 
in  the  world,  was  drawn  up,  as  follows:  — 

"  In  the  name  of  (lod,  amen.  We  whose  names  are  underwritten,  the  loyal  siil»- 
jects  of  our  dread  sovereign  loni  King  James.  In-  the  grace  of  (lod  of  (Jreat  Britain, 
France,  and  Ireland  King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  etc.,  having  undertaken,  for  the 
glory  of  God  and  advancement  of  the  Christian  faith,  anfl  honor  of  our  Klne  and 
country,  a  voyage  to  plant  the  first  colony  in  the  northern  parts  of  Virgin  ■.  ct  by 
these  presents  solemnly  and  mutually,  in  the  presence  of  God  and  one  of  ari  .ijcr, 
covenant  and  combine  ourselves  together  into  a  civil  body  politic,  for  our  better 
ordering  and  preservation  and  furtherance  of  the  ends  dbresaid  ;  and  by  virtue  hereof 
to  enact,  constitute,  and  frame  such  just  and  equal  la«-s,  ordinances,  acts,  constitu- 
tions, and  offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought  most  meet  and  convenient 
for  the  general  good  of  the  Cokiny,  unto  which  we  promise  all  due  submission  and 


(i 


\y 


iWl- 


270  NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


1'^ 


CAPE   COD    HARHOR. 


obedience.  In  witness  whereof  we  liave  hereumler  subscribed  our  names  at  Cape 
Cod  the  nth  of  November,  in  the  year  of  the  reign  of  our  sovereign  lord  King  James, 
of  Kngland,  France,  and  Ireland,  the  eighteenth,  and  of  Scotland  the  fifty-fourth. 
.\nno  Dom.  1620." 

'  [1  ais  is  a  reduction  of  part  of  a  map,  which  such  study  over  Dr.  Young,  who  has  similarly 

is  given  by  Dr.  II.  M.  De.xter  in  his  edition  of  investigated  the  matter  in  his  Chronicles  of  the 

Mourt's  Relation.     He  has  carefully  studied  the  Pilgrims.      There  were  three  expeditions  from 

topography  of  the  region  in  connection  with  the  the  ship,  and  Dr.  Dcxter's  interpretation  is  fol- 

record,  and  he  possessed  certain  advantages  in  lowed.     The  women  •      j  set  ashore  to  wash  at 


THE   riLGIllM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH   COLONY. 


271 


Of  the  forty-one  signers  to  this  compact,  thirty-four  were  the  adults 
called  above  the  nucleus  of  the  colony,  and  seven  were  servants  or  hired 
workmen ;  the  seven  remaining  adult  males  of  the  latter  sort  were  perhaps 
too  ill  to  sign  with  the  rest  (all  of  them  soon  died;,  or  the  list  of  signers 
may  be  imperfect.' 

This  needful  preliminary  step  was  taken  on  Saturday,  November  11  21, 
by  which  time  the  "  Mayflower  "  had  rounded  the  Cape  and  found  shelter 
in  the  quiet  harbor  on  which  now  lies  the  village  of  Provincctown ;  and 
probably  on  the  same  day  they  "  chose,  or  rather  confirmed,"  as  Bradford 
has  it  (as  though  the  choice  were  the  foregone  conclusion  of  long  previous 
ilclibcration),  Mr.  John  Carver  governor  for  the  ensuing  year.  On  the 
same  day  an  armed  delegation  visited  the  neighboring  shore,  finding  no 
inhabitants.  There  were  no  attractions,  however,  for  a  permanent  settle- 
ment, nor  even  accommodations  for  a  comfortable  encampment  while  such 
a  place  was  being  sought.  After  briefer  explorations,  an  expedition  started 
(Ml  Wednesday,  December  6  16,  to  circumnavigate  Cape  Cod  Hay  in  search 
of  a  good  harbor,  and  by  Friday  night  was  safely  landed  on  Clark's  Island 
(so  called  from  the  ship's  mate,  who  was  of  the  party),  just  within  what  is 
since  known  as  Plymouth  Bay.  On  Saturday  they  explored  the  island,  on 
tiio  Sabbath  day  they  rested,  and  on  Monday,  the  i  ith,''^  they  sounded  the 
liarbor  and  "  marched  also  into  the  land,  and  found  divers  cornfields  and 
little  running  brooks,  a  place  very  good  for  situation."''     Prepared  to  re- 


./.  and  while  the  carpenter  was  repairing  their 
shallop,  Standish  and  sixteen  men  started  on  the 
15th  November  (O.  S.)  on  the  first  expedition. 
At  l>  they  saw  some  Indians  and  a  dog,  who  dis- 
appeared in  the  woods  at  < ,  and  later  ran  up  the 
hill  at  li.  The  explorers  encamped  for  the  night 
at  c,  and  the  next  day,  where  they  turned  the 
head  of  the  creek,  they  drank  their  first  New 
Kngland  water.  Then  at  ,^  they  built  a  fire  as  a 
signal  to  those  on  the  sliip.  At  /i  they  spent  their 
second  night ;  at  J  they  found  plain  ground  fit 
to  plough  ;  at  k  they  opened  a  grave  ;  at  /  dug 
up  sonic  corn  ;  at  Pamet  River  they  found  an 
iiUl  palisade  and  saw  two  canoes.  They  then 
retraced  their  steps,  and  at  /  Hradford  was  caught 
in  a  dee'  trap.  They  reached  the  ship  on  the 
17th.  When  the  shallop  was  ready,  ten  days 
later,  a  party  of  thirty-four  started  in  her  with 
Jones,  the  captain  of  the  "  Mayflower,"  as  leader, 
.iiul  the  expedition,  called  the  second  on  the 
map,  lasted  from  the  27th  to  the  30th  November. 
The  third  expedition,  likewise  in  the  shallop, 
started  on  the  6th  of  December.  Farther  south 
liian  the  map  carries  the  dotted  line,  they  landed 
■It  the  modern  Kastham,  and  had  their  first  en- 
counter with  the  natives  on  the  8th,  and  the 
.same  day  reached  Plymouth  Harbor  in  the  even- 
ing, ,is  narrated  in  the  text.  On  the  12th  the 
shalUip,  sailing  directly  east  across  the  bay,  re- 
turned to  the  "  Mayflower,"  which  on  Saturday, 


the  i6th,  reached  the  anchorage  depicted  on  the 
map  on  the  following  page.  —  En.] 

'  [We  only  know  this  compact  in  the  tran- 
script given  in  Moiirt's  Relation,  and  in  the  copy 
which  Bradford  made  of  it  in  his  M.S.  history. 
Its  last  surviving  signer  was  John  .Mden,  who 
died  in  Duxbury,  Sept.  12,  1C8C,  aged  eighty- 
seven  ;  though  that  passenger  of  the  "  May- 
flower" longest  living  was  M,ivy,  daughter  of 
Isaac  AUerton,  who  becanvj  tl;(-  wife  of  Klder 

Thomas  Cushman  (son  of  Robert  Cushman), 
and  she  died  in  i6<)9,  .aged  about  ninety.  —  Kd] 

-  Hy  New  Style  the  21st;  through  an  un- 
fortunate mistake  originating  in  the  last  century 
(Palfrey's  History  of  XrM  England,  i.  171)  tlie 
22d  has  been  commonly  adopted  as  the  true 
date. 

2  Afoiirt's  KdalioH,  p.  21.  Mr.  S.  H.  Gay  has 
suggested  (Atlantic  Monthly,  xlviii.  616)  th.at 
this  landing  was  not  at  Plvniouth,  but  on  the 
shore  more  directly  west  of  Clark's  IsKand  (Du.x- 
bury  or  Kingston),  and  that  consequently  the 
commemoration  of  a  landing  at  Plymouth  on 
th '.t  day  rests  on  a  false  foundation  ;  but  the 
Rev.  Henry  M.  Dexter,  D.D.,  has  conclusively 
shown  (CoHgregationalitt,  Nov.  9,  1881)  that  the 


i'>>^X 


272 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


'     I 


I   I' 


W  ' 


\  ■■f 


'  I 


PLYMOIITH    HARBOR.' 


port  favorably,  the  explorers  returned  to  the  ship,  which  by  the  end  of  the 
week  was  safely  anchored  in  the  chosen  haven.  The  selection  of  a  site  and 
the  preparation  of  materials,  in  uncertain  weather,  delayed  till  Monday,  the 


t; 


soundings  must  have  led  the  explorers,  unless 
the  deep-water  channels  have  unaccountably 
changed  since  then,  directly  to  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  rock  which  a  chain  of  trustworthy 
testimony  on  the  spot  identifies  as  the  first  land- 
ing-place of  any  of  the  "  Mayflower  "  company 
within  Plymouth  Harbor.  Tradition  divides  the 
honor  of  being  the  first  to  step  on  Plymouth 


Rock  between  John  Alden  and  Mary  Chilton, 
but  the  date  of  their  landing  must  have  been 
subsequent  to  December  11. 

'  [This  is  reduced  from  a  map  given  in  Dr. 
Dexter's  edition  of  Moitrt's  Relation.  The  Com- 
mon House  of  the  first  comers  was  situated  on 
Leyden  Street,  which  left  the  shore  just  south 
of  the  rock  and  ran  to  the  top  of  Burial  Hill, 


I  '    ■  ' 


THE   PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND    PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 


73 


25th,  the  beginning  of  "  the  first  house,  for  common  use,  to  receive  them 
and  their  goods."  Before  the  new  year,  house-lots  were  assigned  to  families, 
and  by  the  middle  of  January  most  of  the  company  had  left  the  ship  for  a 
home  on  land.  But  the  exposures  incident  to  founding  a  colony  in  the 
dead  of  a  New  England  winter  (though  later  experience  showed  that  this 
was  a  comparatively  mild  one)  told  severely  on  all ;  and  before  summer 
came  one  half  of  the  number,  most  of  them  adult  males,  had  fallen  by  the 
way.*  Yet  when  the  "  Mayflower  "  sailed  homewards  in  April,  not  one  of 
the  colonists  went  in  her,  so  sweet  was  the  taste  of  freedom,  even  under 
the  shadow  of  death. 

An  avowed  motive  of  the  emigration  was  the  hope  of  converting  the 
natives ;  but  more  than  three  months  elapsed  before  any  intercourse  with 
the  Indians  began.  Traces  of  their  propinquity  had  been  numerous,  and 
at  length,  on  March  16  26,  a  savage  visited  the  settlement,  announcing 
himself  in  broken  English  as  Samoset,  a  native  of  "  the  eastern  parts,"  or 
the  coast  of  Maine,  where  contact  with  English  fishermen  had  led  to  some 
knowledge  of  their  language.  From  Samoset  the  colonists  learned  that  the 
Indian  name  of  their  settlement  was  Patuxet,  and  that  about  four  years  be- 
fore a  kind  of  plague  had  destroyed  most  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  region, 
so  that  there  were  now  none  lo  hinder  their  taking  possession  or  to  assert 
a  claim  to  the  t«.rritory.     They  learned  also  that  their  nearest  neighbors 


.ind  it  is  the  lots  on  the  south  side  of  this  street 
that  Bradford  marked  out  in  the  fac-simile  of 
the  first  page  of  the  record  given  on  another 
page.  The  "  highway  "  as  marked  on  that  plan 
led  to  the  south  to  the  Town  Brook.  The  Com- 
mon Kouse,  if  it  had  been  designated  on  that 
draft,  would  have  been  put  next  "Peter  Brown;" 
on  the  plan  here  given  it  would  be  on  the  north 
side  of  the  brook,  about  where  the  meridian 
crosses  it,  though  the  engraver  has  put  the  desig- 
nation on  the  opposite  side  of  the  water.  It  was 
not  till  about  1630,  or  ten  years  after  their  land- 
ing, that  the  Plymouth  settlers  began  to  spread 
around  the  bay,  beyond  the  circuit  of  mutual  pro- 
tection. Still  for  a  year  or  two  they  scattered 
merely  for  summer  sojourns,  to  work  lands  which 
had  been  granted  them.  About  1632  Du.\bury  be- 
gan to  receive  as  permanent  residents  several  of 


J^'^  j»2^  «.^%s*^  S"^"^^^ 


the  "  Mayflower  "  people.  Standish  settled  on  the 
shore  southeast  of  Captain's  Hill,  thus  attach- 
ing his  military  title  to  the  neighboring  emi- 
nence, and  though  his  grave  is  not  known,  it  is 
probable  that  he  was  buried,  in  1656,  on  his 
farm.  His  house  stood,  it  is  supposed,  nearly 
ten  years  longer,  and  was  probably  enlarged  by 
his  son,  Alexander  Standish,  who  was,  there  is 
some  reason  to  believe,  a  trader,  and  he  may 
VOL.  III.  — 35. 


have  been  the  town  clerk  of  Duxbury.  Its 
records  begin  in  1666,  and  the  tradition  that 
connects  the  destruction  of  the  earlier  records 
with  that  of  this  house  derives  some  color  from 
the  traces  of  fire  which  have  been  discovered 
about  its  site.  (Sabbath  at  Home,  May,  1867.) 
The  house  now  known  as  the  Standish  house 
was  built  afterwards  by  Alexander,  the  son. 
Elder  Brewster  became  Standish's  neighbor  a 
little  later,  and  lived  east  of  the  hill.  Alden 
settled  near  the  arm  of  the  sea  just  west  of 
Powder  Point,  and  George  Soule  on  the  Point 
itself;  Peter  Brown  also  settled  in  Duxbury. 
.Still  farther  to  the  north,  beyond  the  scope  of 
the  map,  Edward  Winslow  established  his  estate 
of  Careswell,  where  in  our  day  Daniel  Webster 
lived  and  died,  in  Marshfield.  John  Howland 
found  a  home  at  Rocky  Nook.  Isaac  Allerton 
removed  to  New  Haven,  and  Governor 
Bradford  during  his  last  years  was  almost 
the  only  ijne  of  those  who  came  in  the  first 
ship  who  still  lived  in  the  village  about  the 
rock.  (Cf.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  xi.  478.)  —  Ed.] 
'  [The  burials  of  that  first  winter  were  made 
on  what  was  later  known  as  Coale's  Hill,  iden- 


^c^   Cca£^  jj 


cv>nrv — 


tical  with  the  present  terrace  above  the  rock. 
It  perpetuates  the  name  of  one  of  the  early 
comers.  —  Ed.] 


11 V 


l!'^ 


ill 


^ 


<    I 


[)i 


I 


H 


,    ! 


'I  / 


illi^-l 


i  •. 


i  ii^ 


274 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


were  the  Wampanoags,  the  headquarters  of  whose  chief  sachem,  Massasoit, 
were  some  thirty  miles  to  the  south  westward,  near  the  eastern  shore  of 
Narragansett  Bay.  The  next  week  Sainoset  brought  in  Squanto,  formerly 
of  Patu.xct,  who  had  been  taken  to  England  in  1614  by  Hun^  and  who  was 
now  willing  to  act  as  interpreter  in  a  visit  from  Massasoit ;  the  latter  fol- 


THE   SWORDS. 


lowed  an  hour  later  and  contracted  unhesitatingly  a  treaty  of  peace  and 
alliance,  which  was  observed  for  fifty-four  years. 

With  the  beginning  of  a  new  civil  year  (March  25)  Carver  was  re-elected 
governor,  and  some  simple  necessary  laws  were  established ;  on  Carver's 
sudden  death  the  following  month,  Bradford  was  chosen  his  successor,  under 
whose  mild  and  wise  direction  the  colony  went  on  as  before.     As  Bradford 


'  [This  group  is  preserved  in  the  cabinet  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and  all  but  two 
of  the  swords  are  associated  with  Plymouth  his- 
tory. The  middle  sword  is  that  of  Governor  Car- 
ver. On  the  left,  descending,  are  those  of  Gen- 
eral John  Winslow,  Captain  Miles  Standish, 
and  Governor  Brooks  of  Massachusetts.  On  the 
ri(.'ht  arc  those,  in  a  like  descending  order,  of  Sir 


William  Pepperrell,  Elder  Brewster,  and  Colonel 
Benjamin  Church,  the  Plymouth  hero  of  Philip's 
War.  Another  Standish  sword  is  preserved  in 
Pilgrim  Hall  in  Plymouth,  and  is  figured  in  the 
group  of  Pilgrim  relics  on  another  page,  as  well 
as  in  Bartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  177.  Con- 
cerning those  above  represented,  sec  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc,  Proc.,  i.  88,  114.  — Ed.) 


"UtAIB'l' Jilljl  jlM, 


THE   PILGRIM    CHURCH    AND   PLYMOUTH    COLONY. 


275 


was  then  enfeebled  by  illness,  Isaac  AUerton  was  at  the  same  time  appointed 
Assistant  to  the  Governor. 

After  a  summer  and  autumn  of  prosperous  labor  and  harvest,  they  were 
cheered,  November  11/21,  by  the  arrival  of  the  "Fortune"  from  London, 
bringing  as  a  visitor  Robert  Cushman,  their  former  associate,  and  thirty-five 
additions  to  their  feeble  number,  twenty-five  of  them  adult  males,  —  the 
majority,  however,  not  from  Leyden.  The  ship  brought  also  a  patent, 
granted  June  i/ii,*  by  the  President  and  Council  of  New  England  —  within 


SIGNERS   OF  THE    PATENT,    162I. 

whose  territory  the  new  settlement  lay  —  to  the  same  John  Peirce  and  his 
associates  in  whose  names  the  merchants  fathering  this  venture  had  se- 
cured a  patent  the  year  before  from  the  Virginia  Company  for  the  use  of 
the  "  Mayflower  "  colonists.  Without  fixing  territorial  limits,  the  new  grant 
allowed  a  hundred  acres  to  be  taken  up  for  every  emigrant,  with  fifteen 
hundred  acres  for  public  buildings,  and  empowered  the  grantees  to  make 
laws  and  set  up  a  government. 

By  the  delivery  of  this  patent  a  suflScient  show  of  authority  was  con- 
ferred for  immediate  need  and  for  eight  and  a  half  years  to  come.  It  is 
true  that  in  April,  1622,  Peirce  obtained  surreptitiously  for  his  private  use 
a  new  grant  with  additional  privileges,  to  be  valid  in  place  of  the  grant 
just  described ;  but  the  trick  was  soon  discovered,  and  the  associates  were 
reinstated  by  the  Plymouth  Company  in  their  rights. 

Taking  these  eight  and  a  half  y>  s  under  the  first  patent  as  a  separate 
period,  the  progress  made  in  them  may  be  briefly  stated. 


'  Printed  in  1854  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  vol. 
xxxii,  with  Introduction  by  Mr.  Cliarles  Deane ; 
also  separately  (one  hundred  copies).  [The 
original  parchment  was  discovered,  in  the  early 
part  of  this  century,  in  the  Land  Office  in  Boston ; 
and  having  been  used  by  Judge  Davis  when  ho 
edited  Morton's  Memorial,  was  again  lost  sight 


of  till  just  before  it  fell  to  Mr.  Deane  to  edit 
it.  Besides  the  autographs  of  the  Duke  of 
Lenox,  the  Marquis  of  Hamilton,  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  Lord  .Sheffield,  and  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  it  bore  one  other  signature,  of  which 
a  remnant  only  remains.  It  is  now  at  Ply- 
mouth. —  Ed.] 


<i' 


\ 


l! 


276 


NAKKATIVE   AND   (KITIlAI.   illSTORY   UF   AMERICA. 


^'\xB  „ 


1. 1 


*: 


The  scttlcni'^nt  is  first  called  "  Now  ■'lyniouth  "  in  a  letter  sent  back  to 
Kngland  by  the  "  Fortune"  in  December,  1621,  and  printed  in  the  second 
edition  of  Captain  John  Smith's  Xezu  Eiiglaiui's  Trials,  in  1622.  That  it  was 
so  called  may  h.-ivc  been  sutrgested  as  much  by  the  name  Plymouth  on 
Smith's  map  of  this  region  (1*^14)  as  by  the  departure  of  the  "  Ma>-flower  " 
from  IMymouth,  Ilngland,  or  by  the  knowledge  that  lae  colony  was  the  first 
within  the  limits  of  the  newly  incorporated  Plymouth  Company.  Later, 
the  town  was  called  simply  Plymouth,  wiiilc  the  colony  retained  th*-  name 
New  Plymouth. 

In  nvimbers  they  increased  from  less  than  fifty  at  the  arrival  of  the 
"  •'"ortune,"  to  near  three  hundred  on  the  reception  of  the  second  charter 
in  .May,  1630.  The  most  important  accessions  were  in  July,  1623.  —  about 
si.xty  persons,  a  few  of  them  from  Leyden ;  and  about  as  many  more — all 
from  Leyden  —  in  1629-30. 

In  the  second  year  at  New  Plymouth,  because  of  threats  from  the  Xarra- 
gansett  tribe  o*"  Indians  about  Narragansett  Bay,  the  town  was  enclosed  with 
a  strong  palisade,  and  a  substantial  fort  (used  also  on  Sundays  as  a  meet- 
ing-house) was  erected  on  the  hill  which  formed  so  conspicuous  a  feature 
of  the  -p.closure.  The  mode  of  life  which  John  Smith  described  in  his 
(iaicrall  tlistorie'xn  1624,  —  that  "the  most  of  them  live  together  as  one 
family  or  household,  yet  every  man  followeth  his  trade  and  profession  both 
by  sea  and  land,  i.nd  all  for  a  general  stock,  out  of  which  they  have  all  their 
maintenance," — was  modified  the  same  year,  to  the  great  advantage  of  all.  bj- 
the  assignment  to  each  head  of  a  family  of  an  acre  of  ground  for  planting, 
to  be  held  as  his  own  till  the  division  of  profits  with  the  London  merchants. 
While  this  taste  of  proprietorship  tended  to  increase  the  restlessness  of  the 
planters,  the  vanishing  prospect  of  large  returns  was  simultaneously  dis- 
heartening the  "  merchant  adventurers,"  so  that  many  withdrew,  and  the  re- 
mainder agreed  to  a  termination  of  the  partnership,  in  consideration  of  the 
payment  of  j^i,8Ca3,  in  nine  equal  annual  instalments,  beginning  in  1628. 
This  arrangement  was  effectc;d  in  London  in  November,  1626,  through 
Isaac  Allerton,  one  of  the  younger  of  the  original  Leyden  emigrants,  who 
had  been  commissioned  for  the  purpose ;  and  to  meet  the  new  financial 
situation,  the  resident  adult  males  (except  a  few  thought  unworthy  of  con- 
fidence) were  constituted  stockholders,  each  one  being  allowed  shares  up 
to  the  number  of  his  family.  Then  followed  an  allotment  of  land  to  each 
shareholder,  the  settlement  of  the  tiiie  of  each  to  the  house  he  occupied, 
and  a  distribution  of  the  few  cattle  on  hand  among  groups  of  families,  — 
all  these  possessions  having  hitherto  been  the  joint,  undivided  stock  of  the 
"  merch.iUt  adventurers"  and  the  planters.  At  the  same  time  eight  lead- 
ing planters  (Bradford,  Standish,  Allerton,  Winslow,  Brewster.  Howland, 
Alden,  and  Prince),  with  the  help  of  four  London  friends,  undertook  to 
meet  the  outstanding  obligations  of  the  colony  and  the  first  six  annual 
payments  on  the  new  basis,  obtaining  in  return  a  monopoly  of  the  foreign 
trade. 


THi;    PILGRIM    CHURCH    AS\)   I'LYMOITH    COLONY. 


2/7 


In  these-  arraniicnionts,  which  proved  eminently  wise  for  the  public  in- 
terests, one  object  was  to  facilitate  further  emi^,'rati()n  from  Leyden      The 
manajjenient  of  the  Ix>ndon  merchants  had  been  unfavorable  to  this  end, 
and  it  was  a  special  grief 
that   during   this   period 
of  delay  the  beloved  pas- 
tor, Robinson,  had  ended 
his  life  in  Leyden,  —  Feb. 
19  (March  1  ),  1625.    The 
liea\}'  e.xpenses  of  trans- 
j-.ortingand  providing  for 
siicii    as    came    over   in 
1629-30  were  cheerfully 
borne  by  the  new  man- 
a<^ement. 

The  same  temper  in  the 
London  merchants  which 
hail  hindered  Robinsons 
coming,  —  a  conviction 
that  the  religious  pecu- 
liarities of  the  Pilgrims 
interfered  with  the  at- 
tractiveness and  financial 
success  of  the  colony,  — 
led  them  to  send  over  in 
1624  a  minister  of  their 
own  choosing  (John  Ly- 
f(  )rd ) ,  who  was  not  merely 

not  in  sympathy  with  the  wants  of  the  Plymouth  men,  but  even  tried  to 
serve  his  patrons  by  false  accusations  and  by  attempting  to  set  up  the 
Church  of  England  form  of  worship.  He  was  expelled  from  the  colony 
within  a  year  from  his  arrival,  and  the  church  continued  under  Elder 
Brewster's   teaching.     In    1628  Mr.   Allerton  on  a  voyage  from  England, 


nOVFRNOR    F.nWARO    WINSLOW.' 


'  [This  is  the  only  authentic  likeness  of  any 
I  if  the  "  Mayflower"  F'ilgrims.  It  was  painted  in 
l.nKland  in  1651,  when  Winslowwis  fifty-six.  It 
li.is  been  several  times  engraved  before,  as  may 
lie  seen  in  the  IVinslmo  Memorial,  in  Young's 
C/ironitlcs,  in  Bartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathrrs.  and  in 
jMiirton"s  Memorial,  Boston  edition,  1855.  The 
()i  i;;inal,  once  the  property  of  Isaac  Winslow, 
I'!s(|.,  is  now  deposited  in  the  gallery  of  the 
I'ilgrim  Society  at  Plymouth.  (Cf.  ^Mass.  Hist. 
Coll.,  vii.  2S6,  and  Proe..  x.  36.)  Various  relics 
of  the  Uovernor  arc  also  preser.-ed  in  Pilgrim 
Hall  at  Plvmouth.  There  are  biographies  of  him 
in  I'lclknap's  American  Biography,  and  in  J.  B. 
Moore's  American  uoicrnori.     A  record  of  Gov- 


ernor Winslow's  descendants  will  be  found  in  the 
.\'.  £.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  A'cg,  1.S50,  297  (by  Lemuel 
Shattiick) ;  1863,  p.  159  (by  J.  II.  .Sheppard).  Of 
the  descendants  of  his  brother  Kenelm,  see  L.  K. 
Paige's  account  in  the  Register,  187 1,  p.  355,  and 
1872,  p.  69.  An  extensive  Winslo^^o  Memoriai 
has  been  begun  by  David  P.  Holton,  1877,  the 
first  volume  of  which  is  given  to  all  descendants 
(of  all  names)  of  Kenelm.  See  Rei;ister,  1877, 
p.  454 ;  1878,  p.  94,  by  W.  S.  Appleton,  who  in  the 
Register,  1867,  p.  209,  has  a  note  on  the  English 
ancestry ;  and  Colonel  Chester  has  a  similar  note 
in  1870,  p  329.  There  is  in  Harvard  College 
Library  a  manuscript  on  Careswell  and  the  Wins 
lows  by  the  late  Ur.  James  Thacher.  —  Ed.] 


,'  I ! 


I  ~  I  ii»^ 


/f 


l<  ^ 


!,,,.; !  u 


il     K 


278 


NARKATIVK   ASl)   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA. 


/*!,:• 


,1 


•II 


I  I'    w 


:.1 


t  '' 


without  direction  from  the  church,  brc  ught  over  another  minister,  b   '.  men- 
tal derangement  quirkly  ended  his  career. 

The  colony  began  within  these  rirst  years  to  enlarge  its  outlook.  In  lC)2j. 
to  further  their  maritime  interests,  an  outpost  was  established  on  Buzzard's 
Bay,  twenty  miles  to  the  southward ;  in  the  same  year  relations  of  friendly 
commerce  were  entered  into  with  the  Dutch  of  New  Amsterdam,  and  as 
soon  as  the  nearer  plantations  of  the  Massachusetts  Company  were  begun, 
riymouth  was  prompt  to  aid  and  counsel  as  occasion  offered.  In  1628  tic 
attempt  was  made  to  establish  more  firmly  the  existing  trade  with  the 
Eastern  Indians,  by  obtaining  a  patent  for  a  parcel  of  land  on  the  River 
Kennebec. 


GOVERNORS   OF    PLYMOUTH    COI/)NV.' 

These  outside  experiences  were  all  in  the  way  of  encouragements:  the 
most  serif  .r^  annoyances  came,  not  directly  from  th^;  a^vages,  but  from 
neighbors  kA  ^heir  own  blood.  Thus  in  1623  the  wretched  colonists  sent 
out  the  year  before  by  Thomas  Weston  to  Weymouth,  twenty  miles  north- 
west from  Plymouth,  had  to  be  protected  from  their  own  mismanagemeiit 
and  the  hostility  of  the  natives,  by  which  means  came  about  the  first  shed- 
ding of  Indian  blood  by  the  Pilgrims ;  and  thus  again,  five  years  later,  the 
unruly  nest  of  Morton's  followers  at  Merry  Mount,  just  beyond  Weymouth, 
had  to  be  broken  up  by  force. 

Of  the  progress  of  civil  government  in  this  first  period  we  have  scant}- 
memorials.  Few  laws  and  few  officials  answered  the  simple  needs  of  the 
colony.  Bradford  was  annually  elected  governor,  and  in  1624,  at  his  desire, 
a  board  of  five  Assistants  was  sub.stituted  for  the  single  Assistant  who  had 
hitherto  shared  the  executive  responsibility.  The  people  met  from  time  to 
time  in  General  Court  for  the  transaction  of  public  business,  and  in  1623  a 
book  of  laws  was  begun ;  but  thi  ee  pages  suificed  to  contain  the  half-dozen 
simple  enactments  of  the  next  half-dozen  years. 


'  [of  John  Carver,  the  first  govern  -,  no 
signature  is  known.  This  group  shows  the  auto- 
graphs of  all  his  successors,  who  held  the  office 
for  the  years  annexed  to  their  names :  — 

William  Bradford,  1621-32, 1635,  1637, 1639- 
43.  1645-56- 


Edward  Winslow,  1633,  1636,  1644. 
Thomas  Prince,  1634,  1638,  1657-72. 
Josiah  Winslow,  1673-80. 
Thomas  Hinckley,  1681  to  the  union,  except 
during  the  Andros  interregnum.  —  Ed.] 


••■)l    ; 


't    I 


1!'  It'if    11 


THF,    I'll.CJRIM    cm  KCM    AND    I'l.VMOL'TH   COLONY. 


279 


The  next  period  of  the  colony  history  extends  from  Jan.  13  23.  1639-30, 
when  the  Council  for  New  lui^Iaiul  ^jraiitcd  to  Mradford,  his  heirs,  associates, 
and  assij^ns,  a  useful  enlart,'ement  of  the  patent  for  I'ljiiiouth  antl  Kenne- 
bec, to  March  2  12,  1640-41,  when  Hradford  in  the  name  of  the  j,'rantees 
conveyed  the  rights  thus  bestowed  to  the  freemen  of  New  I'lymoutli  in 
their  corporate  capacity. 

a.    IIREWSTER. 


I.    CAKVbK. 


3.    WINsI.ow. 


n 


m 


PILGRIM    RELICS.' 


The  most  striking  feature  of  this  period  was  the  growth  from  a  single 
plantation  to  a  province  of  eight  towns,  seven  of  them  stretching  for  fift\- 
miles  along  the  shore  of  Cape  Cod  Bay,  from  Scituate  to  Yarmouth, 
and  Taunton  lying  twenty-five  miles  inland,  —  in  all  containing  about 
twenty-five  hundred  souls.  With  this  growth  there  was  also  some  ex- 
tension of  trade  on  the  Kennebec  and  Penobscot,  and   in    1632   a  begin- 


'  [The  chest  of  drawers  is  an  ancient  one, 
which  there  is  some  reason  to  believe  lielongetl 
to  Peregrine  White.  {M  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Ke^.  1873,  p.  398.)  The  sword  and  vessels  be- 
longed to  Standish.  The  cradle  belonged  to 
IJr.  Samuel  Fuller,  the  physician  of  the  Pil- 
grims. (Russell's  Pili^rim  Memorials,  p.  55; 
Itartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  201.)  Chair  No.  i 
l)clongcd  to  Governor  Carver  ;  No.  2  was 
Kldcr  Urcwster's;  No.  3  is  said  to  have  been 
Governor  Edward  Winslow's;   and  this  with  a 


table,  which  was  until  recently  in  the  hall 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  has 
lately  been  reclaimed  by  its  owner,  Mr.  I.saac 
Winslow.  (See  3  ^fass.  Hist.  Coll.  v.  293; 
Proceedings,  ii.  i,  284;  iv.  142;  .\ix.  124;  Young's 
Chronicles,  ]).  238;  Bartlett's  Pili^rim  Fathers, 
p.  197.)  There  are  other  groupings  of  Pil- 
grim relics  in  Dr.  Uexter's  papers  ;  C.  \V. 
KUiott's  "Good  Old  Times  at  Plymouth"  in 
Harper's  Monthly,  1S77,  p.  iSo;  Bartlett's  Pil- 
grim Fathers.  —  El>.) 


't,| 


i.    i 


■i 


'/  'J   ', 


38o 


NAKRATIVK  AND  CRITICAL  HISTOKY   UK  AMKHICA. 


li 


I  i 


I. 


I 


nin^;  of  exploration,  and  in  1633  of  settlement,  in  the  Connecticut  Valley; 
but  the  a|)|)carance  of  numerous  emigrants  from  Massachusetts  Hay  <le- 
'•atci!  the  contemplated  removal  of  the  entire  colony  to  the  last-named 
..ication. 

The  est.tblishment  of  towns  led  necessarily  to  a  more  elaborate  system 
(f  civil  i»overnment,  and  in  1636  it  was  found  expedient  to  revise  and  codify 
the  previous  enactments  of  the  (ieneral  Court,  and  to  prescribe  the  duties 
of  the  various  public  officers.  In  1638  the  inconveniences  of  j^overnin^'  by 
mass-meetinji  led  to  the  introduction  of  the  representative  system  already 
familiar  to  Massachusetts  Hay.  The  number  of  Assistants  had  been  in- 
crcisetl  in  1633  from  five  to  seven. 

Fn  1629  an  acceptable  minister  of  the  gospel  —  Ralph  Smith,  a  Cam- 
bridge graduate  —  for  the  first  time  took  charge  of  the  church  in  Plymouth  ; 
and  by  1641  the  eight  towns  of  the  colony  were  all  (except  Marshfield. 
which  was  but  just  settled)  supplied  with  educated  clergy,  of  whom  perhaps 
the  most  influential  was  Ralph  Partridge,  of  Uuxbury. 

The  half-century  (1641-91)  which  completed  the  separate  existence  of 
IMymouth  Colony,  witnessed  no  radical  changes,  but  a  steady  development 
under  the  existing  patent,  though  repeated  but  unsuccessful  attempts 
were  made  to  obtain  a  charter  direct  from  the  English  Government.  At 
the  outset  (in  1 641),  by  a  purchase  of  the  remaining  interests  of  the  Eng- 
lish partners  of  1627,  the  last  trace  of  dependence  on  foreign  capital  was 
wiped  out. 

Notwithstanding  the  discontinuance  of  English  emigration  after  1640, 
and  the  enormous  devastation  of  Philip's  war  in  1675-76,  the  population 
of  the  colony  increased  to  about  eight  thousand  in  these  fifty  years,  being 
distributed  through  twenty  towns,  of  which  Scituate  had  probably  the 
largest  numbers  and  certainly  the  most  wealth,  the  town  of  Plymouth  hav- 
ing lost,  even  as  early  as  1643,  its  former  prominence.  That  this  growth 
was  no  greater,  and  that  expansion  beyond  the  strict  colony  limits  was 
completely  checked,  resulted  inevitably  from  the  more  favorable  situation 
of  the  neighboring  colony  of  the  Bay. 

The  civil  administration  continued  as  before,  the  Governor's  Assistants 
and  the  Deputies  sitting  in  General  Court  as  one  body.  Deputies  were 
elected  in  each  town  by  the  resident  freemen,  the  freemen  being  the  original 
signers  of  the  compact  on  board  the  "  Mayflower,"  with  such  persons  as  had 
been  added  to  their  number  by  a  majority  vote  of  the  general  court.  Public 
sentiment  was  so  trustworthy  that  no  qualifications  were  named  for  the 
estate  of  freemen  until  1656,  when  it  was  merely  provided  that  a  candidate 
must  have  been  approved  by  the  freemen  of  his  own  town.  Two  years 
later,  when  the  colony  was  overrun  by  Quaker  propagandists,  persons  of 
that  faith,  as  well  as  all  others  who  similarly  opposed  the  laws  and  the 
established  worship,  were  distinctly  excluded  from  the  privileges  of  free- 
men, and  in  the  new  revision  of  the  laws  in  1671  freemen  were  obliged  to 
be  at  least  twenty-one  years  of  age,  "  of  sober  and  peaceable  conversation. 


^il   !ii'; 


TIIL    I'lLl.KIM    CHI  RCII    AM)    ri-VMoiril    t()U).\Y. 


381 


nrthoclox  in  the  fimdamcntals  of  rclijjion,"  and  i)«)s.sc'ssf(l  of  at  least  £20 
worth  of  ratabi"  estate  in  the  colony.  My  the  Code  of  1671  a  Court  of 
Assistants  was  created  to  exercise  the  judicial  functions  liitherto  retained 
by  the  (icneral  Court;  but  in  1685,  with  the  constitution  of  three  counties, 
most  of  tiiese  duties  were  transferred  to  county  courts. 

Two  interdependent  circumstances  conspired  witii  the  poverty  of  tlie 
settlers  and  tlic  unattractivencss  of  the  soil, —  even  as  compared  with  Massa- 
chusetts Ray,  —  to  retard  seriously  the  pro^jress  of  the  colony;  and  these 
were,  their  inability  to  keep  up  a  learned  ministry,  and  the  enforced  delay 
in  providing;  for  public  eilucation.  The  first  of  these  facts  was  so  patent 
as  to  call  forth  public  rebukes  from  Massachusetts,  and  it  may  be  enoujjh 
to  recall  that  in  1641  seven  of  the  eij,'ht  townships  constituting'  the  colony 
were  served  by  ministers  of  I*'nglish  education ;  but  in  the  next  half-century 
these  same  pulpits  stood  vacant  on  the  average  upwards  of  ten  years  each, 
anil  the  new  towns  which  were  formed  in  the  colony  had  no  larper  amount 
of  ministerial  service.  As  to  the  other  point,  it  is  sufficient  to  note  that 
neither  from  tradition  nor  from  public  records  is  there  evidence  of  any 
opportunity  or  provisicm  for  education  before  1670,  —  except,  of  course, 
in  the  private  family.     Their  poverty  no  doubt  chiefly  occasioned  this. 

Yet  while  the  resources  of  Plymouth  and  the  education  of  her  public  men 
were  distinctly  inferior  to  those  of  the  Bay,  she  bore  herself  in  her  relations 
with  the  other  colonies  with  a  certain  simple  dignity  and  straightforward 
reasonableness  which  won  respect ;  and  in  matters  of  general  interest  she 
was  content  to  share  the  sentiments  of  her  comrades  without  controlling 
them.  She  joined  in  the  New  England  Confederation  of  1643  ;  and  though 
the  idea  sprang  fr  !  another  quarter,  it  is  probable  that  the  form  was  influ- 
enced by  suggestio  s  from  the  Plymouth  men,  derived  from  their  experi- 
ence in  the  United  Netherlands. 

Plymouth's  treatment  of  the  Quakers,  in  1656  and  the  following  years, 
illustrated  in  part  the  contrast  with  Massachusetts  Bay.  At  the  outset 
public  sentiment  was  much  the  same  in  the  two  colonies,  in  view  of  the 
extravagances  and  indecencies  of  these  intruders ;  but  the  greater  mildness 
of  administration  in  Plymouth  bore  its  appropriate  fruit  in  lessening  the 
evil  characteristics  which  developed  by  opposition,  and  gradually  the  dreaded 
sectaries  gained  a  foothold,  until  finally  their  principles  were  w  idely  adopted 
in  certain  localities  with  only  good  results. 

Plymouth's  treatment  of  the  Royal  Commissioners  in  1665  indicated 
fairly  her  consistent  attitude  towards  the  mother  country ;  in  receiving  the 
King's  mandates  with  respect,  and  in  promising  conformity,  she  held  the 
course  which  had  produced  the  seven  articles  at  I.eyden  in  1617. 

The  most  serious  misfortune  to  visit  the  colony  was  the  Indian  war  which 
broke  out  early  in  1675.  Up  to  that  time  the  Plymouth  men  had  been 
careful  to  acquire  by  bond  fide  purchase  a  title  to  all  new  lands  as  they  were 
occupied;  they  had  endeavored  also  (with  fair  success,  as  compared  with 
like  efforts  in  Massachusetts  Bay)  to  spread  the  knowledge  of  Christianity; 

VOL.  m.  —  36. 


-\: 


V  '< 


I 


l»' 


I 


282 


NAkKATIV  i:    AM)   I  KITIt AL    IIISIOKV    OK    AMKKKA. 


1 


I 


I", 


1       I    '/ 

1)    •! 


and  in  1675  there  wore  perhaps  six  or  seven  hiuulrcd  "praying  Indianit" 
witliin  the  CDlony  l)min(N.  Miit  Wamsiitta  and  MLt.iconict  (othirwisc  Alex- 
ander and  I'hilip),  tlic  sons  ami  siiecessors  u(  the  s.tchein  Massasoit,  were 
Itostile  to  the  whites  and  unaffected  by  Christian  influences;  and  after 
Alexander's  death,  in  166J,  the  coh)nists  found  that  only  by  constant 
watchfulness  could  they  prevent  a  breach  with  the  savaj^es.      Finally  under 

riiilip's  lead  they  r«>-.e 
and  be^an  a  war  of  ex- 
termination. The  excit- 
ing' cause  and  the  earlie-«t 
operations  were  within 
the  territorj-  claimed  by 
IMvmouth ;  on  her  fell 
successively  the  heavicNt 
blows  (in  pro|)ortion  to 
her  population)  and  the 
most  pressing'  respon>i- 
bilities  for  defence. 
When  the  war  ended 
with  Philip's  death,  in 
Au^'ust.  1676,  more  than 
half  her  towns  had  been 
partially  or  wholly  de- 
stroyetl,  ami  the  colony's 
share  ( about  X  1 5,000)  of 
the  expense  incurred  by 
the  New  Knjjland  Con- 
federacy in  suppressinj; 
the  Indians  was  a  ver)- 
serious  burden  on  a  feeble  agricultural  community.  Hefore  the  slow  process 
of  recovery  from  these  desolations  could  be  accomplished,  the  ancient  cus- 
toms of  self-government  were  invaded  by  James  II.;  and  when  the  arbi- 
trary exactions  under  Andros,  as  Governor  of  all  New  luigland,  were  ended 
in  the  Revolution  of  1689,  the  return  to  the  old  conditions  of  freedom  was 
but  temporary ;  the  new  monarchs  followed  James's  policy  of  consolidation, 
and  Plymouth  found  herself  fated  to  be  included  cither  in  the  charter  of 
New  York  or  in  that  of  Massachusetts.  Better  a  known  than  an  unknown 
evil ;  and  accordingly  the  London  agent  of  Plymouth  was  authorized  to 
express  a  preference  for  union  with  Boston,  and  the  provincial  charter  of 
Massachusetts  in  October,  1691,  put  an  end  to  the  separate  existence  of  the 
colony  of  New  Plymouth.     Of  the  original  "  Mayflower"  company  but  two 

'  [This  canv.is  is   likewise  the  property  of  only  likenesses  of  the  Plymouth  governors  ex- 

Is.iac  Winslow,  Ksq.,  and  is  now  in  the  Pilgrim  tant;  and  Josiah  Winslow  was  the  first  governor 

llall,  at  Plymouth.    This  portrait,  and  that  of  of  native  birth,  having  been  born  in  Marshfield 

Ihi  father,  the  elder  Governor  Winslow,  arc  the  in  1629;  dying  there  in  l6iki.  —  Ed.) 


<«)VF.RNOK    JOSI.\H    WIXSLOW.' 


,<  I 


Tin;  riL(;RiM  chlkcii  amj  i'lvmoi  tii  colony. 


2«3 


members  survived,  —  John  C<M>kc.  of  Dartmouth.  >\h(>  died  in  1695,  and 
Mary  (Allerton)  Cuthman,  of  llymouth.  who  «lied  in  ifnjij.  The  yount;er 
generation  were  uccu<itomed  to  the  leadership  of  Massachusetts  Hay,  and 
.iccepted  the  uniun  as  a  natural  and  fitting;  step. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE  SOURCES  OF    INFORMATION. 


'I'^IIK  earlicHt  printed  volume  ire,iiioK  of  the  ofigxn  of  l'l)-niouth  Colony  was  Afw 
1  /\Hf;/iiHiff  Aff/noriiil ;  .  .  .  wilk  iptital  Kf/ertHtf  to  the  Jir\l  Colony  thtrtof,  pulv 
lifihed  by  Nath.inicI  Morton  in  i')69.  As  he  states  in  his  "  Epistle  I)edicatiiry,"  the  most 
•if  his  Intelligence  concerning  the  IjcginninK*  oC  the  »ettlemenl  came  from  manuscripts  Icit 
liy  his  "  miiih-honorcd  uncle,  .Mr.  William  Bradford."  Morton's  parents  had  emigrated 
in  1623,  when  lie  was  a  boy  o(  ten.  from  l^ytlcn  to  I'lymouth.  with  a  younger  sister  of  .Mrs. 
.Morton,  who  had  been  .sent  for  to  l>ecoroe  the  wife  of  tiovernor  llr.idford.  This  c<mnec- 
tion  .ind  his  own  position  .xs  secretary  of  the  tieneral  Court  of  the  Colony  fr-im  1645,  gave 
peculiar  opportunities  for  gathering  information  ;  but  his  book  preserves  nothing  on  the 
earliest  |M)rtion  of  the  I'ilgrim  history,  beyond  the  date  (ifio2)  and  the  place  ("the  North 
iif  Kngland  ")  of  their  entering  into  a  church  covenant  together. 

The  manuscripts  of  (jovernor  Bradford  passed  at  his  death  (i^>57)  to  his  eldest  son. 
.Major  William  Bradford,  of  Hlymouth.  and  while  in  his  |iussession  a  few  particulars  were 
extracted  for  Cotton  Mather's  use  in  his  Magualia  (1702),  especially  in  the  '•  Life  ,  f  Brad- 
fi>rd ''  (book  ii.  chap.  i.).  .-V  minute.  I)ut  very  efficient  ty|)ographical  error,  however 
(.\//stcrficld  for  A/zsterfield),  kept  students  for  the  next  century  and  a  half  out  of  the 
knowledge  of  (Juvernor  Bradford's  birthplace,  and  of  the  exact  neighborhood  whence 
cime  the  Leyden  migration.  From  Major  William  Bradford,  who  died  in  1704.  the  in.inu- 
scripts  descended  to  his  son,  .Major  John,  of  Kingston  (originally  a  pan  of  I'lymouth),  by 
whom  the  most  precious  were  lent  or  given,  in  1728.  to  the  Kev.  Thomas  Prince,  of  iioston.' 
I'rincc  m.idc  a  careful  use  of  this  material  in  the  (irst  volume  of  V  .  Anntils  (1736),  fixing 
the  locality  whence  the  Pilgrims  came  as  "near  the  joining  holders  of  .Nottinghamshire, 
l.inconshire,  and  Yorkshire,"  and  lodged  the  originals  in  the  library  which  he  bequeathed. 
in  1758,  to  the  Old  South  Church  in  Iioston.  Governor  Thomas  Hutchinson,  while  writing 
his  History  of  Afassiu/iiisetts  Hay,  found  these  manuscripts  in  the  Prince  Library,  and 
printed  in  the  Appendix  to  his  second  volume  (I7<'7)  a  valuable  extr.ict  describing  the 
exotlus  to  Hiilland.  In  the  troublous  times  which  followed,  the  Br.idford  pa|K-rs  ili<- 
.ippeared. 

Another  extract  from  Bradford,  however,  soon  after  came  to  light  in  the  records  of 
the  First  Church  in  Plymouth,  where  Secreur)-  Morton  hati  transcribed,  in  1680,  most 
tif  his  uncle's  account  of  the  transatlantic  history  of  the  Pilgrims.  This  was  printed. 
Ml  part  and  somewhat  inaccurately,  by  Ebenezer  Hazard,  in  vol.  i.  of  his  Historiail 
Collections  (1792),  and  in  full  by  the  Rev.  .Alexander  Young,  in  his  Chronicles  of  the 
I'ilf^rims  (1841). 

The  clews  furnished  by  Mather  and  Prince  to  the  Pilgrim  cradle-land  attracted  no 
special  attention  until  1842.  when  the  Hon.  James  Savage,  during  a  visit  10  England.' 
submitted  the  problem  to  the  Rev.  Joseph   Hunter,  author  of  a  history  of  South  York- 

'  Bradford's  History,  xi. ;  Mass.  Hitt.  Sue.  Proc.,  August,  1866,  p.  345. 
-  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  xxviii.  298. 


'W 


111 


284 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


shire,  of  which  region  he  was  also  a  native.  Mr.  Hunter,  though  the  evidence  was  in- 
complete, suggested  that  Austcrfield  was  the  place  wanted  ;  and  the  attention  of  this 
accomplished  antiquary  being  thus  enlisted,  the  result  appeared  in  a  tract,  published  by 
him  in  1849,  entitled  Collections  concernint;  the  Founders  of  New  Plymonih,  which  iden- 
tified the  meeting-place  of  the  Separatist  Church  before  their  removal  to  Holland.  This 
tract  was  reissued,  in  1852,  in  the  Afass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vol.  xxxi.,  and  again  in  London, 
in  an  enlarged  form,  in  1854.'  The  author's  careful  examination  of  local  records  made 
plain  the  position  of  the  Brewsters  in  Scrooby,  and  of  the  Bradtords  in  Austerfield  (with 
the  entry  of  Governor  Bradford's  baptism),  and  traced  their  families,  as  well  as  the  families 
of  other  early  members  of  the  Scrooby  flock,  in  the  neighboring  parishes.  The  import- 
ance of  Mr.  Hunter's  labors  may  be  seen  in  the  fact,  that,  besides  Brewster  and  Bradford, 
none  of  the  '■  Mayflower ''  passengers  (e.xcept  the  two  Winslows)  have  even  yet  been  surely 
traced  to  an  English  birthplace. - 

Mr.  Hunter's  success  soon  attracted  the  attention  of  other  investigators.  The  earliest 
visit  to  Scrooby  which  has  received  notice  in  print  was  one  made  in  July,  1851,  by  the  Rev. 
Henry  M.  Dexter,  of  Boston,  described  by  him  in  The  Congregationalist  oi  Aug.  8,  1851. 
Mr.  W.  H.  Bartlett's  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  35,  published  in  1853,  added  nothing  to  Hunters 
researches,  except  some  interesting  engravings  of  the  church  in  which  Bradford  was  bap- 
tized, and  of  Scrooby  village.  In  his  enlarged  edition  of  1854,  Hunter  gave  a  better  view 
of  the  remains  of  the  palace  inhabited  by  Brewster.  Mr.  Palfrey  visited  the  neighbor- 
hood in  1856,  and  records  his  impressions  in  a  note  on  p.  134  of  vol.  i.  (1858)  of  his 
History  of  New  England.     In  i860  the  Rev.  John  Raine,  vicar  of  the  parish  of  BIyth.  in 


1  IThe  main  parts  of  it  were  also  reprinted 
in  the  Congregational  Board's  edition  of  Morton, 
in  1855.  There  is  a  memoir  of  Hunter  in  ^fass. 
Hist.  Soc.  Proc.,  .wii.  300.  —  En.] 

-  Priest,  Tinker  and  Soule,  arc  names  found 
in  the  records  of  parishes  near  Scrooby  (Pal- 
frey's History  of  .VWc  En^latid,  i.  160),  and  it 
is  not  unlikely  that  Dcgory  Priest,  Thomas 
Tinker,  and  George  Sowle,  of  the  "  Mayflower," 
may  have  come  from  this  region.  It  is  also  said 
by  Mr.  W.  T.  Davis  (Harper's  Matpiziiie,  l.\iv. 
254,  January,  1882,  "  Who  were  the  Pilgrims  ?"), 
that  a  \V;!liani  Butten's  baptism  is  found  in 
Austerfield,  under  date  of  Sept.  12,  1589.  Hut 
it  would  be  hazardous  to  identify  this  man  of 
thirty-one  years  with  the  "  William  Buttcn,  a 
youth,  sers'ant  to  Samuel  Fuller,"  who  died  on 
the  "  Mayflower's  "  voyage  to  America.  It  is 
also  believed  that  Miles  Standish  was  a  scion 
of  the  Standish  family  of  Duxbury  Hall,  Lanca- 
shire. [This  view  is  encouraged,  if  not  estal> 
lishcd,  by  the  expressions  of  Standish's  own  will, 
which  Is  printed  In  N.  E.  Hist,  and Ctiical.  A'^i,'.,  v. 
335.  The  story  of  .Standish's  career  has  been  more 
than  once  reviewed  of  late  years,  on  account  of 
the  efforts,  not  yet  comi)letcd,  to  erect  a  tower  to 
his  memory  on  Captain's  Hill,  In  Diixbury.  Its 
proposed  height  Is  not  yet  reacheci ;  and  when 
completed.  It  will  hear  his  cfiigy  on  Its  top. 
There  were  Prot\rdiiii;s  printed  to  coinmomoratc 
the  consecration  of  the  ground,  Aug.  (7,  1871, 
.and  on  laying  the  corner-stone,  In  1872.  It  is 
known  that  .Standish  was  never  of  the  Pilgrim 
cimimunion  :  and  "  Was  Miles  Standish  a  Ro- 
manist?" is  discussed  in  Afaf^.  0/  A»if>:  Hist., 


i.  390.  The  inventory  of  his  hooks  is  given  in 
A'.  E.  Hist,  ami  Gciwal.  Keg.,  i.  54.  Bartlett, 
Pilgrim  Eat/iers,  and  the  illustrated  edition  of 
Longfellow's  /Wins,  1S80,  give  some  views  con- 
nected with  the  English  family.  On  the  descend- 
ants of  the  Captain,  see  jV.  E.  Hist,  and  Gcncal. 
A'ty.,  1873,  p.  145;  Winsor'.-  Dii.xlmry  :  Savage's 
Dictionary,  etc. 

Of  the  origin  of  Carver,  their  first  governor, 
nothing  is  known.  Cf.  N.  B.  Shurtleff,  In  /\'.  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.Kc);.,  1850,  p.  105;  1863,  p.  O2  ; 
and  1872,  p.  333.  The  Howlands  were  long  sup- 
l)osed  to  be  his  descendants  through  the  mar- 
riage of  his  daughter  to  the  Pilgrim  John  How- 
land,  and  the  modern  inscription  on  the  latter's 
monument  on  the  Burial  Hill,  at  Plymoutli, 
repeats  a  story  seemingly  disproved  by  the  re- 
covery of  Bradford's  manuscript  history,  which 
states  that  Howland  married  a  daughter  of  an- 
other Pilgrim,  Edward  Tilley.  A  recent  revision 
of  the  story,  by  W.  T.  Davis,  in  the  Boston  Daily 
Advertiser,  Nov.  25,  18S1,  rather  urging  the  tradi- 
tional belief,  was  met  by  Charles  Deane,  in  //'/./'., 
Dec.  7,1881,  who  showed  that  John  Howland,  Jr., 
was  born  in  Plymouth,  in  ^'j  :6,  and  could  not 
have  sjjrung  from  an  earlier  marriage  of  John,  Sr., 
with  Carver's  d.aughter.  The  decision  turns  upon 
the  Identity  of  "  Lieutenant  Howland,"  as  men- 
tioned by  Sewall,  being  met  near  Barnstable.  It 
is  barely  possible  that  Joseph  Howland,  and  not 
John,  Jr.,  W.1S  meant ;  but  Joseph  did  not  live 
at  Barnstable,  as  John,  Jr.  did.  Cf.  Historical 
Afat^azine,  iv.  122,  251  ;  and  AWc  Euf^aud  Hu 
torical  and  Genealos;ical  Register,  i860,  p.  13. 
1880,  p.  193. —El\] 


,'  '■  ■' 


I     I 


THE    IMLGRIM    CHURCH   AND    I'LYMOUTH    COLONY. 


285 


which  these  hamlets  were  formerly  included,  printed  a  valuable  account  of  that  parish'-i 
liistory  and  antiquities.' 

In  January,  icS62,  the  Rev.  H.  M.  Dexter  published,  in  Xhe  Coiigrcf^ational  Quarterly, 
an  article  on  "  Recent  Discoveries  concerning  the  I'lymouth  Pilgrims,"  summarizing  con- 
veniently what  had  been  learned  regarding  the  place  where,  and  the  time  when,  the  church 
was  gathered.  In  March,  1867,  he  contributed  to  the  Sabbath  at  Home  magazine  an  illus- 
trated article  on  the  "  Footprints  of  the  Pilgrims  in  England,"  which  is  still  the  most  vivid 
and  the  fullest  description  extant  of  the  Scrooby  neighborhood.  With  this  should  be  com- 
pared, for  additional  facts,  a  letter  from  Dr.  Dexter  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  (xii.  129) 
(or  July,  1871  ;  the  ctrly  pages  of  the  chapter  on  Robinson,  in  the  same  author's  Cont;re- 
Rationalism  as  seen  in  its  Literature  (1880);  and  the  record  of  a  visit  in  i860,  in  Professor 
James  M.  Hoppin's  Old  England.  The  Scrooby  episode  is  also  told,  more  or  less  fully, 
in  the  Rev.  Ashbel  Steele's  Life  of  Elder  Brewster  (1857),  in  Dr.  John  Waddington's 
Traek  oft/ie  Hidden  Church  (1863),  and  in  chap.  vi.  of  the  second  volume  of  his  Coni^rega- 
tional  History  (1874),  in  the  Rev.  George  Punchard's  History  of  Congrei^ationaUsm,  vol. 
iii.chap.  xi.  (1867),  in  chap.  vii.  of  vol.  ii.  of  ,S.  R.  Gardiner's  Prince  Charles  and  the  Spanish 
Marriage  (1869),  and  in  chap.  x.  of  Dr.  Leonard  Bacon's  Genesis  of  the  New  England 
Churches  (1874).'^ 

Scrooby  village  is  about  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  N.N.W.  from  London,  and  eighty 
miles  due  east  from  Liverpool.  It  lies  on  the  Great  Northern  Railway ;  but  as  its  popula- 
tion numbers  only  some  two  hundred,  it  is  practically  a  mere  suburb  of  Bawtry,  a  small 
market-town  a  mile  and  a  quarter  to  the  north,  of  perhaps  a  thousand  inhabitants.  Aus- 
terfield,  a  little  larger  than  Scrooby,  and  at  about  the  same  distance  from  Bawtry  in  a 
north-easterly  direction,  is  included,  as  well  as  much  of  the  other  two  localities,  in  the 
patrimony  of  Lord  Houghton  (Richard  Monckton  Milnes),  whose  family  have  held  it  since 
1779- 


Mil 


Of  the  life  in  Holland  and  the  preparations  for  removal  to  America,  the  first  connected 
account  in  print  was  that  appended  by  Edward  VVinslow  (who  had  joined  the  company  at 
Leyden  in  161 7,  at  the  age  of  twenty-two)  to  his  Hypocrisy  Unmasked,  in  1646,  which  was 
reprinted  in  1841,  in  Dr.  Young's  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrims.  Winslow's  object  in  this 
brief  appendix  was  to  refute  an  unjust  charge  of  schism  in  the  Leyden  church,  and  to 
explain  the  reasons  for  the  removal  and  the  course  of  the  accompanying  negotiations  ;  lie 
also  reviewed  Robinson's  doctrinal  position,  and  incidentally  preserved  the  substance  of 
the  pastor's  farewell  address  to  the  departing  portion  of  his  flock."  Morton's  Memorial. 
in  i66g,  gave  from  Bradford's  manuscripts  a  fuller  account  of  the  events  in  question:  and 
Mather's  Magnalia  (1702),  and  Prince's  Annals  (1736),  added  a  few  touches  to  the  pic- 
ture. Prince  has  also  the  distinction  of  being  the  first  of  those  who  have  retraced  the 
steps  of  the  Pilgrims  on  Dutch  soil,  his  Annals  (vol.  i.  p.  160)  recoiding  his  visit  to 


Pi.H, 


'  [Cf.  Mr.  Dcane's  mcnioramiLini,  in  .IA;.r.t. 
///,(/.  Soc.  Proc,  October,  1870,  ]).  403. —  l'",l).| 

■-'  [This  book  contains  a  full  exposition  of  the 
iiil1iii.-iice  which  the  I'lymouth  Pilgrims  exerted 
upon  the  N;\v  England  Congregational  system. 
Cf.  further  Dr.  Jas.  S.  Clark's  Conf;regiUionat 
Churches  in  MnssticAuset/s,  1858 ;  the  Appendix 
to  the  Congregational  Hoard's  edition  of  Mor- 
loii'.s  Memoritil ;  and  Uexter's  Co)i!;rcg(itio>iijlisi>i , 
p.  415. —  En.] 

"  [Winslow's  tract  was  reissued  nml*  igcd 
ill  1649,  as  The  /)iin,i,'er  of  tolerating  Laciicrs  in 
It  Ci-.iill  State.  There  are  copies  in  the  Leno.x, 
Charles  Deane,  and  Carter-Hrown  libraries.  .\ 
copy  is  worth,  perhaps,  $100.     Winslow's  report 


of  Robinson's  sermon  seems  to  have  been  a  reni- 
iniscente  of  his  own,  twentytivc  years  after  tin- 
event.  It  is  not  decided  when  it  was  delivered. 
It  has  usually  been  held  to  represent  atlvanccd 
and  liberal  views;  but  Dr.  Dexter  dissents,  and 
says  that  "  polity,  and  not  dogma,  is  the  keynote 
of  the  still  noble  farewell."  Sec  Coni;>et^ation 
alism,  etc.,  pp.  403,409;  and  Palfrey's  History  of 
.\'i-ii<  Eni;tand,  i.  157.  The  whole  subject  of 
Robinson's  relation  to  the  lA'vdcn  congregation 
is  treated  by  Dr.  Dexter,  p.  359;  and  of  his  union 
with  Johnson's  church  .it  .Amsterdam,  on  p.  31S, 
note.  The  only  copies  of  the  original  edition  of 
1646  known  to  the  Editor  are  in  Dr.  Dexter's 
;ind  the  Carter-Hrown  libraries.  —  Ed.| 


I 


I  ill  li 


,ir 


'.   I 


m: 


\ 


id  'i 


286 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Leyden  in  1714,  and  his  supposed  identification  of  the  church  which  Robinson's  congre- 
gation used,  and  in  which  he  was  buried.' 

The  extracts  from  Bradford  published  by  Hazard  in  1792,  with  those  included  in  the 
notes  to  Judge  John  Davis's  edition  of  Morton's  Memorial  in  1826,  all  of  which  were 
reprinted  by  Dr.  Young  in  1841,  set  forth  in  a  more  orderly  way  the  story  of  the  removal. 
But  there  was  no  inquiry  in  Holland  until  Leyden  was  visited  by  Mr.  George  Sumner,  a 
younger  brother  of  Senator  Sumner,  who  communicated  the  results  of  his  researches  to 
the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  in  1843,  'u  a  paper  which  was  published  separately 
at  Cambridge  in  1845,  and  in  the  Society's  Collections,  vol.  xxix.  (1846).  Mr.  Sumner 
threw  much  light  on  the  actual  condition  of  the  Pilgrims  in  Holland,  while  investigating 
Prince's  report  of  a  church  lent  them  by  the  city,  and  VVinslow's  account  of  the  respect 
paid  Robinson  at  his  funeral.  He  showed  that  Prince  had  confused  this  congregation 
with  one  founded  contemporaneously  by  English  Presbyterians  in  Leyden,  for  whose  use 
a  chapel  was  granted,  while  Robinson's  company  received  no  such  favor.  He  also 
printed  the  record  of  Robinsons  admission  to  the  University, — a  fact  not  before  recov- 
ered,—  and  the  entry  of  his  burial  in  St.  Peter's  cathedral,  just  across  the  way  from  his 
house.'' 

In  1848  another  item  of  interest,  —  the  application  of  Robinson  and  his  people  for  leave 
to  come  to  Leyden,  —  was  printed  for  the  first  time  in  a  Memoir  of  Robinson,  by  Professor 
Kist,  in  vol.  viii.  of  the  \eiierlandsck  Archie/  7'oor  Kerkelijke  Geschiedenis.^  A  fuller 
memoir,  prefixed  to  a  collected  edition  of  his  writings,  was  published  in  London  three 
years  later  (1851),  by  the  Rev.  Robert  Ashton,  and  reprinted  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
vol.  xli.  (1852). 

Next  in  chronological  order  conies  the  publication  of  the  most  important  of  all  known 
sources  of  information  respecting  the  Pilgrims  from  1608  to  1646,  —  the  History  of  Ply- 
mouth Plantation,  by  William  Bradford,  second  governor  of  tho  colony.  We  have  seen 
that  this  history  was  used,  in  manuscript,  by  various  writers,  but  disappeared  after  1767. 
In  1844  a  History  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church  in  America,  by  the  Bishop  of 
Oxford  (Dr.  Samuel  Wilberforce),  was  published  in  London,  in  which  quotations  embody- 
ing new  information  were  made  from  an  otherwise  unknown  ''  Manuscript  History  of  the 
Plantation  of  Plymouth,  etc.,  in  the  Fulham  Library."  The  Bishop's  volume  passed  to 
a  second  edition  in  1846,  and  was  reprinted  in  New  York  in  1349;  while  in  1848  there 
appeared  in  London  the  Rev.  J.  S.  M.  Anderson's  History  of  the  Colonial  Church,  in  which 
reference  was  distinctly  made  to  "  Bradford's  MS.  History  of  Plymouth  Colony  .  .  .  now 
in  tiie  possession  of  the  Bishop  of  London."  But  the  significance  of  these  allusions  was 
ignored  by  American  students,  until  February,  1855,  when  Mr.  John  Wingate  Thornton, 
of  Boston,  called  the  attention  of  the  Rev.  John  S.  Barry,  who  was  then  engaged  on  the 
first  volume  of  his  History  of  Massachusetts,  to  the  Bishop  of  Oxford's  book.  Taking 
up  the  clew  thus  given,  .Mr.  Barry  conferred  with  Mr.  Charles  Deane,  who  sent  at  once  to 
London  for  information,  and  by  the  replies  received,  was  enabled  to  announce  at  the  meet- 
ing of  tlie  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  April  12,  1855,  that  the  complete  manuscript 
of  Governor  Bradford's  history  had  been  found  in  the  Library  of  the  Bishop  of  London's 
Palace  at  Fulham.  and  that  an  accurate  copy  had  been  ordered  for  the  Society's  use.  This 
transcript  reached  Boston  in  August,  and  was  issued,  under  .Mr.  Deane's  able  editorship, 


1  [Dr.  O.  W.  Holmes  has  th.own  a  little  light 
on  contempor.iry  life  in  Leyder  from  Sailigt-rana, 
in  .Mass.  J  fist.  Soc.  Proc.  (June,  1S74),  xiii.  31  5. 
-Ed.] 

-  See  a  memoir  of  Mr.  .Sumner,  by  R.  C. 
Waterston,  in  the  .Mass.  Hist.  Scv.  Proc,  xviii. 
1S9  .  also,  a  report  of  his  speech  at  Plymouth,  in 
1S59,  in  the  I/ist.  A/aQ.,  iii.  332  ;  and  in  the  M  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.  Pix-,  1859,  p.  341. 

*  With  the  specific  IxlXc:  John  Pobinsuii,  Pre- 


tiiker  iter  Leidsche  P rcnvnislcngeviecnti'  en  i;roiidleg- 
ster  der  Kolonic  Plymouth.  Leiden,  1846.  [What 
is  known  of  Robinson's  family  and  descendants 
can  be  learned  from  the  Xe-tO  Eiii;laiid  Hisloriail 
and  Gencaloi^ical  Register,  i860,  p.  17  ;  1 866,  pp. 
151,  292.  The  question  of  the  Rev.  John  Robin- 
son, of  Du.\bury,  being  a  descendant,  was  set  at 
rest  negatively  by  Dr.  Edward  Robinson,  in  his 
Memoir  of  the  Rev.  William  Robinson,  New  York. 
1S59.— El).] 


'•'I 


THE   PILGRIM    CHURCH   AND    PLYMOUTH   COLONY. 


287 


In  the  spring  of  1856,  both  as  a  separate  publication  and  as  volume  xxxiii.  of  the  Society's 
Collections.'^ 

How  the  manuscript  came  to  be  in  the  Fulham  Library  is  uncertain ;  most  probably 
it  was  taken  from  the  Prince  Library,  upon  the  evacuation  of  Boston  by  the  British  in 
March,  1776,  and  was  preserved  and  finally  deposited  in  a  public  collection  by  those  who 
perceived  it  to  be  of  value.  The  desirability  of  its  return  to  America  has  been  repeatedly 
suggested ;  but  as  an  individual  bishop  has  no  power  to  alienate  the  property  of  his  See, 
nothing  has  yet  been  accomplished. 

The  next  special  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  Pilgrims  in  Holland  was  the  publi- 
cation of  the  "  Seven  Articles  which  the  church  of  Leyden  sent  [in  September,  1617J  to 
the  Council  of  England,  to  be  considered  of  in  respect  of  their  judgments  occasioned  about 
their  going  to  Virginia,  anno  1618."  A  contemporary  transcript  of  this  paper  was  found 
in  the  British  State- Paper  Office  by  the  Hon.  George  Bancroft,  and  communicated  by  him, 
with  an  introductory  letter,  to  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  in  October,  1856.  It  was 
included,  in  1857,  in  vol.  iii.  of  the  second  series  of  their  Collections.* 

In  1859-60  the  Hon.  Henry  C.  Murphy,  of  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.,  United  States  Minister 
at  the  Hague  from  1857  to  1861,  published  in  the  Hist.  .^fag.  (iii.  261,  335,  357  ;  iv.  4)  a 
series  of  four  "  Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  from  the  Records  at 
Leyden."  These  valuable  papers  presented  much  new  information  (derived  especially 
from  the  marriage  records)  as  to  the  full  names,  ages,  occupations,  and  English  homes  of 
Robinson's  congregation  ;  they  determined  also  the  site  and  dimensions  of  his  house,  and 
the  details  of  its  purchase.  Another  fact,  which  was  already  known,  that  Elder  Brewster 
during  the  last  three  years  of  his  stay  in  Leyden  was  a  printer  and  publisher,  especially  of 
books  on  ecclesiastical  matters,  both  in  Latin  and  English,-'  which  it  would  not  have  been 
safe  to  print  at  home,  received  new  illustration  from  Mr.  Murphy. 


•  The  story  of  the  manuscript  and  of  its 
transmission  to  our  times  is  give;;  by  the  editor 
(if  the  present  volume,  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  So,: 
Pivc,  vol.  xi.\.,  —  a  paper  also  issued  separately 
(75  copies). 

-  [They  are  also  given  in  Steele's  C/iief  of 
the  Pilgrims,  p.  316;  in  Neill's  English  Coloniza- 
tion, ch.  vi. ;  in  Poor's  Gorges ;  and  in  the  Eng- 
lish calendars.  Colonial,  i.  43.  —  Ed.] 

3  The  Bibliographical  Appendix  to  Dr.  H.  M. 
I  kxter's  Congregationalism  us  seen  in  its  Litera- 
ture, mentions  nine  of  these  imprints,  viz.,  nos. 
459. 467-  470,  475.  476,  478,  4S1,  482,  495-  Three 
or  four  others  are  also  known.  See  the  Brinley 
Ciitalogiie,  no.  530.*  [Brewster's  career  lias  been 
made  the  subject  of  an  extended  memoir,  C/iief 
cf  the  Pilgrims,  Philadelphi  i,  1857,  as  it  is  some- 
what unsatisfactorily  called.  It  has  merit  in 
tracing  the  European  existence  of  the  Pilgrim 
Church,  but  is  unfortunately  disfigured  (p.  350) 
ill  a  minor  part  by  some  genealogical  fabrica- 
tions imposed  upon  the  author,  the  Rev.  Ashbel 
Steele.  (Cf.  Savage's  Gencalogieal  Dietionary, 
uih  "  Brewster.")  Dr.  Dexter,  .V.  K.  Hist,  ami 
Ciciual.  Reg.,  1864,  p.  18,  in  examining  the  evi- 
dence for  his  birth,  puts  it  in  1566-67 ;  so  that  at 
his  death,  in  1644,  he  was  seventy-seven,  or  pos. 
sibly  seventy-eight.  See  Mr.  Neill,  Hist.  Mag., 
XV).  69,  and  cf.  Mr.  Deane,  Mass.  Hist.  Soe.  Proc., 
xii.  98;  also  Poole's  Index,  p.  i6o. 

The  well-known  trembling  autograph  of  the 


Elder  (given  in  fac-simile  on  an  earlier  page)  is 
one  of  the  sights  in  the  Record  Office  .it  Plymouth, 
where  it  appears  attached  to  a  deed,  as  recorded, 
—  a  practice  not  uncommon  in  the  days  when  tiie 
colony  was  small.  This  was  long  thought  to  be 
the  only  signature  known,  while  it  was  a  cause  of 
some  surprise  that  no  one  of  the  four  hundred 
volumes  of  his  library  (given  by  title  in  his 
inventory,  —  Plymoiitlt  Wills,  i.  53)  had  been 
identified  by  bearing  his  autograph.  Three  of 
these  books,  however,  have  since  been  found, — 
one  a  Latin  Chrysostom,  Basil,  1522,  now  in  the 
Boston  AthenKum,  bears  his  autograph,  with 
the  motto,  "  Hebel  est  omnis  Adam,"  which  is 
also  foimd,  as  shown  in  the  fac-simile  in  Steele's 
Chief  of  the  Pilgrims,  in  another  volume,  simi- 
larly inscribed,  now  at  Yale  College  Library. 
The  fact  that  the  .Vthenaium  volume  bears  evi- 
dence, in  another  inscription,  of  having  belonged 
to  Thomas  Prince,  the  grandson  of  the  KIder, 
and  son  of  the  governor  of  the  colony  of  the 
same  -me,  and  of  his  receiving  it  in  July, 
1644,  '>ile  the  Elder  died  in  the  preceding 
April  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the  Pilgrim's 
collection  of  books  was  distributed  among  his 
relatives.  The  Kev.  Dr.  Dexter,  in  his  Congre- 
gationalism, gives  a  fac-simile  of  an  autograph 
of  Brewster  written  at  an  earlier  period  than 
the  others;  and  this  is  found  in  a  third  volume 
belonging  to  Dr.  Dexter,  and  numbered  211  in 
his  Bibliography.     Hunter,  in   his  Founders  of 


i:l 


\\ 


288 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


'U 


'M 


The  labors  of  Sumner  and  Murphy  in  Holland  have  been  supplemented  by  the  diligent 
researches  of  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter,  whose  work  at  Scrooby  was  mentioned  above.  In  the 
CoHgregadoiial  Quarterly  for  January,  1862  (vol.  iv.),  he  gave  an  account  of  the  recent  ad- 
ditions to  our  knowledge;  and  in  the  notes  to  his  invaluable  edition  of  MoHrt''s  Kelation, 
in  1865,  he  traced  the  personal  history  of  the  Pilgrims,  so  far  as  an  exhaustive  examination 
of  the  Leyden  records  made  that  possible.  In  1866,  in  company  with  Professor  George  E. 
Day,  of  Yale  College,  who  had  shared  in  the  previous  investigations,  Dr.  Dexter  super- 
intended the  erection  of  a  marble  tablet,  with  appropriate  inscription,  on  the  front  of  the 
Home  for  Aged  Walloons,  which  now  occupies  the  site  of  Robinson's  house.  In  the 
Sabbath  at  Home  for  April,  I867,  he  published  a  graphic  account,  of  the  "  Footprints  of 
the  Pilgrims  in  Holland,"  and  in  the  Mass.  Hist  Soc.  Proc.  for  January,  i8'72  (xii.  184), 
suggested  some  valuable  corrections  of  Mr.  Sumner's  Memoirs,  respecting  Robinson's 
death  and  burial.  The  Leyden  pastor's  influence  and  doctrinal  position  may  be  best 
studied  in  Dr.  Dexter's  Congregationalism  as  seen  in  its  Literature  (iSSo),  and  in  vol.  iii. 
of  the  Rev.  George  Punchard's  History  of  Congregationalism  (2d  ed.  1867).' 

For  various  contributions  to  fuller  knowledge  than  Bradford  affords  of  the  negotiations 
in  London,  after  removal  to  America  had  been  decided  on,  great  credit  is  due  to  tiie 
researches  of  the  Rev.  Edward  D.  Neill,  especially  in  his  History  of  the  Virginia  Com- 
pany (\%(x))  Vind.  his  English  Colonisation  of  America  {1S71).  Cf.  Hist.  Mag.,  xiii.  278. 
The  same  writer  has  investigated  the  personal  history  of  Captain  Thomas  Jones,  master 
of  the  "  Mayflower,"  in  the  Historical  Magasine  (January,  1869),  xv.  31-33,  and  in  the 
N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.  (1874),  xxviii.  314-17.  The  charge  that  Jones  was  bribed 
by  the  Dutch  in  1620,  is  considered  by  Mr.  William  Brigham  in  the  volume  of  lectures 
published  by  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  on  the  Early  History  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  in  the  Society's  Proceedings  for  December,  i868.''* 


/ 1   •'. 


Ne7u  Plymouth,  p.  86,  has  shown  how  close  a 
resemblance  the  autograph  of  James  Brewster, 
the  master  of  tlit  hospital  near  Bawtry,  and 
friend  of  Archbishop  Sandys,  bears  to  the  Fad- 
er's signature.  —  En.] 

1  [Ur.  Punchard's  work  was  unfortunately  left 
incomplete.  .See  A'.  E.  Hist,  aud  Geneal.  Reg., 
1880,  p.  325,  and  .^fllss.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.,  .wiii.  3. 
The  pains'aking  student  will  doubtless  compare 
these  works  with  Dr.  Waddington's  Hidden 
Church  and  C'lV/j,'.  Hist.,  in  which,  however,  Dr. 
Dexter  seeins  to  have  little  confidence.  (Cf.  his 
Congregationalism,  pp.  70,  201,  211,  262,  322,  and 
his  article  in  the  Cong.  Quarterly,  1S74.)  The 
Hidden  Chufh  was  published  in  1864,  with  an 
Introduction  by  K.  N.  Kirk.  (Cf.  Al  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Peg.,  1864,  p.  219;  and  1881,  p.  195.) 

In  the  archives  of  the  English  Church  at 
Amsterdam  there  is  a  document,  sigm  > .  by  Ant. 
Walseus  and  Festus  Hommius,  theological  pro- 
fessors at  Leyden,  dated  May  25-26,  162S,  testi- 
fying to  Robinson's  exertions  to  remove  the 
schisms  between  the  various  Brownist  congrega- 
tions in  the  Low  Countries,  and  his  resolution, 
upon  discouragement,  to  remove  "  to  the  West 
Indies,  where  he  did  not  doubt  to  effect  this  ob- 
ject." A  photo-lithographic  copy  of  this  paper 
has  been  issued  (MuUer's  Boohs  on  America,  1877, 
i!o.  2,780.)  The  contemporary  rejoinders  to  Rob- 
inson's arguments  can  be  seen  in  Samuel  Ruth- 
erford's Due  Rights  of  Presbyteries,  London,  1644. 


11'       'I' 


The  student  will  not  neglect  Hanbury's  His- 
torical  Memorials  relating  to  the  Independents, 
London,  1639-44  ;  R.  Baillie's  Anabaptism,  Loi\- 
don,  1647,  and  Catherine  Chidley's  fustification 
of  the  Independent  Churches  ( .'  1650).  The  dis- 
tinction between  the  Puritans  and  the  Pilgrim^ 
is  maintained  in  Dr.  Waddington's  books;  in 
Dr.  I.  N.  Tarbox's  papers  in  the  Congregational 
Quarterly,  vol.  xvii.,  and  in  the  Old  Colony 
Hist.  Soc.  Papers,  1878;  in  an  appendix,  p.  445, 
to  Punchard,  vol.  iii.;  in  Benjamin  Scott's  Lci- 
ture,  London,  1866,  reprinted  in  the  Hist.  Mag., 
May,  1867,  from  which  is  mostly  derived  a  paper 
in  Scribner's  Monthly,  June,  1876.  Scott  alsi> 
printed  a  lecture,  "  An  Hour  with  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  and  their  Precursors,"  in  1869.  (Cf.  A'. 
E.  Hist,  and  Geneil.  Reg.,  1 87 1,  p.  301  ;  also,  see 
Hist.  Mag.,  May  and  November,  1867;  October, 
1869;  Essex  Institute  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  iv.,  by  A.  C. 
Goodell ;  l>esides  Baylies,  Palfrey,  Barry,  etc.) 
Dr.  Dexter,  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xvii.  64,  has 
pointed  out  a  curious  instance  of  tampering  with 
one  of  Robinson's  books.  See  further,  Mass. 
Hist.  .'ioc.  Proc,  x.  393,  and  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
R'gy  '859.  P-2S9-  — Eu.] 

^  [This  charge  was  first  printed  by  Morton 
in  his  Memorial,  and  the  earliest  mention  of  it 
known  is  in  some  papers  of  the  Record  Otfice, 
London,  printed  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc. 
December,  1868,  p.  385.  Neill,  in  his  English 
Colonization,  p.   103,  intimates  that  Jones  may 


V' 


^m^ 


"IBP,,  vvr' 


THE    PILC.RIM    CHLRCK    AM)   PLYMOUTH   COLONY. 


289 


^ 


For  the  colony's  affairs  from  the  sailing  of  the  "  Mayflower  "  to  1646,  the  prime  source 
of  knowledge  is  Hradford's  ///story.  At  the  tini(  of  emigrating,  the  author  was  in  his 
tliirty-tirst  year,  and  his  book  was  written  at  variou.s  dates,  from  1630 
to  1650,  when  he  was  from  forty  to  sixty  years  of  age.  Less  than 
four  months  after  landing  he  became  Governor,  and  for  the  remaining 
quarter-century  covered  by  his ///jT/tfry  he  held  the  same  office,  except 
during  five  years,  when  excused  at  his  own  urgent  request.  The  fore- 
most man  in  the  colony  for  this  long  period,  nature  and  opportunity 
eciually  fitted  him  to  be  its  chronicler  from  the  beginning.  No  one 
could  speak  with  more  authority  than  he  of  the  inner  motives  and 
guiding  policy  of  the  original  colonists,  —  fortunately,  also,  no  one 
lould  exemplify  more  clearly  in  written  words  the  ideal  Pilgrim  than 
does  Bradford,  with  his  grave,  homely,  earnest  style,  not  unsugges- 
tive  of  the  English  of  the  Bible.  Between  his  style  and  that  of 
Winthrop,  the  contemporary  historian  of  the  Bay,  there  is  something 
of  the  same  difference  that  existed  between  the  two  emigrations ; 
nnd  yet  Bradford's  simple  story,  standing  as  it  does  as  the  earliest 
piece  of  American  historical  composition,  possesses  a  peculiar  charm 
which  the  broader,  more  philosophic  page  of  Winthrop  cannot  rival  ' 

The  special  contributions  by  others  to  the  history  (>:    Bradford's 
period  began  in  1622  with  the  publication  of  Moiirfs  /ielation,  a 


o 
•A 
o 


H 
i? 
O 


huve  purposely  guided  his  vessel  to  Cape  Cod 
from  an  understanding  with  Pierce  and  Gorges. 
Ncill  identifies  the  "  Mayflower "  captain  with 
Jones  of  the  "  Discovery,"  a  vessel  despatcheci 
to  Virginia.  (Cf.  Young's  Chronicles,  p.  102,  and 
Palfrey's  iW-iv  Eiinland,  i.  163.)  O'Callaghan, 
Nt'.i'  Ndherland,  i.  80,  rejects  the  bribe  theory. 
The  name  of  Jones  is  preserved  in  Jones  River, 
shown  on  the  map  of  Plymouth  Bay  on  a  pre- 
vious oage.  —  Ed.] 

1  lOur  chief  accounts  of  Bradford,  other  than 
from  his  own  writings,  are  derived  from  Mather's 
Miij^nalia,  and  from  Hunter's  Founders  of  JVe^o 
t'lvmotUh.  Belknap,  in  his  Ameriam  /iiot;rap/ty, 
gives  a  judicious  summary  of  what  was  tiien 
known,  and  there  is  a  brief  one  in  Cheever. 
Besides  what  may  be  found  in  the  general  his- 
tories, the  reader  can  find  other  accounts  in 
Tyler's  American  I.iteraitire,  i.  116;  by  J.  H. 
Moore  in  Amer.  Quart.  Kej^.  xiv.  155,  .ind  in  his 
(lOTcrnors  0/  J\\iv  Plymouth, ^\.c.\  by  W.  F.  Rae 
in  Good  Words,  xxi.  337 ;  in  the  Congres^ational 
Monlhly,  ix.  337,  393.  His  will  is  in  the  /V.  E. 
Hist,  and  Genccl.  Reg.,  1851,  j).  385;  and  un 
account  of  his  Bible  in  same,  1865,  p.  12.  For 
accounts  of  his  descendants,  see  genealogy  l)v 
(i.  M.  Fessenden  in  Register,  1850,  pp.  39,  233; 
also,  1855,  pp.  127,  218;  i860,  pp.  174,  195.  Cf. 
also  Durrie's  Index  to  American  Genealogies,  and 
S.tvage's  Genealogical  Dictionary. 

Bradford's  views  on  the  Separatist  move- 
inint,  and  on  church  government,  are  given  in 
several  "  Dialogues  between  Old  Men  and  Young 
Men;"  one  of  which,  written  in  1648,  and  copied 
in  the  Records  by  Morton,  is  given  by  Dr.  Young 
VOL.   III.  — 37. 


O 


I 


^5 


g 


^ 


in  his  Chronicles,  and  an- 
other, |)rol)ably  written  in 
1C52,  was  printed  with 
comments  by  Chailes 
Deane  in  the  Muss.  /fist. 
Soc.  Proc,  October,  1870, 
vol.  ix.  p.  396.  See  also 
the  Congregational 
Board's  edition  of  Mor- 
ton's Memorial.  \  letter 
of  Bradford  to  Governor 
Winthrop  on  the  early 
relations  of  the  Plyin- 
outh  Colony  with  the  Bay, 
dated  Feb.  6,  1631-32,  is 
now  in  the  ppssession  of 
Judge  Chamberlain,  of 
the  Boston  Public  Libra- 
ry; and,  with  its  signa- 
tures of  Bradford  and  his 
associates,  it  is  the  most 
precious  autograph  docu- 
ment of  the  Pilgrims  in 
private  hands.  It  is  print- 
ed in  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Ge- 
neal.  Reg.,  ii.  240,  annotated  by  Charles  Deane. 
Some  verses  by  Bradford,  illustrating  in  .1  slen- 
der way  the  colony's  early  history,  were  referred 
to  in  his  will,  and  were  printed  as  a  fragment 
in  .J/i/.r.r.  //isf.  Coll.,  iii.  77,  by  Dr.  Belknap.  The 
original  manuscript  came  with  Belknap's  papers 
to  the  Society,  —  Proceedi-:gs,  iii.  317.  Other 
verses  of  a  similar  character  were  printed  in  3 
Collections,  vii.  27;  still  others  are  edited  by  Mt. 
Deane  in  /'roceedings.  xi.  465.  —  Eli.] 


e 


I « 


290 


NARRATIVE   ANU   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


daily  journal  of  the  first  twelve  months  (Sept.  1620,  to  Dec.  11,  1621  *»  so  called  from  the 
name.  "  G.  Mourt,"  subscribed  to  the  preface,  liut  doubtless  written  by  Bradford  and 
Winslow.  The  standard  edition  is  that  of  1865.  with  notes  by  Dr.  H.  .M.  Dexter.'  A 
few  facts  may  also  be  gleaned  from  a  Ssrnion  (by  Robert  Cushman;  preached  at  Plymouth, 
Dec.  9,   1621,'^  and  from  the  second  edition  of  Captain  John   Smith's  Xev  England's 


■     •'!■ 


■\-'-- 


I.  ( 


I 


^11 1 


'  [.Smith  gave  an  abstract  of  Mourt  in  his 
(.ieiitrall  Historic ;  then  I'urchas,  vol.  iv.,  con- 
densed it;  and  this  condensation  was  reprinted, 
with  notes,  in  1802,  by  Or.  Freeman  in  Mass. 
Hisl.  Coll.,  viii.  203;  but  in  1819  Ur.  Freeman 
and  Judge  Davis  procured  from  a  copy  in  the 
Philadelphia  l,il)rary  the  parts  omitted  by  Pur- 
chas  in  Ibid.,  .\ix.  26.  (Cf.  Proceaiings,  i.  279.) 
Dr.  Young  first  printed  it  entire  in  his  Chronicles. 
Dr.  Cheever,  in  1848,  gave  it  with  disorderly  and 
homiletical  editing  in  \\\&  Journal  of  the  Pilgrims. 
Dr.  Dexter  used  Charles  Deane's  copy.  There 
are  other  copies  in  the  Carter-Brown  and  S.  L. 
M.  Barlow  libraries.  (Cf.  Brinlcy  Catalogue,  no. 
1,909;  Mcnzics  Catalogue,  no.  1,447;  Crmonin- 
shield  Catalogue,  no.  742 ;  and  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Ceneal.  Reg.,  1849,  p.  282,  and  1866,  p.  281.) 
Rich,  in  his  1832  Catalogue,  164  and  171,  priced 
a  copy  at  £2  zs.,  and  in  his  1S44  Catalogue  at 
£1  8j.  ;  Quaritch  recently  held  one  at  £i(>. 
Doctors  Young  and  Dc.xter  agree  that  "  G. 
Mourt  "  must  represent  George  Morton.  A 
previous  note  has  given  Dr.  Dexter  as  the 
best  authority  for  tracing  the  localities  named 
in  this  journal.  .See,  also.  Freeman's  Cape  Cod 
and  De  Costa's  footprints  0/  Miles  Standish. 

Mourt  makes  no  record  of  the  landing  from 
the  "  Mayflower  "  being  upon  a  rock,  nor  does  he 
indicate  the  precise  spot,  or  fix  a  commemorative 
dav.  In  an  earlier  note  mention  has  been  made 
of  a  recent  controversy  on  these  points.  Mr. 
Gav  found  an  earlier  opponent  than  Dr.  Dexter 
in  >[r.  William  T.  Davis,  Boston  Daily  Advertiser, 
Nov.  17,  1S.S1,  to  which  -Mr.  Gay  replied,  Nov. 
30,  iSSi ;  and  again  Mr.  Davis  rejoined,  Dec. 
3.  1S81.  -As  to  the  mistake  of  celebrating 
the  22d  instead  of  the  Jist  December,  which 
arose  from  the  ('ommittee  of  the  Old  Colony 
Club  .-idding  for  the  change  of  style  one  day  too 
many,  a  Committee  of  the  Pilgrim  Society  in 
1S50  recommended  a  change  in  the  commemo- 
ration day  ;  but  though  for  a  few  years  followed, 
it  has  not  effected  a  permanent  compliance,  and 
bv  a  recent  vote  of  the  Society  the  22d  has  been 
re-established.  The  iSjo  Report  was  jirinted. 
(Cf.  X.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  A'eg.,  iv.  350,  369.) 
Mr.  Gav,  in  the  Popular  History  of  the  United 
States,  i.  393,  takes  another  view  of  the  mistake. 
It  was  in  1769  that  the  Plymouth  people  deter- 
mined to  institute  a  celebration,  and  fi.xed  upon 
the  dav,  December  11,  Old  Style,  when  the 
exploring  party  from  the  "Mayflower,"  then  in 
l'ri)\;ncetown  harbor,  first  landed  on  the  main- 
land and  explored  it. 

.\ttempts  have  been  made  to  trace  the 
earlier  and   later  career   of  the   "  Mayflower." 


Mr.  Hunter,  in  an  appendix  to  hU  Founders  of 
\e-M  J'lyinouth,  p.  1S6,  has  shown  how  common 
the  name  was.  She  is  thought  to  have  been 
identical  with  one  of  Winlhrops  fleet  ten  vears 
later;  but  the  slaver  " .MaylSowCT,"  with  which 
she  has  been  sometimes  identifini.  was  a  larger 
ves!  .1.  Cf.  \.  E.  Hut.  and  Geneal.  Keg.,  1S71, 
p.  91,  and  1874,  p.  50;  Calendar  cff  Stute  Papers, 
Domestic  Series,  .April  12,  ijJSS. 

Of  Samoset,  the  Indian  mhom  the  colonists 
first  encountered  after  larding,  there  are  accounts 
in  Dexter's  edition  of  Moon's  Relatum  :  Sewali's 
Ant  ':nt  Dominion  of  Maine,  p.  lot  ;  Popham 
Memorial,  by  Professor  Johnscn,  p.  297 ;  Thorn- 
ton's Pemai/uid,  p.  54 ;  and  in  Maine  Hist.  Coll., 
V.  186. 

Mourt's  Kelatiim  and  Winslow 's  Good  Xnos 
give  the  earliest  accounts  oi  the  Indians  in  the 
Pilgrims'  neighborhood,  who  had  been  nearly 
exterminated  by  a  recent  plague.  {Mass.  Hist. 
&>c.  Proc,  v.  130.)  <)f  Massasoit  and  his  family, 
—  this  chief  being  the  nearer  sachem,  —  Fes- 
senden's  History  of  Warren.  R.  /,  gives  an  ac- 
count. -See  also  E.  \V.  Pcirce's  Indian  History, 
Biography,  and  Genealogy  pertaining  to  tie  good 
Sachem  Massasoit  and  kit  deieendants.  North 
.Abington,  1S78.  Drake,  in  his  Book  of  the 
Indians,  book  ii.  chap.  ii..  and  in  the  .,\'.  E. 
Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg,  1855.  p.  I,  examines  the 
colonists'  relations  with  the  Indians>.  See  Con- 
gregitional  Quarterly,  i.  1 29.  for  a  paper,  "  Did 
the  Pilgrims  wrong  the  Indians?''  Their  efforts 
to  Christianize  them  are  examined  in  the  A]> 
pendix  to  the  Congregational  Bou.<rd's  edition  of 
Morton's.  Memorial. 

It  was  at  Plymouth  (1631-1653)  that  Roger 
Williams  drew  up  his  treatise  attacking  thj 
validity  of  the  titles  acquired  under  the  patents 
granted  by  the  king,  in  accordance  with  the  com- 
mon-law principle  as  understood  at  the  time. 
Acceptance  of  his  views  as  to  the  sole  validity 
of  the  Indian  title  would  have  disturbed  the 
foundations  of  the  colony's  government ;  and  it 
was  not  without  satisfaction  that  the  authorities 
saw  Williams  return  to  the  Bay,  where  his  fac- 
tious and  impracticable  riews  on  civil  policy, 
(juite  as  much  or  even  more  than  any  riews  on 
theology,  led  to  his  subsequent  banishment.  The 
later  history  of  Williams  was  Massachusetts'  best 
vindication.  Charles  Deane  has  thoroughly  ex- 
amined his  position  as  regards  the  patent,  with 
an  amplitude  of  references,  in  the  .IA1.0.  Hi^t 
Soc.  Proc,  February,  1S73.  —  Ed.] 

'•*  [The  bibliograpViv  of  this  famous  discourse 
is  traced  in  the  .\'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg, 
April,   1861,  p.   169;  and  in  the  Hiit.  Mag.,  ii 


THE    PILGRIM    CHURCH   AND   PLYMOUTH   COLONY. 


291 


val.  A'ezc        n 

1  give  ihe    ^*^<^H'^a\t^.i& ^la-vW^^  • 


Trials, — both  published  in  London  in  1622.     WinsU)w'.s  Good  A'eius  from  New  England 

appeared  in  1624,  continuing  the  narrative  of  events  from  November,  1621,  to  September 

10,  1623.'     Ne»ct  came,  after  a  long  interval.  New 

England's  Memorial,  by  Nathaniel  .Morton, 

at  Cambridge  in  1669,  which  professed  to  ] 

annals  of  New  England  to  1668 ;  beyond  the  part  supplied  from  Bradford  and  Winsiow, 

liowevcr,  there  was  little  of  value.     Judge  Jo'in  Davis's-  edition  of  1826  is  still  the  i)est.' 

To  these  materials  the  next  sensible  addition  was  in  the  '•  Summary  of  the  Affairs  of 
tlie  Colony  of  New-Plimouth,"  appended,  in  1767,  to  vol.  ii.  of  Governor  Hutcliinson's 
History  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  and  containing  some  personal  items  not  befote  collected, 
in  1794  a  fragment  of  a  letter-book,  preserving  copies  of  important  lettfs  written  and 
received  by  Governor  Bradford  from  1624  to  1630,  having  lately  been  found  in  Nova 
Scotia,  was  printed  in  the  Massaihusetts  Historical  Collections,  vol.  iii.^  In  179.S  Dr. 
Jeremy  Belknap  included  in  vol.  ii.  of  his  American  Biography  sketches  of  the  leading 
Pilgrims  (Robinson,  Carver,  Bradford.  Brewster,  Cusliman,  Winsiow,  and  Standish).  which 
put  in  admirable  form  all  then  known  of  early  Plymouth  history. 

The  ne.xt  quarter  of  a  centurj-  added  nothing  to  tl)e  e.xisting  stock  of  knowledge,  unless 
by  the  publication  in  1815  of  the  General  History  of  New  England  Xo  1680,  by  the  Rev. 
William  Hubbard  (born  1621,  died  1704),  which,  .so  tar  as  Plymoutli  was  concerned,  was 
little  more  than  a  compilation  from  sources  already  named.  But  with  the  issue,  in 
1826,  of  a  new  edition  of  Morton,  and  in  1830  of  An  Historical  Memoir  of  the  Colony  of 
New  Plymouth,  by  the  Hon.  Francis  Baylies,*  and  in  1832  of  a  History  of  the  Town  oj 
Plymouth,  by  Dr.  James  Thacher,  was  introduced  the  new  era  of  modern  research." 


344;  iv.  57;  v.  89.  Cf.  Sabin's  Oictiauary,  v. 
156.  Dr.  Ue.xter  notes  three  cop  -.  —  his  own, 
tliu  Hodleian's,  and  Charles  Deai  -.  The  ser- 
mnn  has  been  several  times  reprinted  ;  is  given 
in  part  by  Dr.  Young;  also  in  the  Cushman 
iii-ticiiloqy,  and  was  photo-lithographed  (60  coj)- 
ii's|,  in  1S70,  from  Dr.  Dexter's  copy,  then  in 
Mr.  Wiggin's  hands,  with  a  historical  and  bib- 
liogr-iphical  preface  by  Charles  Deane.  Dexter, 
Coiit;nxalioniilisni ,  App.,  p.  30,  gives  the  reprints. 
—  liD.] 

'  [It  was  printed  in  London  in  1624.  There 
are  copies  in  Charles  Deane's  and  the  Carter- 
Krown  collections.  Rich  (1844),  £1  &s.  Pur- 
clias,  vol.  iv.,  abridged  il ;  and  his  abridgment 
was  iirinted  in  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  239,  with 
omissions  supplied  in  xi.x.  74 ;  cf.  also  Proceed- 
ings, i.  279.  Young  first  printed  it  entire  in  his 
Chronicles,  from  a  copy  formerly  in  Harvard 
Cdllege  Librarj- ;  it  is  also  in  t!ie  .Appendix  of 
tlie  Congregational  Board's  edition  of  Morton's 
Memorial.  —  Ed.] 

■■^  [See  a  memoir  of  Judge  Davis  by  Convers 
Francis,  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  x.  186.  —  Ed.] 

^  [The  second  edition,  Boston,  1721,  had  a 
supplement  by  Josiah  Cotton,  with  changes  of 
title,  indicating  perhaps  successive  impressions. 
The  third  edition  appeared  in  1772,  at  Newport. 
Ill  1S26  an  edition  appeared  at  Plymouth,  fol- 
lowed the  same  year  by  Judge  Davis's  at  Boston. 
'I'lie  last  edition  was  issued  by  the  Congrega- 
tional Board  in  1855,  with  notes  and  appendix 
of  Bradfo.-d's  account  of  the  church  from  the 
Colony  records,  and  Winslow's  \isit  to  Mas- 


sasoit,  from  his  Good  Xi-uies.  The  Harvard  Col 
lege  copy  of  the  1669  edition  has  autographs  of 
"W.  Stoiigh'.on"  and  "John  Danforth."  The 
Prince  Library  copy  is  imperfect,  restored  in 
manuscript,  and  has  Prince's  notes.  There  were 
different  imprints  to  the  1721  edition,  the 
Harvard  copy  reading,  "  Reprinted  for  Daniel 
Henchman  ;  "  Charles  Deane's  copy  has  '■  Re- 
printed for  Nicholas  Boone ; "  otherwise  the 
two  seem  to  be  alike.  See  Brintey  Ciilalo^'iie, 
nos.  329,  330  ;  Dexter's  Congregationalism,  --Xpp. 
p.  94;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Froc,  vi.  427;  Tyler's 
American  Literature,  i.  126.  —  En.] 

♦  [Certain  of  the  letters,  being  the  corres|K)nd- 
ence  lietween  the  Plymouth  and  New  Xetherland 
Colonies  in  1627,  are  reprinted  in  the  A'e'U'  York 
Hist.  Coll.,  2d  series,  vol.  i.  See  an  account  of 
the  MS.  in  Cheever's  fournal  of  the  Pilgrims, 
chap,  xxiii.  —  Ed.] 

'>  \Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  i.  246,  279.  S.  G. 
Drake  added  a  fifth  part  and  an  index  to  Baylies*, 
when  Se  re-issued  the  remain  '  r-sheets  of  the 
jrigmal  work,  giving  an  account  of  the  162S  Ken- 
neljec  patent,  with  an  old  map  of  that  region. 
See,  also,  for  the  Pilgrims'  experiences  on  the 
Kennebec,  R.  H.  Gardiner's  paper  in  the  Maine 
Hist.  Coll.  ii.,  and  the  A'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Ay.,  1855,  p.  80,  and  i87i,pp.  201,  274;  for  their 
Penobscot  experiences,  J.  E.  Godfrey's  paper  in 
Maine  Hist.  Coll.  vii.  2g.  —  Ed.] 

6  [An  "Old  Colony  Historical  Society," 
whose  seat  is  at  Taunton,  began  to  publish 
papers  of  a  Collection  in  1878.  The  local  as- 
pect of  the  colony's  history  is  traced  in  various 


'i   i 


i  \ 


M 


292 


NAKKATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMLRICA. 


" 


i  i> 


^l! 


I  IM 


The  Legislature  of  Massachusetts  gave  fresh  impulse  to  this  spirit  of  Investigation  by 
publishing  in  1836,  under  the  editorship  of  Mr.  William  Hrigham,  the  Laws  passed  in 


Plymouih  Colony  from  1623  to  1691,  with 
a  selection  of  other  permanent  documents. 
In  1 84 1  the  Rev.  Alexander  Young'  col- 
lected, under  the  title  of  Chronicles  of  the 
Filgrim  Fathers  from  1602  to  1625,  the 
principal  writings  of  that  period,  and,  en- 
riching them  with  a  body  of  useful  notes, 
made  a  volume  which  still  retains  a  distinct 
value.  In  1846  and  1851  a  local  antiquary, 
Mr.  William  S.  Russell,'^  brought  out  two 
small  volumii.s, — A  Guide  to  Plymouth  and 
Pilgrim  Memorials,  —  which  are  not  yet 
superseded ;  Mr.  William  H.  Bartlett's  Pil- 
frrim  Fathers*  (1853)  added  something  to 
the.se  local  touches.  Between  1855  and 
1 861  the  Records  of  the  Colony  of  New 
Plymouth  were  printed  in  extenso,  hy  order 

town  and  parish  histuries,  to  which  clews  will 
l>e  found  in  F.  B.  Terkins's  CAfci  List  of  Amer- 
ican Local  LJislory,  Colburn's  Massachusetts  Bib- 
lio);raphy,  and  in  the  historical  sketch  prefixed 
to  the  Plymouth  County  Atlas,  Koston,  1879. 

These  local  histories  usually  contain  more 
or  less  genealogical  information  about  the  de- 
scendants of  the  "  first  comers,"  as  those  who 
came  in  the  first  three  vessels 
("  Mayflower,"    180  tons,  in 
1620;  "  Fortune,"  55  tons,  in 
1621 ;  "Ann,"  140  tons,  and 
"  Little  James,"  44  tons,  1623) 
are  distinctively  called ;   and 
various  family  histories  have 
also  traced  the  spread  of  I'il- 
grim   blood    throughout    the 
American   States.      Savage's 
Ceneal.  Diet,   of  .V^  E.,  and 
the  bibliographies  of  Amer- 
ican genealogies  by  Whitmore 
and  Durrie.willindicate these. 
Dr.  N.  K.  Shurtleff  published  the  long-accepted 
list  of  the  "  Mayflower  "  passengers  in  the  N.  E. 
J/ist.  and  Geneal.  Keg.,   i.  47    (also   separately 
privately  printed);  but  several  errors  were  cor- 
rected on  the  recovery  of  the  Bradford  manu- 
script, and  the  true  list  is  printed  in  that  History. 
—  Ed.] 

'  \k  memoir  of  Dr.  Young  by  Chandler  Rob- 


^kn 

^ 


J 


ooat.ni(Kyu 


^ 


e,ir 


^/^  ^ry 


JTCLTlCitS         -fi^oAV 


°5 


FIRST  PAGE,   PLYMOUTH   RECORDS.' 


241. 


bins  will  be  found  in  4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  ii. 
—  Ed.] 

2  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Peg.,  1863,  p.  366. 

3  [A  Dutch  translation  of  this,  published  in 
1859,  may  indicate  the  interest  still  felt  in  the 
story  in  the  land  of  their  e.\ile.  —  Ed.] 

*  [This  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Governor 
Bradford :  it  is  also  in  Hazard,  i.  100,  and  in  the 


I     I 


THE    I'lLCiRIM   CHURCH    AMJ    I'LVMOUTH    COLONY. 


293 


fist.  Coll.,  ii.  241. 


nf  the  State  Legislature,  iiiulcr  the  editorship  of  Dr.  X.  H.  Shurtleff '  and  Mr.  David 
Pulsifer. 

The  year  1856  was  made  memorable  by  the  printing  of  liradt'ord's  manuscript,  and 
two  years  later  appeared  the  initial  volume  of  Dr.  John  (1.  I'alfrey's  llis/ory  of  iXew 
Eiit^laiitl,  which  comprehends  by  far  the  best  of  modern  narratives  of  the  complete  career 
of  Plymouth  Colony.  Only  in  subsidiary  literature  have  the  more  recent  years  added 
anything.  Valuable  bibliographical  notes  on  Pilgrim  history,  by  the  editor  of  the  present 
volume,  were  printed  in  the  HnrvarU  Collcf^c  Lihrary  linlletin  for  1878,  nos.  7  and  8;  and 
the  ••Collections  toward  a  Uibliography  of  Congregationalism,"  appended  to  Dr.  H.  .M. 
Dexter's  CoHi;rei;atioiuilism  as  sir/i  in  its  Literature  (1880),  are  indispensable  to  future 
students.  In  1881  General  E.  VV.  Peirce  published  a  useful  volume  of  Ci-i'il,  Military, 
<///(/  Professional  Lists  of  Ply  mouth  ami  Rhode  Island  Colonies  to  1 700. 

Apart  from  strictly  historical  composition,  the  theme  has  inspired  some  of  the  greatest 
oratorical  efforts  of  the  sons  of  New  England  in  the  present  century,  —  especially  in  con- 
nection with  the  stated  annual  celebrations  of  the  Pilgrim  .Society,^  formed  at  Plymouth  in 
1820  (a  successor  of  the  earlier  Old  Colony  Club,*  founded  in  1769).  Most  deservedly  con- 
spicuous in  this  series  are  the  orations  delivered  in  1820  by  Daniel  Webster,  in  1824  by 
Edward  Everett,  and  in  1870  by  Robert  C.  Winthrop;  of  similar  note  arc  several  of  the 
or.itions  before  the  New  England  Society  of  New  York,  founded  in  1805.  The  Pilgrim 
Society  has  also  fostered  local  sentiment  by  erecting  (in  1824)  Pilgrim  Hall  in  the  town  of 
Plymouth,  and  by  gathering  within  it  a  valuable  collection  of  memorials  of  the  early 
settlers  and  of  portraits  of  historical  interest.* 

A  portrait  of  Edward  VVinslow  (engraved  on  a  previous  page)  is  in  Pilgrim  Hall  at 
Plymouth,  and  is  the  only  undoubted  portrait  of  any  of  the  Pilgrims  now  existing.^  Of 
the  many  attempts  to  depict  on  canvas  signal  events  of  Pilgrim  history,  the  most  import- 
ant is  a  painting  by  Robert  W.  Weir  of  the  embarkation  at  Delft  Haven,  executed  in 
1846,  and  occupying  one  of  the  panels  in  the  Rotunda  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington.* 
The  most  imposing  works  of  architecture  and  sculpture  in  commemoration  of  the  same 
events  are  the  canopy  recently  erected  over  the  rock  in  Plymouth  on  which  the  Pilgrims 
are  believed  to  have  landed,  and  the  monument  on  a  neighboring  hill-top.' 


State  edition,  xii.  2.  It  is  not  clear  when  the 
entry  was  made.  Pulsifer, 'AVfor-(/r,  xii.  p.  iv., 
hulds  it  was  written  in  1620;  .Shurtleff,  Ibid.,  i. 
Inirud.,  says  that  all  entries  dated  before  1627 
were  made  in  this  last  year.  Beside  the  account 
(if  the  records  in  this  introduction,  there  is 
another  in  3  Afass.  Hist.  Coll-,  ii.  Also  see  N.  E. 
Hist,  and  Genail.  Keg.,  1858,  p.  358.  The  State 
edition  is  in  twelve  volumes,  usually  bound  in 
ten ;  and  was  originally  sold  for  $75,  but  is  now 
obtainable  at  a  much  less  price. 

The  patents  under  which  the  colony  gov- 
erned itself  have  been  defined  in  the  preceding 
n.irrative,  and  in  a  note  the  first  one  is  traced. 
(f'f.  also  Neill's  notes  on  it  in  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Cental.  Reg.,  1876,  p.  413,  and  Poor's  Vindication 
•if  Gorges.)  The  second  patent,  of  April  20,  1622, 
IS  nut  extant.  The  third,  of  Jan.  13,  1629-30,  is 
at  Plymouth  in  the  Registry  of  Deeds,  and  is 
printed  in  Brigham's  edition  of  the  Laws, 
Hazard's  Collections,  etc.  Cf.  Mass.  Archives, 
Miscellanies,  i.  123.  —  Ed.] 

'  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  .\iii.  390. 

''■  See  ..V.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  i.  114. 

•'  See  Ibid.,  iv.  367. 

*  |It  was  remodelled  in  1880,  when  a  frag- 
ment of  the  rock,  which  was  taken  from  the 


larger  portion  in  1774,  and  after  having  been 
kept  Ijefore  the  Court  House  till  1834,  when  it 
was  placed  before  this  hall,  was  taken  back  to 
its  original  site  beneath  the  present  monumental 
canopy.  —  Ed.] 

''  The  family  tradition  fixes  the  painting  of 
it  in  1651,  and  Vandyke,  to  whom  it  has  been 
assigned,  died  in  1541.  See  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc,  XV.  324,  for  a  notice  of  an  alleged  portrait 
of  Miles  .Standish ;  also  Memorial  History  of 
Boston,  i.  63 

''  [See  Dr.  Waddington's  description  of  a 
picture  in  one  of  the  compartments  of  the  Lords' 
corridor  at  Westminster,  representing  with  .some 
misconception  the  same  scene.  Historical  Mag- 
azine, i.  149.  Sargent's  picture  of  the  landing 
at  Plymouth,  well  known  from  engravings,  is  in 
Pilgrim  Hall.  Al  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  iv. 
193.  —  Ed.] 

•  [This  monument,  after  a  design  by  Ham- 
matt  Billings,  was  originally  intended  to  he  one 
hundred  and  fifty  feet  high  ;  but  it  was  reduced 
nearly  one-half,  as  the  necessary  subscriptions 
failed.  It  bears  a  colossal  figure  of  Faith,  and 
four  other  typical  figures  surrounding  the  base, 
not  all  of  which  are  yet  in  place.  N.  E.  Hist, 
and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1857,  p.  283.  —  Ed.] 


:'  '»if 


'ii 


w 


if 


294 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


•11. 


m  .J   • 


ir  \', 


^l 


In  poetical  literature  tlie  most  serious  and  sustained  effort  to  represent  the  Pilgrim 
spirit  is  in  l,onj;fel!ow's  "  Courtsiiip  of  Miles  Standisli  "  (1859);  •  while  in  briefer  compass 
Old  Enjjiand,  tlirouj;li  Lord  Houghton  (Prefatory  Stanzas  to  Hunter's  Foundtrs  0/  Xew 
Plymouth)  and  Mrs.  Hemans  ("Landing  of  the  I'ilgrim  Fathers"),  and  New  England 
tiirough  I'ierpont  ("The  I'ilgrim  Fathers  ";  and  Lo\*ell  ("Interview  witli  Miles  Standish"), 
have  vied  in  celebrating  the  character  and  deeds  of  the  exiles  of  1C20.''' 


^W^kAAa^  ^   2)>H?^c^. 


'  [This  well-known  production  is  for  the 
histiiricil  student  iiiiich  disfigured  by  abundant 
anachrunism.-i,  which,  as  it  happens,  du  nut  con- 
duce to  the  effect  (if  the  pocui.  Crayon,  v.  356; 
Aliig.  of  Amu-.  Uiit.,  April,  1882. —  Ed.] 


*  [A  collection  of  the  minor  commemorative 
poems,  edited  by  Zilpha  II.  Spooncr,  was  |)uli' 
lished  as  Poems  of  the  Pilj^rims,  Dostou,  iSSj. 
with  phutugraphs  of  associated  localities.  C'(. 
Uoston  Daily  AJvoiiser,  April  32,  i88l. —  Ed.J 


!  '  Mil 


CHAPTER     IX. 

NEW   ENGLAND. 

BV  CHARLES  DKANK,  I.L.I)., 
yict-Prtiidtnt  of  Iht  ilautuhtutls  Hiitorical  Socuty. 


The  CouN'CII.  ior  New  ENfil.AXr).  —  This  body  was  incorporated  in 
the  eighteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  James  I.,  on  the  3d  of  November, 
1620,  under  the  name  of  the  "  Council  estabhshed  at  I'lymouth,  in  the 
C^ounty  of  Devon,  for  the  phmting,  ruHng,  ordering,  and  governing  of  New 
Kngland,  in  America."  The  corporation  consisted  of  forty  patentees,  the 
most  of  whom  were  persons  of  distinction :  tliirteen  were  peers,  some 
of  the  highest  rank.  The  patentees  were  empowered  to  hold  territory  in 
America  extending  from  the  fortieth  to  the  forty-eighth  degree  of  north 
latitude,  and  westward  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  they  were 
authorized  to  settle  and  govern  the  same.  This  charter  is  the  founda- 
tion of  most  of  the  grants  which  were  afterward  made  of  the  territory  of 
New  England. 

This  Company  was  substantially  a  reincorporation  of  the  adventurers  or 
associates  of  the  Northern  Colony  of  Virginia,  with  additional  privileges, 
placing  them  on  a  footing  with  their  rivals  of  the  Southern  Colony,  whose 
franchise  had  been  twice  enlarged  since  the  issuing  of  the  original  charter 
i)f  April  10,  1606,  which  incorporated  both  companies.  A  notice  of  this 
earlier  enterprise  will  but  briefly  detain  us. 

While  the  Southern  Colony  had  attracted  the  wealth  anc'  influence  of 
leading  adventurers  who  represented  the  more  liberal  party  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  were  enabled  to  prosecute  their  plans  of  colonization  .vith  vigor  to 
a  good  degree  of  success,  the  Northern  Colony  had  signally  fc.iled  from  the 
beginning.  The  former  had  established  at  Jamestown,  in  1607,  the  first 
permanent  English  Colony  in  America.  The  latter  produced  no  greate: 
results  than  the  abortive  settlement  at  Sabino,  known  as  the  Popham 
Colony.*  The  discouragement  following  upon  its  abandonment  prompted 
the  withdrawal  of  many  of  the  adventurers,  though  the  organization  of  the 
patentees  still  survived ;  but  of  their  meetings  and  records  we  have  no 
trace.     Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  himself  would  not  despair,  but  engaged  his 

'  The  stories  of  these  two  cclonies  are  told  respectively  in  chapters  v.  and  vi. 


u 


. 


396 


NARKAIIVi:   AM)   CKIIKAL    HISTORY   OF   AMKKICA. 


private  fortune  in  fishing,  trading,  anil  exploring;  ixpcditions,  and  in  makini; 
.ittcmpts  at  scttlcMHiil.  Man)'  of  tlicsc  enterprises  he  speaks  of  as  private 
ventures,  wliile  the  Council  for  New  ICnt^laiul,  in  their  IWicJe  Relation,  of 
1622,  which  I  have  sometimes  thought  was  written  by  Gorges  himself, 
speaks  «.f  them  in  the  name  of  the  Company.  The  probabihty  is  that 
Gor^jes  was  the  principal  person  who  kept  alive  tlie  cherished  scheme  «>f 
settling,'  the  country,  anti  by  his  influence  a  few  other  persons  were  enyayed, 
and  the  name  of  the  Council  covered  many  of  these  enterprises. 


i\ 


:r! 


1 1 


'.'  ! 


\h>  I 


(ior^es  now  conceivetl  the  sclienie  of  a  };reat  monopoly.  Kinp  James 
had  rei^;ned  since  1614  without  a  parliament,  and  during  the  following;  year-i 
down  to  the  meeting'  of  the  next  parliament,  in  January,  1620  21,  a  large 
part  of  the  business  of  the  country  had  been  monopolizetl  by  individuals  «)r 
by  associations  that  had  secured  special  privile^fcs  from  the  Crow  n.  (ior^es 
was  a  friend  of  the  Kinj;  and  of  the  "  prerogative."  Under  the  plea  of 
desiring  a  new  incorporation  of  the  adventurers  of  the  Northern  Colony,  in 
order  to  place  them  on  an  ecpiality  of  pri\ileges  with  the  Southern  Col«»ny, 
Gorges  had  devised  the  plan  of  securing  a  monoply  of  the  fishing  in  the 
waters  of  New  England  for  the  patentees  of  the  new  corporatiim,  and  for 
those  who  held  or  purchased  license  from  them.  He  had  the  adroitness  to 
enlist  in  his  favor  a  large  manber  of  the  principal  noblemen  and  gentlemen. 
Relative  to  his  proceedings,  Gorges  himself  says:  "  Of  this,  my  resohitiim, 
I  was  bold  to  offer  the  sounder  considerations  to  divers  of  his  Majesty's 
honorable  Privy  Council,  who  had  so  good  liking  thereunto  as  they  willingly 
became  interested  themselves  therein  as  patentees  and  councillors  for  the 
managing  of  the  business,  by  whose  favors  I  had  the  easier  passage  in  the 
obtaining  his  Majesty's  royal  charter  to  be  granted  us  accortling  to  his 
warrant  to  the  then  solicitor-general,"  etc.  The  petition  for  the  new 
charter  was  dated  March  3,  161920;  the  warrant  for  its  preparation,  July 
23;   and  it  passed  the  seals  Nov.  3,  1620. 

An  inspection  of  the  several  patents  granted  by  King  James  will  show 
that,  in  those  of  1606  and  1609,  among  the  privileges  conferred  is  that  of 
"  fishings."  But  the  word  is  there  used  in  connection  with  other  privileges 
appertaining  to  and  within  the  precincts  conveyed,  such  as  "  mines,  minerals. 
marshes,"  etc.,  and  probably  meant  "  fishings  "  in  rivers  and  ponds,  and  not 
in  the  seas.  In  fhe  patent  of  Nov.  3,  1620,  a  similar  clause  ends,  "and  sca~ 
adjoining,"  which  may  be  intended  to  cover  the  alleged  privilege.  In  thi- 
patent,  as  in  the  others,  there  is  no  clause  forbidding  free  fishing  within  the 
seas  of  New  ICngland ;  but  all  persons  without  license  first  obtained  from 
the  Council  are,  in  the  patent  of  Nov.  3,  1620,  forbidden  to  visit  the  coast, 
and  the  clause  of  forfeiture  of  vessel  and  cargo  is  inserted.  This  prevented 
fishermen  from  landing  and  procuring  wood  for  constructing  stages  to  dry 
their  fish. 

A  few  days  after  the  petition  of  Gorges  and  his  associates  had  been  pre- 
sented to  the  King  for  a  new  charter,  with  minutes  indicating  the  nature  of 


\y  \A  •  I 


H> 


SEW  ENTiLAND. 


»97 


the  privilc^;^s  .iikc<l  for.  the  Southern  (.'«»Iony  took  the  alarm,  and  the  sub- 
ject was  brought  before  its  members  by  the  treasurer,  Sir  I-Iclwin  Sandys, 
.It  a  meeting;  <»n  the  i  5th  of  March,  1619  20,  .it  which  a  committee  was  ap- 
|Miinte(l  ti>  .ippear  bef<»re  the  I'rivy  Council  the  next  day,  to  protest  a(;ainst 
the  fishinj^  monopoly  asked  for  by  the  Northern  Colony.  The  result  of  the 
conference,  at  which  florj^es  was  present,  was  a  reference  to  two  members 
of  the  Council.  —  the  Duke  of  Ix-nox  and  the  l-2arl  of  Arundell,  both  paten- 
tees ill  the  new  patent;  and  they  decided  or  recommended  that  each  c«)lony 
should  fish  within  the  bounds  of  the  other,  with  this  limitation,  —  "  that  it 
be  only  for  the  sustentation  of  the  people  of  the  colonies  there,  and  for  the 
transportation  of  people  into  cither  colony."  This  order  j^ave  satisfaction 
to  neither  part)-.  The  Southern  Colony  protestetl  a^^ainst  beinj;  deprived 
of  privilejjes  which  they  had  always  enjoyed,  (iorj^es  contended  that  the 
Nortlicrn  Colony  had  been  excluded  from  the  limits  of  the  rival  company, 
.md  he  only  desired  the  same  priviletje  of  excludinji  them  in  turn.  The 
matter  came  again  before  the  I'rivy  Council  on  the  21st  of  July  followinj;, 
and  that  board  confirmed  the  recommendation  of  the  16th  of  March.  Two 
ilays  later,  on  the  2^d  of  July,  the  warrant  to  the  solicitor-},'eneral  for  the 
|)reparatioii  of  the  patent  was  issued,  and  it  passed  the  seals,  as  already 
stated,  on  the  3d  of  November. 

On  the  following  day,  November  4.  Sir  Kdwin  Sandys  announced  at  a 
imeting  of  the  Southern  Colony,  or  what  was  now  known  as  the  Virginia 
Company,  that  the  patent  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  containing  certain 
words  which  contradicted  a  former  order  of  the  Lords  of  the  Council, 
h.ul  passed  the  seals,  and  that  the  adventurers  of  the  Northern  Colony 
In-  this  grant  had  utterly  excluded  the  Southern  C<ilony  from  fishing 
on  that  coast  without  their  leave  and  license  first  sought  and  obtained. 
\W  a  general  consent  it  was  resolved  to  supplicate  his  Majesty  for  rcdrcs-. 
and  Sir  Thomas  Roc  was  desired  to  present  the  petition  which  had  been 
drawn. 

On  the  13th  Sir  Thomas  Roc  reported  that  he  had  attended  to  that 
duty,  and  tiiat  the  King  had  said  that  if  anything  was  passed  in  the  New 
Ijigland  patent  prejudicial  to  the  Southern  Colony,  it  was  surreptitiously 
(lime,  and  without  his  knowledge,  and  that  he  had  been  abused  thereby  by 
those  who  pretended  otherwise  unto  him.  This  was  confirmed  by  the  I*'arl 
of  Southampton,  who  further  said  that  the  King  gave  command  to  the  Lord 
Chamberlain,  then  present,  that  if  this  new  patent  were  not  sealed,  to  for- 
bear the  seal ;  and  if  it  were  scaled  and  not  delivered,  to  keep  it  in  hand 
till  they  were  -better  informed.  His  Lordship  further  signified  that  on 
.•Saturday  last  they  had  been  with  the  I^ord  Chancellor  about  it,  when  were 
present  the  Duke  of  Lenox,  the  Earl  of  ArunuvU,  and  others,  who.  after 
hearing  the  allegations  on  both  sides,  ordered  that  the  patent  should  be 
delivered  to  be  perused  by  some  of  the  Southern  Colony,  who  were  to  report 
what  exceptions  they  found  thereunto  against  the  next  meeting.  Two  days 
later  it  was  announced  through  the  Earl  of  Southampton  that,  at  a  recent 

VOL.    III.  — 38. 


Ci  M 


V 


ii 


tii 


298 


NARRATIVE   ANO   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ii.r 


m 


conference  with  Gorges,  it  was  agreed  that  for  the  present  "the  patent  of 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  should  be  sequestered  and  deposited  in  my  Lord 
Chancellor's  hands  according  to  his  Majesty's  express  command." 

The  Council  for  New  England,  in  their  Briefe  Relation  (1622)  of  these 
proceedings,  recounting  the  opposition  of  the  Virginia  Company,  say  that 
"  lastly,  the  patent  being  passed  the  seal,  it  was  stopped,  upon  new  sugges- 
tions to  the  King,  and  by  his  Majesty  referred  to  the  Council  to  be  settled, 
by  whom  the  former  orders  were  confirmed,  the  difference  cleared,  and  wc 
ordered  to  have  our  patent  delivered  us." 

The  modifications  suggested  or  directed  by  the  Privy  Council  appear 
not  to  have  been  embodied  in  the  instrument  itself  as  it  passed  the  seals. 
Gorges'  friends  were  very  strong  in  the  council  board,  some  of  the  mem- 
bers being  patentees  in  the  grant,  and  they  carried  matters  with  a  high 
hard.  But  before  the  order  came  for  the  final  delivery  of  the  patent, 
Gorges  and  his  patentees  were  called  to  encounter  a  still  more  formidable 
opposition.  Gorges  himself  tells  us  that  his  rivals  had  plainly  told  him 
that  "howsoever  I  had  sped  before  the  Lords,  I  should  hear  more  of  it 
the  next  Parliament ;  "  and  that  this  body  was  no  sooner  assembled  than 
he  found  it  too  true  wherewith  he  had  been  formerly  threatened. 

The  Parliament  met  Jan.  16,  1620  21,  it  being  the  first  time  for  more 
than  seven  j'ears,  and  at  once  adjourned  to  the  30th  of  that  month.  On 
its  assembling,  the  House  of  Commons  immediately  proceeded  to  present 
the  public  grievances  of  the  kingdom,  prominent  among  which  were  the 
monopolies  that  had  sprung  up  like  hydras  during  the  last  few  years  un- 
der the  royal  prerogative.  On  the  17th  of  April  "An  Act  for  the  freer 
liberty  of  fishing  vo}'ages,  to  be  made  and  performed  on  the  sea-coast  and 
places  of  Newfoundland,  Virginia,  New  England,  and  other  the  sea-coasts 
and  parts  of  America,"  was  introduced.  On  the  25th  this  was  repeated,  and 
a  debate  followed,  opened  by  Sir  ICdwin  Sandys,  who  called  attention  to 
the  new  grant  obtained  for  what  had  now  come  to  be  called  New  lingland, 
with  a  sole  privilege  of  fishing;  also  to  the  fact  that  the  King,  who  had  been 
made  acquainted  with  it,  had  stayed  the  patent ;  that  the  Virginia  Company 
desired  no  appropriation  of  this  fishing  to  them ;  that  it  was  worth  one 
hundred  thousand  pounds  per  annum  in  coin;  that  the  English  "little  fre- 
quent this,  in  respect  of  this  prohibition,  but  the  Dutch  and  French."  He 
therefore  moved  for  "  a  free  liberty  for  all  the  King's  subjects  for  fishing 
there,"  saying  it  was  pitiful  that  any  of  the  King's  subjects  should  be  pro- 
hibited, since  the  French  and  Dutch  were  at  liberty  tc  come  and  fish  there 
notwithstanding  the  colony. 

The  debate  was  continued.  Secretary  Calvert  "  doubteth  the  fishermen 
the  hinderers  of  the  plantation ;  that  tiiey  burn  great  store  of  woods,  and 
choke  the  havens  ;  "  that  he  "  never  will  strain  the  King's  prerogative  against 
the  good  of  the  commonwealth ;  "  and  that  it  was  "  not  fit  to  make  any 
laws  here  for  those  countries  which  not  as  yet  annexed  to  the  Crown." 

The  bill  was  committed  to  Sir  Edwin  Sandys,  and  a  full  hearing  adver- 


'k' 


Ni:\V    i:  NO  LAND. 


299 


tizcd  to  all  burgesses  of  London,  York,  and  tlic  port  towns,  who  might  wish 
to  testify,  that  day  seven-night,  in  the  l-^xchetiuer  Chamber. 

On  the  4th  of  June  Parliament  adjourned  to  the  14th  of  November,  and 
in  the  intermission  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  was  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison. 
It  is  significant  that,  notwithstanding  this  opposition  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, the  Privy  Council,  on  the  18th,  ordered  that  the  sequestered  patent 
he  delivered  to  Gorges,  in  terms  which  provideil  that  each  colony  (the 
Northern  and  the  Southern)  should  have  the  additional  freedom  of  the 
shore  for  the  drying  of  their  nets  and  the  taking  and  saving  of  their  fish,  and 
to  have  wood  for  their  necessary  uses,  etc. ;  also  that  the  patent  of  the 
Northern  plantation  be  renewed  according  to  the  premises,  while  those  of 
tlie  .St)uthcrn  plantation  were  to  have  a  sight  thereof  before  it  be  engrossed, 
and  that  the  former  patent  be  delivered  to  the  patentees. 

I  have  already  remarked  that  the  orders  of  the  Privy  Council  early 
directed  certain  modifications  to  be  made  in  the  proposed  patent  which 
were  not  embodied  in  it  when  first  drawn ;  nor  were  they  ultimately  in- 
cluded, although  (jorges  himself  admitted,  when  afterward  summoned 
before  the  Committee  of  the  House  of  Commons,  that  the  patent  yet 
remained  in  the  Crown  office,  "where  it  was  left  since  the  last  Par- 
liament" (he  meant,  since  the  last  session  of  Parliament),  "for  that  it 
was  resolved  to  be  renewed  for  the  amendment  of  some  faults  contained 
therein." 

No  doubt  the  intention  was  that  a  new  patent  should  be  drawn,  and  that 
the  delivery  of  the  existing  parchment  was  provisional  only.*  The  patent, 
however,  never  was  renewed,  though  a  scheme  for  a  renewal  of  a  most 
radical  character  was  seriously  contemplated  all  through  the  year  following 
tile  dissolution  of  the  Parliament  in  1622 ;  and  Sir  Henry  Spelman  and 
John  Selden  were  consulted  in  regard  to  land  tenures,  the  rights  of  the 
Crown,  and  the  like,  in  reference  thereto. 

On  the  reassembling  of  Parliament  in  November,  the  subject  was  once 
a^ain  approached  in  the  Commons.  It  was  charged  that  since  the  recess 
("mrges  had  executed  a  patent.  One  had  been  issued,  dated  June  i,  1621, 
to  John  Peirce  for  the  Plymoutli  people.  He  had  also,  by  patent  or  by 
verbal  agreement,  by  the  King's  request,  released  to  Sir  William  Alexander 
all  the  land  east  of  St.  Croix,  known  as  Nova  Scotia,  confirmed  to  him  by 
.1  royal  charter  September  10  of  this  year.'^  It  was  also  charged  that 
liorges  was  threatening  to  use  force  in  restricting  the  right  to  fish  ;  and 
accordingly  on  the  20th  an  order  was  passed  directing  his  patent  to  be 
brought  ill  to  the  Committee  on  Grievances.'' 

'  '1"1k'  records  of  the  Council  for  New  V.nu,-  the  nccess.iry  supply  of  what  is  foiiiul  de- 
land  frccpiently  refer  to  the  subject  of  the  fective,"  etc.  Then  follow  si.me  n\invitcs  of 
renewal  of  their  jMtcnt.  Under  the  date  of  additional  changes  desired  l)y  the  i)atenlees 
Auj^.  6,  1622,  we  read:  "Forasmuch  as  it  has  themselves. 

Iieen   ordered   by   the    Lords   of   his   Majesty's  '^  [See  Vol.  IV.  chap.  iv.  —  I'Ji.l 

I'rivy  Council   that   the    Patent    for   New   Kng-  ^  "Mr.  Glanvyle  ntoveth  to  speed  the  bill  of 

iniul  shall  be  renewed,  as  well  for  the  amend-  fishing  upon  the  coast  of  America,  the   rather 

iiuiil  of  some  things  therein   contained  as  for  because   Sir  Ferdinand  (Jorge  hath  executed  > 


if  I 


i  M 


300 


NARRATIVK   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


!i 


I''  ■ 


I '.'I'' 


The  result  was  that  on  the  21st  of  December  arj  Act  for  freer  liberty  of 
fishing  passed  the  Commons,  while  previously,  on  the  18th,  "  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando  Gorges  and  Sir  Jo.  Bowcer,  the  patentees  for  fishing  in  and  about 
New  England,  to  be  warned  to  appear  here  the  first  day  of  ne.\t  Access, 
and  to  bring  their  patent,  or  a  copy  thereof"  Parliament  then  adjourned 
to  the  8th  of  t'ebruary;  but  it  was  subsequently  prorogued  and  dissolved. 
Before  the  adjournment,  in  the  afternoon,  the  Commons,  foreseeing  their 
dissoludon,  entered  on  their  records  a  protestation  in  vindication  of  their 
rights  and  privileges ;  but  the  record  is  here  mutilated  by  having  the  ob- 
noxious passage  torn  out  by  the  hands  of  the  King,  who  sent  for  the 
Journal  of  the  House  and  placed  this  mark  of  his  tyranny  upon  it.  Gorges 
himself,  at  this  session  of  the  Parliament,  twice  appeared  before  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  House,  and  had  a  preliminary  examination  without  his  coun- 
sel. He  was  questioned  by  Sir  Edward  Coke  about  his  patent,  which  Coke 
called  a  grievance  of  the  commonwealth,  and  complained  of  as  "  a  mono- 
poly, and  the  color  of  planting  a  colony  put  upon  it  for  particular  ends  and 
private  gain."  Gorges  says  he  was  treated  with  great  courtesy,  but  was 
told  that  "  the  Public  was  to  be  respected  before  all  particulars,"  and  that 
the  patent  must  be  brought  into  the  House.  Gorges  replied  by  defending 
the  plan  of  the  adventurers,  which  he  said  was  undertaken  for  the  advance- 
ment of  religion,  the  enlargement  of  the  bounds  of  the  nation,  the  increase 
of  trade,  and  the  employment  of  many  thousands  of  people.  He  rehearsed 
what  had  already  been  done  in  the  discovery  and  seizure  of  the  coast,  told 
of  the  failures  and  discouragements  encountered,  and  explained  the  present 
scheme  of  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  intended  plar.Lation  for  he  public 
good.  As  for  the  delivery  of  the  patent,  he  had  not  the  oower  to  do  it 
himself,  as  he  was  but  a  particular  person,  and  inferior  to  many.  Besides, 
the  patent  still  remained,  for  aught  he  knew,  in  the  Crown  Office,  where  it 
was  left  for  amendment.  He  was  then  told  to  be  prepared  to  attend  further 
at  a  future  day,  and  with  counsel.  In  the  end,  also,  the  b'-^aking  up  of  Par- 
liament prevented  the  bill  for  free  fishing,  which  had  passed  the  Commons, 
from  becoming  a  law. 

Of  course,  the  opposition  encountered  —  first  from  the  Virginia  Company 
and  then  from  the  House  of  Commons,  the  latter  representing  largely  the 
popular  sentiment — was  a  serious  hindrance  to  the  operations  of  the  Coun- 


I*,     ' 


patent  since  the  recess.  Hath,  by  letters  from 
the  Lords  of  the  Council,  stayed  the  ships  ready 
to  go  forth. 

"  Mr.  Neale  accordant,  that  Sir  Ferdinaiulo 
hath  besides  threatened  to  send  out  ships  to  beat 
off  from  their  free  fishing,  and  restraineth  the 
shijis,  lit  supra. 

"  Sir  Edward  Coke,  that  the  patent  may  be 
brought  in  ;  and  Sir  T.  Wentworth,  that  the 
liarty  may  be  sent  for. 

"  Ordered,  the  patent  shall  be  brought  in  to 
the  Committee  for  Grievanc  -s  upon  Friday  next, 
and  Sir  Jo.  Bowcer  [Bourchier,  one  of  the  pa- 


tentees] and  -Sir  Ferdinando  his  son,  to  be 
sent  for,  to  l)e  then  there,  if  he  be  in  town. 
Sir  Ferdinando  himself  being  captain  of  Ports- 
mouth" (Plymouth). 

On  the  24th,  "  Neale  moveth  again  concern- 
ing .  .  .  restraint  of  fishing  upon  the  toasts  of 
...  it  may  be  brought  in  at  the  next  .  .  .  for 
grievances  and  the  Com.  .  .  . 

"  Ordered,  the  patent,  or  in  the  default 
thereof  [a  copy?],  shall  be  considered  of  by  the 
said  com[mitteeJ  in  the  afternoon.  Sir  Jo.  B.irr 
[Bowcer?  .  .  .]  attend  the  said  committee  at 
that  time." — Journal  of  the  House  of  Commons. 


w 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


cil  for  New  England.  The  disputes  with  the  former,  the  Council  themselves 
say,  "held  them  almost  two  years,  so  as  all  men  were  afraid  to  join  with 
them." 

The  records  of  the  Council,  so  far  as  they  are  extant,  begin  on  "  Satur- 
day, the  last  of  May,  1622,"  at  "  Whitehall,"  at  which  there  were  seven 
persons  present,  "  the  Lord  Duke  of  Lenox "  heading  the  list.  Some 
business  was  transacted  before  this  date,  as  the  first  day's  record  here  refers 
to  it.  The  record  of  the  organization  of  the  Council  is  wanting;  and  two 
persons  named  as  present  at  this  meeting — Captain  Samuel  Argall  and 
Dr.  Barnabe  Goche  —  were  not  included  in  the  list  of  the  forty  patentees. 
They  must  have  been  elected  since,  in  the  place  of  others  who  had  resigned. 
Goche  was  now  elected  treasurer  in  the  place  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges. 
I  think  that  the  Duke  of  Lenox^was  the  first  president  of  the  Council.  In 
the  patent  granted  to  John  Peirce,  mentioned  above  as  taken  out  on  behalf 
of  the  Pilgrims,  dnted  June  i,  162 1,  —  which,  I  may  add,  was  nearly  a  year 
before  the  date  of  any  known  record  of  the  Council, —  purporting  to  be 
signed  by  "  the  President  and  Counsell,"  who  have  "  set  their  seals  "  to  the 
same,  were  the  names  of  Lenox,  Hamilton,  Ro.  Warwick,  Sheffield,  F"erd. 
Gorges,  in  the  order  here  given,  and  one  other  name  indistinct,  with  their 
separate  seals.* 

It  is  not  improbable,  therefore,  that  the  business  transactions  of  the 
Council,  in  this  inchoate  and  uncertain  period  of  its  existence,  were  so  few 
that  they  were  preserved  only  in  loose  minutes,  or  files  of  papers,  which 
were  never  recorded,  and  are  now  lost. 

After  they  had  freed  their  patent,  they  first  considered  how  they  should 
raise  the  means  to  advance  the  plantation,  and  two  methods  were  suggested. 
One  contemplated  a  voluntary  contribution  by  the  patentees ;  and  the 
other,  the  ransoming  the  freedoms  of  those  who  were  willing  to  partake 
of  present  profits  arising  by  the  trade  or  fishing  on  the  coast.  The 
patentees,  in  the  one  case,  agreed  to  pay  one  hundred  pounds  apiece 
(the  records  say  ;^no)  ;  in  the  other,  inducements  were  offered  to  the 
western  cities  and  towns  to  form  joint-stock  associations  for  trade  and  fish- 
ing, from  which  a  revenue  in  the  shape  of  royalty  might  be  derived  to  the 
Council :  and,  in  order  to  further  this  latter  project,  letters  were  to  be 
issued  to  those  cities,  by  the  Privy  Council,  prohibiting  any  not  free  of  that 
business  from  visiting  the  coast,  upon  pain  of  confiscation  of  ship  and 
goods.  This  last  scheme  was  not  favorably  received.  The  letters  pro- 
duced an  effect  contrary  to  what  was  expected,  since  the  restraining  of  the 
liberty  of  free  fishing  gave  alarm;  and,  as  the  Parliament  of  162 1  was 
about  to  meet,  every  possible  influence  was  brought  to  bear  against  this 
great  monopoly,  with  what  effect  we  have  already  seen. 

While  the  plan  of  voluntary  associations  failed,  the  business  of  exacting 
a  tax  from  individual  fishermen  was  prosecuted  with  vigor,  and  probably 
in  some  instances  with  success.     A  proclamation  against  disorderly  trading, 


i. 


'f^ 


'  See  chapter  viii. 


302 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


J    ^■ 


or  visiting  the  coasts  of  New  England  without  a  license  from  the  Council, 
was  issued.  A  grand  scheme  for  settling  the  coast  of  New  England  by 
a  local  government  was  marked  out,  and  the  Platform  of  the  Government 
was  put  into  print.' 

The  project  of  laying  out  a  county  on  the  Kennebec  River,  forty  miles 
square,  for  general  purposes,  and  building  a  great  city  at  the  junction 
of  the  Kennebec  and  Androscoggin  Rivers,  was  part  of  the  great  plan. 
A  ship  and  pinnace  had  been  built  at  Whitby,  a  seaport  in  Yorkshire, 
at  large  expense,  for  use  in  the  colony ;  and  others  were  contemplated. 
They  were  to  lie  on  the  coast  for  the  defence  of  the  merchants  and  fisher- 
men, and  to  convoy  the  fleets  as  they  went  to  and  from  their  markets. 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  who  had  been  treasurer  of  the  Council,  was  now 
chosen  governor,  and  was  destined  for  New  England ;  but  the  Company 
were  seriously  embarrassed  for  funds,  and  finally  were  obliged  to  mortgage 
the  ship  to  some  of  their  individual  members.  The  assessments  of  ;^iio 
each  were  not  all  paid  in,  and  patentees  v.ho  did  not  intend  to  pay  were 
asked  to  resign,  so  that  others  might  take  their  places.  Constant  com- 
plaints were  made  of  merchants  who  were  violating  the  privileges  of  the 
Company  by  sending  out  ve'^sels  for  fishing  and  trading  on  the  coast;  and 
orders  were  passed  for  applying  remedies.  The  plan  for  the  new  patent 
is  constantly  referred  to  in  the  records,  and  the  present  patentees  are  to  be 
warned  that  they  will  have  no  place  in  it,  unless  they  pay  up  their  past 
dues.  The  inducement  to  be  held  out  is,  that  all  who  actually  pay  £\  lO 
may  have  a  place  in  the  new  grant,  provided  they  "  be  persons  of  honor 
or  gentlemen  of  blood,  except  only  six  merchants  to  be  admitted  by  us  for 
the  service,  and  especial  employments  of  the  said  Council  in  the  course 
of  trade  and  commerce,"  etc.     But  their  schemes  were  not  realized. 

In  the  Council's  prospectus  already  cited,  issued  in  the  summer  of  1623, 
they  say,  "  We  have  settled,  at  this  present,  several  plantations  along  the 
coast,  and  have  granted  patents  to  many  more  that  are  in  preparation  to  be 
gone  with  all  conveniency."  The  bare  fact,  however,  is  that  the  Pilgrims 
at  Plymouth  were  the  only  actual  settlers,  and  they  had  landed  within  the 


|.f:i"    *:! 


y.  '  \ 


'  Two  parts  of  the  territory  were  to  be 
divided  among  the  patentees,  and  one  third 
was  to  be  reserved  for  public  uses ;  but  the 
entire  territory  was  to  be  formed  into  counties, 
baronies,  hundreds,  etc.  From  every  county 
and  barony  deputies  were  to  be  chosen  to  con- 
sult upon  the  laws  to  be  framed,  and  to  reform 
any  notable  abuses ;  yet  these  are  not  to  be 
assembled  but  by  order  of  the  President  and 
Council  of  New  England,  who  are  to  give  life 
to  the  laws  so  to  be  made,  as  those  to  whom  it 
of  right  belongs.  The  counties  and  baronies 
were  to  be  governed  by  the  chief  and  the  officers 
under  him,  with  a  power  of  high  and  low  jus- 
tice, —  subject  to  an  appeal,  in  some  cases,  to 
the  supreme  courts.  The  lords  of  counties 
might  also  divide   their  counties   into  manors 


and  lordships,  with  courts  for  deterr;ming  petty 
matters.  When  great  cities  had  ^rown  up,  they 
were  to  be  made  bodies  pol-'ic  to  govern  their 
own  private  affairs,  with  ^  right  of  representa- 
tion by  deputies  or  Iiurgessts.  The  manage- 
ment of  the  whole  affair  was  to  be  committed 
to  a  general  governor,  to  be  .issisted  by  the  ad- 
vice and  counsel  of  so  many  of  the  patentees  as 
should  be  there  resident,  together  with  the  officers 
of  State.  There  was  to  be  a  marshal  for  mat- 
ters of  arms  ;  an  admiral  for  maritime  business, 
civil  and  criminal ;  and  a  master  of  ordnance 
for  munition,  etc.  (Cf.  the  Council's  "  Briefe 
Relation,"  in  2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  ix.  21-25;  S.  F. 
Haven's  Lecture  before  the  Massiichusetts  His- 
torical Society,  Jan.  15,  1869,  on  The  History  0) 
the  Grants,  etc.,  jjp.  18,  19.) 


W\ 


J  I.! 


NLW    ENGLAND. 


303 


overnment 


patent  limits  by  the  merest  chance.  There  may  have  been  some  other 
bodies  of  men,  in  small  numbers,  living  on  the  coast,  such  as  Gorges 
used  to  hire,  at  large  expense,  to  spend  the  winter  there.  His  servant, 
Richard  Vines,  a  highly  respectable  man,  was  sent  out  to  the  coast  for 
trade  and  discovery,  and  spent  some  time  in  the  country;  and  he  is  sup- 
posed to  have  passed  one  winter  during  a  great  plague  among  the  Indians, 
—  perhaps  that  of  1616-17,  —  at  the  mouth  of  the  Saco  River.'  Vines 
and  John  Oldham  afterward  had  a  patent  o*"  Hiddcford,  on  that  river. 
.Several  scattering  plantations  were  begun   in  the  following  year. 

The  complaints  to  the  Council  of  abuses  committed  by  fishermen  and 
other  interlopers,  who  without  license  visited  the  coast,  and  by  their  con- 
duct caused  the  overthrow  of  the  trade  and  the  dishonor  of  the  government, 
led  to  the  select'-^n  of  Robert  Gorges,  the  younger  son  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  and  who  was  recently  returned  from  the  Venetian  wars,  to  be  sent 
to  New  England  for  the  correction  of  these  abuses.  He  was  commissioned 
as  lieutenant-general,  and  there  were  appointed  for  his  council  and  assist- 
ants Captain  Francis  West  as  admiral,  Christopher  Levett,  and  the  governor 
of  Plymouth  for  the  time  being.     Robert  Gorges  had  but  recently  become 


'  Tradition  has  preserved  the  name  of  "  Win- 
ter Harbor  "  there,  and  this,  name  appears  on  a 
map  of  the  New  England  coast,  which  is  one  of 
the  collection  known  as  Dudley's  Arcano  del 
Marc,  issued  at  Florence  in  1646, 


wife  had  been  a  sister  of  Cavendish,  and  he  is 
otherwise  connected  with  American  exploration; 
but  there  is  no  evidence  ihat 


i 


'J! 


FROM  Dudley's  arcano  del  .mare. 


;ind  of  which  a  reduced  fac-simile  is  given  here- 
with. Dudley  ,vas  an  expatriated  Englishman, 
son  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  and  had  a  romantic 
vlory,  which  has  been  told  by  Afr.  Male  in  the 
■imtr.  Antii].  Soc.  Free,   1873.      Dudley's  first 


he  had  much  other  material  for  this  map  than 
Smith  and  the  Dutch.  [Dudley  and  his  carto- 
graphical labors  are  also  brought  under  notice 
in  chap.  ii.  of  the  present  volume,  and  in  chap, 
ix.  of  Vol.  IV.  —  Ed.1 


i';,i 


304 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


tl    .1 


a  shareholder  in  the  grand  patent,  and  he  had  also  a  personal  grant  of  a 
tract  of  land  on  the  northeast  side  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  ten  miles  along 
the  coast,  and  extending  thirty  miles  into  the  interior.  This  was  made  to 
him  partly  in  consideration  of  his  father's  services  to  the  Company. 

West  w  ^  commissioned  in  November,  1622  ;  and  his  arrival  at  I'lyniouth, 
in  New  England,  is  noticed  by  Bradford  "  as  about  the  latter  end  of  June." 
He  had  probably  been  for  some  time  on  the  Eastern  coast  as  he  related 
his  experiences  to  Bradford,  who  says  he  "  had  a  commission  to  be  admiral 
of  New  England,  to  restrain  interlopers  and  such  fishing  ships  as  came 
to  fish  and  trade  without  a  license  from  the  Council  of  New  England,  for 
which  they  should  pay  a  round  sum  of  money.  But  he  could  do  no  good 
of  them,  for  they  were  too  strong  for  him,  and  he  found  the  fishermen 
to  be  stubborn  fellows.  ...  So  they  went  from  hence  to  Virginia."  \\  est 
returned  from  Virginia  in  August,  and  probably  joined  Captain  Gorges, 
who  made  his  appearance  in  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts  in  August  or  Sep- 
teitiber  of  this  year,  having  "  sundry  passengers  and  families,  intending 
there  to  begin  a  plantation,  and  pitched  upon  the  place  Mr.  Weston's 
people  had  forsaken,"  at  Wessagusset.  By  his  commission  he  and  hi> 
council  had  full  power  "  to  do  and  execute  what  to  them  should  seem 
good,  in  all  cases,  capital,  criminal,  and  civil." 

This  sending  out  of  young  Gorges  with  authority  was  probably  a  tempo- 
rary expedient  for  the  present  emergency,  preparatory  to  the  great  scheme 
of  gc  '^'•nment  set  forth,  a  few  months  before  he  sailed,  in  the  Council's 
Brief e  ^ ^elation.  Captain  Gorges  had  a  private  enterprise  to  look  after 
while  charged  with  these  pi'blic  duties.  The  patent  which  he  brought 
over,  issued  to  himself  personally,  provided  for  a  government  to  be 
administered  "  acording  to  the  great  charter  of  P^ngland.  and  such  Lawes 
as  shall  be  hereafter  established  bj'  public  authoritj-  of  the  State  assembled 
in  Parliament  in  New  England,"  all  decisions  being  subject  to  appeal  to  the 
Council  for  New  England,  "  and  to  the  court  of  Parliament  hereafter  to 
be  in  New  England  aforesaid." 

Gorges  remained  here  but  a  short  time,  —  probably  not  quite  a  j-ear,  — 
having  during  his  stay  a  sharp  conflict  with  the  notorious  Thomas  Weston, 
whom  Governor  Bradford,  in  pity  to  the  man,  attempted  to  shield  from 
punishment.  In  speaking  of  Gorges'  return  to  England,  Bradford  says 
that  he  "  scarcely  saluted  the  country  in  his  government,  not  finding  the 
state  of  things  here  to  answer  his  quality  and  condition."  His  peopi, 
dispersed :  some  went  to  England,  and  some  to  Virf  inia.  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  himself  assigns  another  reason  for  his  son's  speedy  abandoning  the 
country.  He  saj's  that  Robert  was  sent  out  by  Lord  Gorges  and  himself, 
— meaning,  I  suppose,  that  he  came  at  their  personal  charge,  —  and  that 
he  was  disappointed  in  not  receiving  supplies  from  ''  divers  his  familiar 
friends  who  had  promised  as  much ;  but  they,  hearing  how  I  sped 
in  the  House  of  Parliament,  withdrew  themselves,  and  myself  and  friends 
were  wholly  disabled  to  do  anything  to  purpose."      The  report  of  these 


It  i  i;i. 


NEW  en(;land. 


305 


procccdiiifjs  coming  to  his  son's  cars,  he  was  advised  to  return  home  till 
better  occasion  should  serve. 

The  records  of  the  Council  show  that  for  the  space  of  one  year  their 
business  was  pursued  with  considerable  vigor  by  the  few  members  who 
were  interested.'  Sir  Kerdinando  Gorges,  of  course,  was  the  mainstay 
of  the  enterprise.  The  principal  business  was  to  prepare  to  put  their  plans 
into  operation.  The  money  did  not  come  in,  and  a  large  number  of  the 
jiatcntees  fell  off.  Much  time  was  spent  in  inducing  new  members  to 
engage,  and  pay  in  their  money;  and  the  efforts  to  bring  the  merchant 
fishermen  to  acknowledge  the  claims  of  le  Council,  and  to  take  out 
licenses  for  traffic  and  fishing,  were  untirin   . 

Finally,  in  the  summer  of  1623,  the  Council  resolved  to  divide  the  whole 
territory  of  New  England  among  the  patentees,  "in  the  plot  remaining  with 
Dr.  Goche,"  the  treasurer.  The  reasons  given  for  this  step  are,  "  For  that 
some  of  the  adventurers  excuse  their  non-payment  in  of  their  adventures 
because  they  know  not  their  shares  for  which  they  are  to  pay,  which  much 
prejudiceth  the  proceedings,  it  is  thought  fit  that  the  land  of  Mew  England 
be  divided  in  this  manner ;  viz.,  by  20  lots,  and  each  lot  to  contain  2  shares. 
And  for  that  there  are  not  full  40  and  above  20  adventurers,  that  only 
20  shall  draw  those  lots. '  Provision  was  accordi.igly  made  that  each 
person  drawing  two  shares  should  part  with  one  share  to  some  member 
who  might  not  have  drawn,  or  some  one  else  who  shall  thereafter  become 
an  adventurer,  to  the  end  that  the  full  "  number  of  forty  may  be  com- 
plete." The  meeting  for  the  drawing  was  held  on  Sunday,  June  29,  1623, 
at  Greenwich,  at  which  the  King  was  present.* 

The  "plot"  of  New  England,  on  which  this  division  is  shown,  with 
the  names  set  down  according  as  the  lots  were  drawn,  was  published  the 
next  year  in  Sir  William  Alexander's  Encouragement  to  Colonies ;  and  on 
page  31  of  his  book  the  writer  speaks  of  hearing  that  "  out  of  a  generous 
desire  by  his  example  to  encourage  others  for  the  advancement  of  so  brave 
an  enterprise  he  [Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges]  is  resolved  shortly  to  go  him- 
self in  person,  and  to  carry  with  him  a  great  number  well  fitted  for  such 
a  purpose ;  and  many  noblemen  in  England  (v^hose  names  and  proportions 
as  they  were  marshalled  by  lot  may  appear  upoii  the  map),  having  interested 
themselves  in  that  bounds,  are  to  send  several  colonies,  who  may  quickly 
make  this  to  e.xceed  all  other  plantations." 

Alexander  must  have  been  well  informed  of  the  intentions  of  the  Com- 


'  Of  thirty-six  meetings  recorded  to  have 
Iieen  held  between  May  31,  1622,  and  June  28, 
1623,  Sir  F.  Gorges  was  present  at  thirty-five 
meetings ;  Sir  Samuel  Argall,  thirty-three  ; 
( loche,  treasurer,  twenty-two.  The  average  at- 
tendance at  a  meeting  was  but  four.  One  half 
tlic  patentees  originally  named  in  the  grant 
iicver  attended  a  meeting. 

-  The  record  sa\-s  that  there  was  presented 
to  the  King  "  a  plot  of  all  the  coasts  and  lands 
VOL.  III.  —  39. 


of  New  England,  divided  into  twenty  parts,  each 
part  containing  two  shares,  and  twenty  lots  con- 
taining the  said  double  shares,  made  up  in  little 
bales  of  wa.x,  and  the  names  of  twenty  patentees 
by  whom  these  lots  were  to  be  drawn."  The 
King  drew  for  three  absent  members,  including 
Buckingham,  who  had  gone  to  Spain.  There 
were  eleven  members  present,  who  drew  for 
themselves.  Nine  other  lots  were  drawn  for 
absent  members. 


'**■! 


,     r 


it:  '  '    '  '■ 


306  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


" 


'    -   i 


I  1  '7i 


'i\'. 


Alexander's  map,  1624.' 

pany,  certainly  familiar  with  those  of  Gorges  himself;  and  it  must  have 
been  with  their  knowledge  and  approbation  that  the  act  above  recorded 
was  thus  published.     The  meeting  at  which  the  division  was  made  is  the 

'  I  This  is  a  fac-simile  of  a  part  of  the  map,  as  reproduced  in  Purchas's  Pilgrims.  —  Ed.] 


I  .' 


NEW  ENGLAND. 


307 


last  of  wliich  wc  have  any  record  for  a  number  of  years,  and  the  history 
of  the  Company  during  these  years  must  be  {fathered  from  other  sources. 
The  grand  colonial  scheme  intended  to  be  put  in  operation  never  went  into 
effect;  and  at  a  late  period  the  Council  say,  concerning  this  division,  that 
hitherto  they  have  never  been  confirmed  in  the  lands  so  allotted. 

A  new  Parliament  was  summoned  to  meet  February  12,  1623  24,  and 
on  the  24th  we  find  this  minute:  "  Mr.  Neale  delivereth  in  the  bill  for  free 
liberty  of  fishing  upon  the  coasts  of  America."  "  Five  ships  of  Plymouth 
under  arrest,  and  two  of  Dartmouth,  because  they  went  to  fish  in  New 
Kngland.  This  done  by  warrant  from  the  Admiralty.  To  have  these  suits 
staid  till  this  bill  have  had  its  passage.  This  done  by  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  his  Patent.  Ordered,  that  this  patent  be  brought  into  the  Com- 
mittee of  Grievances  upon  l""riday  next."  March  15,  1623  24,  an  Act  for 
freer  liberty  of  fishing,  as  previously  introduced,  was  committed  to  a  large 
committee,  of  which  Sir  Edward  Coke  was  chairman.  On  the  17th,  Sir 
lulward  reported  from  this  committee  that  they  had  condemned  one 
grievance,  namely,  "  Sir  Ferdinand  Gorges  his  patent  for  a  plantation  in  New 
1-ngland.  Their  council  heard,  the  exceptions  being  first  delivered  them. 
Resolved  by  consent,  that,  notwithstanding  the  clause  in  the  patent  dated 
3d  November,  i8th  Jac,  that  no  subject  of  England  shall  visit  the  coast 
upon  pain  of  forfeiture  of  ship  and  goods,  the  patentees  have  jielded  that 
the  Englishmen  shall  visit,  and  that  they  will  not  interrupt  any  fisherman 
to  fish  there."  Finally  it  was  enacted  by  the  House  that  the  clause  of  for- 
feiture, being  only  by  patent  and  not  by  act  of  Parliament,  was  void. 

Gorges  himself  gives  a  graphic  picture  of  the  scene  when  he,  with  his 
counsel,  was  before  the  Committee  of  the  House,  and  he  spoke  so  unavail- 
ingly  in  defence  of  his  patent.  This  patent  was  the  first  presented  from 
the  Committee  of  Grievances.  "This  their  public  declaration  of  the 
Houses  .  .  .  shook  off  all  my  adventurers  for  plantation,  and  made  many 
of  the  patentees  to  quit  their  interest;"  so  that  in  all  likelihood  he  would 
have  fallen  under  the  weight  of  so  heavy  a  burden,  had  he  not  been  sup- 
ported by  the  King,  who  would  not  be  drawn  to  overthrow  the  corpora- 
tion he  so  much  approved  of,  and  Gorges  was  advised  to  persevere.  Still 
he  thought  it  better  to  forbear  for  the  present,  though  the  bil'.  did  not 
become  a  law  of  the  realm.  Soon  afterward  the  F'rench  ambassador  made 
a  challenge  of  all  those  territories  as  belonging  of  right  to  th  J  King  of 
France,  and  Gorges  was  called  to  make  answer  to  him ;  and  his  reply  was 
so  full  that  "  no  more  was  heard  of  that  their  claim." 

Being  unable  to  enforce  the  claim  whence  was  to  come  the  principal 
source  of  its  income,  and  the  larger  part  of  the  patentees  having  abandoned 
the  enterprise,  the  Great  Counc'l  for  New  England,  whose  patent  had  been 
denounced  by  the  House  of  Commons  as  a  monopoly  and  opposed  to  the 
public  policy  and  the  general  gDod,  became  a  dead  body.  In  the  follow- 
ing year,  1625,  we  hear  of  Gorges  as  commander  of  one  of  the  vessels  in 
the  squadron  ordered  by  Buckingham  to  Dieppe  for  the  service  of  the 


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NAKKATlVi:   ANJ)    CRITICAL   HISTORY    OK   AMKKICA. 


.1  /. 


t  ■ 


V, 


Kin{»  of  France.  Fintlinj;  on  Iiis  arrival  that  the  vessels  were  dcstinetl 
to  ^erve  a^jainst  Rochclle,  whicli  was  tlicn  siistainin^j  a  sie^e,  Gorj^es  broke 
throu^jh  the  s(|uailron,  and  retiirnetl  to  I'n^lancl  with  his  ship. 

In  the  Slimmer  of  1625  the  IMymoiitli  people  were  in  j^reat  trouble  by 
reason  of  their  unhappy  relations  to  the  Adventurers  in  London,  and  Cap- 
tain Standish  was  sent  over  to  seek  some  accommodation  with  them.  At 
the  same  time  he  bore  a  letter  from  Governor  Bradford  to  the  Council  of 
New  I-njjland,  urging  their  intervention  in  behalf  of  the  colony  "  under 
your  {Government."  Hut  Hradford  says  that,  by  reason  of  the  plague  which 
that  year  raged  in  London,  Standish  could  do  nothing  with  the  Council 
for  New  England,  for  there  were  no  courts  kept  or  scarce  any  commerce 
held. 

Two  years  later,  in  the  summer  of  1637,  Governor  liradford  again  wrote 
to  the  Council  for  New  England,  under  whose  government  he  acknowl- 
edged themselves  to  be,  and  also  to  Sir  Ecrdinando  Gorges  himself,  advis- 
ing them  of  the  encroachments  of  the  Dutch,  and  also  making  complaints 
of  the  disorderly  fishermen  and  interlopers,  who,  with  no  intent  to  plant, 
and  with  no  license,  foraged  the  country  and  were  off  again,  to  the  great 
annoyance  of  the  Plymouth  settlers. 

After  a  patent  to  Christopher  Lcvett,  of  May  5,  1623,  the  Council  appear 
to  have  made  no  grants  of  land  till,  in  1628,  two  patents  were  issued,  —  one 
to  the  Plymouth  people  of  land  on  the  Kennebec  River,  and  one  to  Rose- 
well,  Young,  ICndicott,  and  others,  patentees  of  Massachusetts.  These  were 
followed  by  a  grant  to  John  Mason,  of  Nov.  7,  1639,  the  Laconia  grant  of 
Nov.  17,  1629,  that  to  Plymouth  Colony  of  Jan.  13,  1629  30,  and  sundry 
grants  of  territory  in  the  present  States  of  Maine  and  New  Hampshire; 

The  records  of  the  Council,  of  which  there  is  a  hiatus  of  over  eight 
years  in  the  parts  now  e.xtant  (and  the  latter  portion  is  a  transcript  with 
probably  many  omissions),  begin  on  the  4th  of  November,  1631,  with  the 
I'^arl  of  Warwick  as  president,  and  contain  entries  of  sundry  patents 
granted,  and  of  the  final  transactions  of  the  Company  during  its  exist- 
ence. Precisely  when  the  l'2arl  of  Warwick  was  chosen  president  we  do 
not  know.  His  name  appears  in  the  Plymouth  patent  of  Jan.  13,  1629  30, 
as  holding  that  ofTicc,  and  it  is  quite  likely  that  he  was  president  when 
the  Massachusetts  patent  was  issued,  he  being  chiefly  instrumental  in  pass- 
ing that  grant.  The  Council  seem  now  to  have  revived  their  hopes  as  they 
did  their  activity.  As  late  as  Nov.  6,  1634,  divers  matters  of  moment  were 
propounded:  "P'irst,  that  the  number  of  the  Council  be  with  all  conven- 
ient speed  filled.  [It  appears  by  a  previous  meeting  that  there  were  now 
but  twenty-one  members  in  all,  whereas  the  patent  called  for  no  less  than 
forty.]  Second,  that  a  new  patent  from  his  Majesty  be  obtained."  Also, 
that  no  ships,  passengers,  nor  goods  be  permitted  to  go  to  New  England 
without  license  from  the  President  and  Council ;  and  that  fishermen  should 
not  be  allowed  to  trade  with  savages,  nor  with  the  servants  of  planters, 
nor  to  cut  timber  for  stages,  without  license.     This,  surely,  is  a  revival  of 


I    \i 


^■i 


.li 


NKw  r.N(;i..\Ni). 


309 


the  old  odious  policy.  W'c  do  not  know  if  any  of  these  orders  were 
.iii(>i)ttd. 

There  seems  at  this  time  to  have  arisen  a  serious  misunderstanding  or 
(|uarrel  between  the  Council  ant!  their  Tresitlent,  the  I'.arl  of  Warwick.  It 
first  appears  at  a  meeting  held  June  29,  1632.  The  President  was  not 
])resent  at  this  meeting;,  though  it  was  held,  as  the  meetings  had  been  held 
for  some  years  past,  at  "  Warwick  House."  An  order  was  adoptetl  "that 
the  ]vm\  of  Warwick  should  be  entreated  to  direct  a  course  for  finding  out 
what  p.itcnts  have  been  granted  for  New  luigland."  At  the  same  meeting 
tile  clerk  was  sent  to  the  h-arl  for  the  Council's  great  seal,  which  was  in  his 
lordship's  keeping;  and  word  came  back  that  he  would  send  it  when  his 
man  came  in.  It  was  al.so  ordered  that  the  future  meetings  of  the  Council 
be  held  at  the  house  of  Captain  Mason,  in  Kenchurch  Street.  lUit  the  seal 
was  not  sent,  i^nd  two  more  formal  requests  were  made  for  it  during  the 
next  si.\  months.  Captain  John  Mason  was  chosen  vice-president  Nov. 
26,  1632.  The  records  for  1633  and  1634  arc  wanting.  Early  in  1635 
the  Council  resolved  to  resign  their  patent  into  the  hands  of  the  King ; 
preparatory  to  which  they  made  a  new  partition  of  the  territory  of  New 
I'.ngland,  dividing  it  among  themselves,  or,  according  to  the  records, 
among  eight  of  their  number.  Of  what  precise  number  the  Council  con- 
.--isted  at  this  time  we  have  no  means  of  knowing.  The  division  was 
made  at  a  meeting  held  Feb.  3,  1634/35,  and  to  the  description  of  each 
particular  grant  the  members  on  the  14th  of  April  affixed  their  signatures, 
each  person  withholding  his  signature  to  his  own  share.  In  making  this 
division  it  wa«  ordered  that  every  one  who  had  lawful  grants  of  land,  or 
lawfully  settled  plantations,  should  enjoy  the  same,  laying  down  his  jura 
regalia  to  the  proprietor  of  this  division,  and  paying  him  some  small  ac- 
knowledgment. A  memorandum  is  also  made  that  "the  22d  day  of  April 
several  deeds  of  feoffment  were  made  imto  the  several  proprietors." 

The  act  of  surrender  passed  June  7,  1635.  Lord  Gorges  had  been 
chosen  president  April  18.  The  Company  seem  to  have  been  kept  alive 
till  some  years  later,  as  there  is  an  entry  as  late  as  Nov.  i,  1638,  at  which 
it  was  agreed  to  augment  the  grants  of  the  Earl  of  Sterling  and  Lord 
("lorgcs  and  Sir  F.  Gorges,  the  two  latter  to  have  "sixty  miles  more  added 
to  their  proportions  further  up  into  the  main  land."  Of  course,  in  making 
tiiis  division  the  whole  patent  of  Nov.  3,  1620,  was  not  divided,  for  that 
ran  from  sea  to  sea.  It  was  a  division  on  the  New  luigland  coast,  running 
back  generally  si.xty  miles  inland.  It  was  part  of  the  plan  to  procure  from 
the  King,  under  the  great  seal  of  England,  a  confirmation  of  these  several 
grants.  Lord  Sterling's  grant  included  also  Long  Island,  near  Hudson's 
River. 

The  intention  in  this  division  was  to  ride  over  the  Massachusetts  patent 
of  1628,  which  had  been  confirmed  the  following  year  by  a  charter  of 
incorporation  from  the  King,  and  legal  proceedings  were  soon  afterward 
instituted  by  a  writ  of  quo  ivamiuto  for  \acating  their  franchises.  The 
notorious  Thomas  Morton  was  retained  as  a  solicitor  to  prosecute  this  suit. 


HI 


1;: 


I!  i 


■\ 


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3'o 


NARKATlVi;   AND    CKmCAL   IllSTOKY   OK    AMliRICA. 


't\ 


|1 


h'! 


'') 


The  grants  issued  in  this  division  to  Sir  l-'crdinando  (jorncs  and  to  John 
Mason  arc  the  only  ones  witli  \vl>icl>  subsecnient  liistory  larpcly  deals.' 

The  Kint;,  in  acceptinj;  tiie  resi^jnation  of  tiie  (irand  Talent,  resolved  to 
take  the  manajjenient  of  the  aftairs  of  New  I'.ngiand  into  his  own  hands, 
anil  to  appoint  as  his  jjeneral  j^overnor  Sir  l-erdinando  Gorges,  who  him- 
self, or  by  deputy,  was  to  reside  in  the  country.  Hut  "  the  best  lai<i 
schemes  o'  mice  and  men  gang  aft  a-giey."  The  attempt  to  vacate  the 
charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  a  fundamental  thing  to  be  done,  was  not  ac- 
complished. The  patentees  to  whom  several  of  the  divisions  of  the  terri- 
torj-  of  New  luigland  were  assigned  appear  to  have  wholly  neglected  their 
interest,  and,  except  in  the  case  of  Sir  l'"erdinando  Gorges,  before  referred 
to,  royal  charters  were  granted  to  none. 

Massachusetts,  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  and  Connecticut  were  settled 
under  grants,  or  alleged  grants,  from  the  Council  for  New  Kngland.  The 
grant  of  the  territory  of  Massachusetts  Hay  of  March  19,  1627  28,  was 
in  the  following  year  confirmetl  by  the  Crown,  with  powers  of  govern- 
ment. The  grant  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  in  the  general  division  of 
l-'ebruary,  1634  35,  with  an  additional  sixty  miles  into  the  interior  subse- 
quently added,  was  confirmed  by  the  Crown  April  3,  1639,  with  a  charter 
constituting  him  Lord  Proprietor  of  the  Province  of  Maine,  and  giving  him 
extraordinary  powers  of  government.  The  territory  issued  to  John  Mason 
at  the  general  division,  which  \yas  to  be  called  New  Hampshire,  the  parch- 
ment bearing  date  April  22,  1635,  was  never  confirmed  by  the  King,  nor 
were  any  powers  of  government  granted.  The  first  settlements  in  Connec- 
ticut,—  namely,  those  of  the  three  towns  on  the  river  of  that  name,  in  1635 
and  1636,  —  were  made  under  the  protection  of  Massachusetts,  as  though 
the  territory  had  been  part  of  that  colony.  But  the  inhabitants  subse- 
quently acquired  a  (/titisi  claim  to  this  territorj',  under  what  is  known  a-» 
the  "old  patent  of  Connecticut,"  impliedly  proceeding  from  the  Council 
for  New  England,  through  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  to  Lord  Say  and  Sole 
and  his  associates.  The  settlers  of  Quinnipiack,  afterward  called  New 
Haven,  in  1638  and  1639,  had  no  patent  for  lands,  but  made  a  number  of 
purchases  from  the  Indians.  Plymouth  Colony,  of  which  an  account  is 
given  here  by  another  hand,  received  a  ro.ing  patent  from  the  Council, 
dated  June  i,  1621,  with  no  boundaries;  and  another  patent,  dated  Jan. 
13,  1629 '30,  defining  their  limits,  but  with  no  powers  of  government. 
The  territory  of  Rhode  Island  was  not  a  grant  from  the  Council  to  the 
settlers. 


M.\ss.\CHUSETTS. — There  were  scattered  settlements  in  Massachusetts 
Bay  prior  to  the  emigration  under  the  patent  of  1627  28.     Thomas  Weston 

'  Yet  it  should  be  mentioned  here  tii.it  the  and  at   a  later  period,  but   was   not   allowed, 

grant  to  the  Marquis,  .-ifterward  Duke,  of  Ham-  The  grant  to  the  Earl  of  Sterling,  between  M. 

ilton  of  land  between  the  Connecticut  River  .ind  Croix  and  Sagadahoc,  was  in  1663  sold  by  his 

Narra.nansett,  which  lay  dormant  during  his  life,  heir  to  Lord  Clarendon,  and  a  charter  for  it  wa-i 

was  claimed   by  his   heirs  at  the  Restoration,  granted  ne.\t  year  to  the  Duke  of  York. 


I    tr 


1(1  \i' 


NEW  ENGLAND. 


3" 


^ 


A/    te-^f^ 


began  a  settlement  at  what  is  now  Weymouth  Fore-River,  in  the  summer 
of  1622,  wlucl)  lasted  scarcely  one  year.  Robert  ^Ior^Jes,  as  we  have  seen, 
took  possession  «)f  the  same  place,  in  September.  1623,  for  his  experimental 
jjovernment.  but  the  colony  broke  up  the  next  spring;,  Icavinj,',  it  is  thouirht, 
a  few  remnants  behind,  which  proved  a  seed  for 
.1  continuous  settlement.  Persons  are  found  tem- 
porarily at  Nantasket  in  1623,  and  perhaps  ear- 
lier; at  Mount  Wollaston  the  same  year,  and  at 
Thompson's  Island  in  1626.  The  solitar>' William 
HIaxton,    clerk,    is    traced    to    Shawmut, 

(^ Boston)  in  1625  or  1626.  and  the  equally     0<»/»l<»J^*/K  *<'y^L<J^^ 
solitary   Samuel    Maverick,   at    Noddles' 
Island,   about   the  same   time; 
while  Walford,  the  blacksmith.      t/nc>»va,^ 
is  found  at  Charlestown  in  1629.  ^ 

rhe  last  three  named  are  rea- 
sonably conjectured  to  have  formed  part  of  Robert  Gorges'  company  at 
Weymouth,  in  1623  24. 

The  Dorchester  Fishing  Company,  in  England,  of  which  the  Rev.  John 
White,  a  zealous  Puritan  minister  of  that  town,  was  a  member,  resolved  to 
make  the  experiment  of  planting  a  small  colony  somewhere  upon  the  coast, 
so  that  the  fishing  vessels  might  leave  behind  in  the  country  all  the  spare 
men  not  required  to  navigate  their  vessels  home,  who  might  in  the  mean 
time  employ  themselves  in  planting,  building,  etc.,  and  be  ready  to  join  the 
ships  again  on  their  return  to  the  coast  at  the  next  fishing  season.  Cape 
Ann  was  .selected  as  the  site  of  this  experiment,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1623 
fourteen  men  were  left  there  to  pass  the  winter.  In  the  latter  part  of  the 
year  1625  Roger  Conant,  who  had  been  living  at  Plymouth  and  at  Nan- 
tasket, was  invited  to  join  this  community  as  its  superintendent,  and  he 
remained  there  one  year.  The  scheme  proving  a  financial  failure,  the  set- 
tlement broke  up  in  the  autumn  of  1626.  most  of  the  men  returning  home; 
but  Conant  and  a  few  others  removed  to  Xaumkeag  (Salem),  where  they 
were  found  by  Endicott,  who,  und  r  the  authority  of  the  Massachusetts 
patentees,  arrived  there  Sept.  6,  1628.  These  old  settlers  joined  the  new 
community. 

Endicott  was  sent  out  as  agent  or  superintendent  of  a  large  land  com- 
panj',  of  which  he  was  one  of  the  proprietors,  colonization  being,  of  course, 
a  prominent  feature  in  their  plans.  In  the  following  year,  March  4,  1628- 
29,  the  patentees  and  their  associates  received  a  charter  of  incorporation 
with  powers  of  government,  and  with  authority  to  establish  a  subordinate 
government  on  the  soil,  and  appoint  officers  of  the  same.  This  local  gov- 
ernment, entitled  "  London's  Plantation  in  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New 
England,"  was  accordingly  established,  and  Endicott  was  appointed  the 
first  resident  governor.  The  charter  evidently  contemplated  that  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  Company  should  be  administered  'r.  England.     In  a  few 


f*:i!> 


'•'I 


■.  \ 


(f^ 


M 


Ijjj;  i  \ 


'■   :>■!'. 


|;.^.r| 


!■    ,.'i' 


'•H 


312 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


OnM^^^'^fX^^ 


months,  however,  the  Company  resolved  to  transfer  the  cliarter  and  gov- 
ernment from  London  to  Massachusetts  Bay;  and  Matthew  Cradock,  who 

had  been  the  first  charter  governor,  re- 
signed liis  place,  and  John  VV'inthrop,  who 
had  resolved  to  emigrate  to  the  colony, 
was  chosen  governor  of  the  Company  in 
his  stead.  On  the  transfer  of  the  Company  to  Massachusetts  by  the  arri- 
val of  Winthrop,  the  subordinate  government,  of  which  F.ndicott  was  the 
head,  was  silently  abolished,  and  its  duties  >vere  assumed  by  its  principal, 
the  corporation  itself,  which  took  immediate  direction  of  affairs.  As  the 
successor  of  Cradock,  Winthrop  was  the  second  governor  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Company,  yet  he  was  the  first  who  exercised  his  functions  in  New 
England. 

The  Massachusetts  charter  was  not  adapted  for  the  constitution  of  a 
comi.ionwealth ;  therefore,  as  the  colony  grew  in  numbers  it  became  i  ?ces- 
sary  for  it  to  assume  powers  not  granted  in  that  instrument.  Between  the 
years  1630  and  1640  about  twenty  thousand  persons  arrived  in  the  colon)', 
after  which,  for  many  years,  it  is  supposed  that  more  went  back  to  Eng- 
land than  came  thence  hither.  Previous  to  the  j'ear  last  named  the  colony 
]•  id  furnished  emigrants  to  settle  the  colonies  of  Connecticut,  New  Haven, 
and  Rhode  Island. 

The  charter  gave  power  to  the  freemen  to  elect  annually  a  governor,  dep- 
uty-governor, and  eighteen  assistants,  who  should  make  laws  for  their  own 
benefit  and  for  the  government  of  the  colony ;  and  provision  was  made  for 
general  courts  and  courts  of  assistants,  which  exercised  judicial  as  well  as 
legislative  powers.  But  at  the  first  meeting  of  the  general  court  in  Boston,  in 
October,  1630,  it  was  ordered  that  the  governor  and  deputy-governor  should 
he  chosen  b)'  the  assistants  out  of  their  own  number.  This  rule  was  of 
short  duration,  as  in  May,  1632,  the  freemen  resumed  the  right  of  election, 
and  the  basis  of  a  second  house  of  legislature  was  laid. 

The  colonists,  though  Puritans,  were  Church  of  England  men,  and  were 
fearful  of  rigid  separation;  but  Winthrop  and  his  party,  —  among  whom 
was  John  Wilson,  a  graduate  of  King's  College,  Cambridge,  and  destined 
to  become  their  first  minister,  —  found  on  their  arrival  a  church  already 
established  at  Salem  on  the  basis  of  separation.  Thenceforward,  fol- 
lowing that  example,  the  Massachusetts  colony  became  a  colony  of  con- 
gregational churches.  It  has  been  a  favorite  saying  with  eulogists  of 
Massachusetts,  that  the  pious  founders  of  the  colony  came  over  to  this 
wilderness  to  establish  here  the  principle  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and 
to  transmit  the  same  inviolate  to  their  remotest  posterity.  Probably  noth- 
ing was  further  from  their  purpose,  which  was  simply  to  find  a  place  where 
they  themselves,  and  all  who  agreed  with  them,  could  enjoy  such  liberty. 
This  was  a  desirable  object  to  attain,  and  they  made  many  sacrifices  for  it, 
and  felt  that  they  had  a  right  to  enjoy  it. 

The  banishment  of  Roger  Williams,  and  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and   her 


lit! 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


313 


sympathizers,  was  no  doubt  largely  due  to  the  feeling  that  the  peace  of  the 
community  was  endangered  by  their  presence.  In  the  unhappy  episode  of 
the  Quakers,  at  a  later  period,  the  colonial  authorities  were  wrought  into  a 
frenzy  by  these  "  persistent  intruders."  It  seemed  to  be  a  struggle  on  both 
sides  for  victory;  but  though  four  Quakers  were  hanged  on  Boston  Com- 
mon, the  Quakers  finally  conquered.  In  the  second  year  of  the  settle- 
ment, in  order  to  keep  the  government  in  their  own  hands,  or,  in  the 
language  of  the  Act, 
"  to  the  end  the  body 
of  the  commons  may 
be  preserved  of  honest 
and  good  men,"  the 
Court  ordered  that 
thenceforward  no  one 
should  be  elected  a 
freeman  unless  he  was 
a  member  of  one  of  the 
churches  of  the  colony. 
Probably  there  were  as 
good  men  outside  the 
churches  as  there  were 
inside,  and  by  and  by 
a  clamor  was  raised  by 
those  who  felt  aggrieved 
at  being  denied  the 
riglits  of  freemen  ;  but 
tile  rule  was  not  modi- 
fied till  after  the  Res- 
toration. 

A  few  unsavory  per- 
sons whom  Winthrop 
and  his  company  found 
here  and  speedily  sent 

awaj-,  on  their  arrival  home  failed  not  to  make  representations  injurious 
to  the  Puritan  settlement,  and  they  were  seconded  by  the  influence  of  Sir 
I'erdinando  Gorges  and  John  Mason.  Attempts  were  made  in  1633  to  va- 
cate the  colony's  charter;  but  these  attempts  proved  unsuccessful.  A  more 
serious  effort  was  made  a  few  years  later,  when  the  Council  for  New  England 
resigned  its  franchises  into  the  hands  of  the  King;  but  owing  to  the  trouble 
which  environed  the  government  in  ICngland,  and  to  otiier  causes  not  fully 
explained,  the  colony  then  escaped,  as  it  also  escaped  at  the  same  time  the 
impending  infliction  of  a  general  governor  for  New  England. 


^^^  yiWfk  Seni^yS.  ' 


\i  ■  i  ^;. 


I 


fi: 


'  [This  portr.iit  of  the  first  minister  of  I'kjs-  turn  (nicstioned  anil  m:iiiit.TiiK(l.    Cf.  M,iss.  I/ist. 

tun  hangs  in  the  gallery  of  the  Massachusetts  6V>c. /Vtfir.  September,  1867,  and  December,  1S80. 

Historical  Society.     Its  authenticity  has  been  in  — Ed.] 
VOL.  III. — 40. 


1.(i 


314 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


1/   1..  I 


!, 


,  i 


I 


In  1640  some  of  the  colony's  friends  in  England  wrote  to  the  authori- 
ties here  advising  them  to  send  some  one  to  England  to  solicit  favors  of 
the  Parliament.  "But,  consulting  about  it,"  says  Winthrop,  "we  declined 
the  motion,  for  this  consideration,  —  that  if  we  should  put  ourselves  under 


kfi^^=^ 


QUAKER   AUTOGRAPHS 


1 


the  protection  of  Parliament,  wc  must  then  be 
subject  to  all  such  laws  as  they  should  make, 
or  at  least  such  as  they  might  impose  upon 
in  which  course,  though  they  should  in- 
tend our  good,  yet  it  might  prove  very  preju- 
dicial to  us."  From  1640  to  1660  the  colony 
was  substantially  an  independent  common- 
wealth, and  during  this  period  they  com- 
'/««.   i/^ff'^  pleted   a    system    of   laws    and    government 

^     >^Aj  /tftcfitCf^t.  which,  taken  as  a  whole,  was  well  adapted  to 

their  wants.  Their  "  Body  of  Liberties  "  was 
established  in  1641,  and  three  editions  of 
Laws  were  published  by  authority,  and  put 
in  print  in  1649,  in  1660,  and  in  1672.  The 
first  law  establishing  public  schools  was 
passed  in  October,  1647.  Harvard  College 
had    already,  in    1637,    been    established  at 

C^c^acJ^  S'rnj4fi      Cambridge. 

^  The  ecclesiastical  polity  of  the  churches, 

embodied  in  the  "  Cambridge  Platform,"  was 
n^fipp  /  •  -ff^      drawn  up  in  1648,  and  printed  in  the  follow- 

ing year,  and  was  finally  approved  by  the 
General  Court  in  165  i. 
The  community  was  obliged  to  feel  its  way,  and  adapt  its  legislation 
rather  to  its  exigencies  than  to  its  charter.     The  aristocratical  element  in 
the  society  early  cropped  out  in  the  institution  of  a  Council  for  life,  which 

'  [This  group  gives  tlie  names  of  some  of  and  the  Memorial  History  of  Boston.  Cf.  the 
the  victims  of  the  judicial  extremities  practised  note  on  the  treatment  of  the  early  Quakers  in 
in  Boston.     See  Bowden's  Friends  in  America,     New  England,  in  chapter  xii.  —  Ed.] 


'.//o^  CfiaSf-i 


'\y 


!  Ill 


ri 


j!  1 1 


NKVV    LNGLAXD. 


3'5 


may  have  had  its  origin  in  suggestions 


from  England ;   but  it  met  with 
little  favor. 

The  confederation  of  the  United  Colonics,  first  proposed  by  Connecticut, 
was  an  act  of  great  wisdom,  foreshadowing  the  more  celebrated  political 
unions  of  the  English 
race  on  this  continent,  for 
they  all  have  recognized 
the  common  maxim,  that 
"  Union  is  strength."  The 
colonists  were  surrounded 
by  "people  of  several 
nations  and  strange  lan- 
guage," and  the  existence 
of  the  Indian  tribes  with- 
in the  boundaries  of  the 
New  England  settlements 
was  the  source  of  cease- 
less anxiety  and  alarm. 
The  Pequot  War  had  but 
recently  ended,  and  it  had 
left  its  warning.  It  would 
have  been  an  act  of  grace 
to  admit  the  Maine  and 
Xarragansett  settlements 
to  this  union,  but  it  was 
probably  impracticable. 

The  conversion  of  the 
Indian  tribes  to  Christian- 
ity was  a  subject  which 
the  colony  had  much  at 
heart,  and  a  number  of  its  ministers  had  fitted  themselves  for  the  work :  the 
special  labors  of  the  Apostle  Eliot  need  only  be  mentioned.  Through  the 
instrumentality  of  Edward  VVinslow,  a  society  for  propagating  the  gospel 


DR.   JOHN    CLARK.' 


i 


'.H;f| 

my 


'  [This  portrait  of  a  leading  physician  of  the 
colony  hangs  in  the  gallery  of  the  Massachusetts 
Historical  Society,  and  is  inscribed  "  i'Etatis  sua; 
66  ann.  suo,"  and  purports  to  be  a  Dr.  John 
Clark,  and  is  probably  the  physician  of  that 
name  of  Newbury  and  Boston,  who  died  in  1664. 
His  son  John,  likewise  a  physician,  was  also  a 
prominent  public  man  in  Boston,  and  died  in 
1690.  That  it  is  the  former  is  believed  by  Dr. 
Thacher  in  his  American  Medical  Biography, 
and  by  Coffin  in  his  History  of  A'l-uhtiry,  both 
of  whom  give  lithographs  of  the  picture.  Dr. 
Appleton,  who  printed  an  account  of  the  So- 
ciety's portrait  in  its  Proceedings,  September, 
1S67,  also  took  this  view,  while  the  Rev.  Dr. 


Harris,  in  the  Society's  Collections,  third  series, 
vii.  2S7,  finds  the  year  1675  in  the  inscription, 
which  is  not  there,  and  identifies  the  subject  of 
the  picture  with  another  Dr.  John  Clark,  who 
was  prominent  in  Rhode  Island  history.  There 
was  still  a  third  Dr.  John  Clark,  son  of  John, 
and  of  Boston,  who  died  in  1728.  It  is  not  prob- 
ably determinable  beyond  doubt  which  of  the 
earlier  two  this  is  ;  and  .Savage,  in  his  Genealog- 
ical Dictionary,  gives  twenty-five  John  Clarks 
as  belonging  to  New  England  before  the  end 
of  the  first  century  ;  but  of  these  only  four  are 
physicians,  as  above  named.  Cf.  Massachisetls 
Historical  Society's  Proceedings,  Julv,  1S44,  p.  287. 
—  Ed.] 


3i6 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


./     '    i. 


<■    ,Vi 


'I 


among  the  Indians  was  incorporated  in  England  in  1649,  and  the  Commis- 
sioners of  the  United  Colonies  were  made  the  agents  of  its  corporation  as 
long  as  the  union  of  the  colonies  lasted. 

The  Massachusetts  colonists  were  at  first  seriously  tasked  for  the  means 
of  subsistence ;  but  these  anxieties  soon  passed  away.  Industry  took  the 
most  natural  forms.  Agriculture  gave  back  good  returns.  To  the  invalu- 
able Indian  maize  were  added  all  kinds  of  English  grain,  as  well  as  veg- 
etables and  f  its.  Some  were  indigenous  to  the  soil.  English  seeds  of 
hay  and  of  g';  n  returned  bountiful  crops.  All  animals  with  which  New 
England  farms  are  now  stocked  then  well  repaid  in  increase  the  care  be- 
stowed upon  them.  The  manufacture  of  clothing  was  of  slower  growth. 
Thread  and  yarn  were  spun  and  knit  by  the  women  at  home ;  but  in  a  few 
years  weaving  and  fulling  mills  were  set  up,  ?nd  became  remunerative. 
The  manufacture  of  salt,  saltpe  a,  gunpowder,  and  glassware  gave  employ- 
ment to  many,  while  the  brickmakcr,  the  mason,  the  carpenter,  and  indeed 
all  kindred  trades  found  occupation.  The  forests  were  a  source  of  income. 
Boards,  clapboards,  shingles,  staves,  and,  at  a  later  period,  masts  had  a 
ready  sale.  Furs  and  peltry,  received  in  barter  from  the  Indians,  became 
features  of  an  export  trade.  The  fisheries  should  be  specially  enumerated 
as  a  source  of  wealth,  and  this  industry  led  to  the  building  of  ships,  which 
were  the  medium  of  commerce  with  the  neighboring  colonies,  the  West 
Indies,  and  even  with  Spain.^ 

After  the  coin  brought  over  by  the  settlers  had  gone  back  to  England 
to  pay  for  supplies,  the  colony  was  greatly  embarrassed  for  a  circulating  me- 
dium, and  Indian  corn  and  beaver-skins  were  early  used  as  currency,  while 
wampum  was  employed  in  trade  with  the  Indians.  The  colony,  however, 
in  1652  established  a  mint,  where  was  coined,  from  the  Spanish  silver  which 
had  been  introduced  from  the  West  Indies,  and  from  whatever  bullion  and 
plate  might  be  sent  in  from  any  quarter,  the  New  England  money  so  well 
known  in  our  histories  of  American  coinage.^  The  relation  of  the  colony 
to  the  surrounding  New  England  plantations  is  noticed  further  on  in  the 
brief  accounts  given  of  those  settlements. 

Events  in  England  moved  rapidly  onward.  The  execution  of  King 
Charles  occurred  about  two  months  before  the  death  of  ^Vinthrop,  which 
happened  on  the  26th  of  March,  1648/49,  and  it  is  certain  that  the  latter 
nerer  heard  of  the  tragic  end  of  his  old  master.  The  colonists  prudently 
acknowledged  their  subjection  to  the  Parliament,  and  afterward  to  Crom- 
well, so  far  as  was  necessary  to  keep  upon  terms  with  both.  Hutchinson 
says  that  he  had  nowhere  met  with  any  marks  of  disrespect  to  the  memory 
of  the  late  king,  and  that  there  was  no  room  to  suppose  they  bore  any  dis- 
affection to  his  son ;  and  if  they  feared  his  restoration,  it  was  because  they 
expected  a  change  in  religion,  and  that  a  persecution  of  all  Nonconformists 
would  follow.     Charles  II.  was  tardily  proclaimed  in  the  colony,  owing,  per- 

'   Palfrey's  History  of  A'nu  England,  ii.  51-56. 

'^  Ibid.  pp.  57,  403-405;    Titvisaclions  0/ t/u-  Aiiieruan  Antiquarian  Society,  iii.  281-300 


W': 


VM1: 


;  Commis- 
)oration  as 


•  on  in  the 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


317 


haps,  to  a  lack  of  definite  information  as  to  the  state  of  politics  in  England, 
and  to  rumors  that  the  people  there  were  in  an  unsettled  condition.  A  loyal 
address  was  finally  agreed  upon  and  sent ;  but  he  was  not  proclaimed  till 
August  of  the  following  year,  1661.     The  Restoration  brought  trouble  to 


tlie  colony.  Among  those  who  laid  their  grievances  before  the  King  in 
Council  -.vere  Mason  and  Gorges,  each  a  grandson  and  heir  of  a  more  dis- 
tinguished proprietor  of  lands  in  New  England.  They  alleged  that  the 
colony  had,  in  violation  of  the  rights  of  the  petitioners,  extended  its  juris- 
diction over  the  provinces  of  New  Hampshire  and  Maine.     The  Quakers 

>  [See  note  on  this  portrait  in  the  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  309.  —  Ed.] 


•IH 


tr.,1 


m  I 


/.  i 


i.i|ii 


'|:  'j 


.1  ;ir 


I  I 


3'8 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


and  some  of  the  Eastern  people  also  had  their  complaints  to  make  against 
the  colony. 

To  the  humble  address  made  to  the  King  a  benignant  answer  was  received  ; 
but  an  order  soon  afterward  came  that  persons  be  sent  over  authorized  to 
make  answer  for  the  colony  to  all  complaints  alleged  against  it  These  agents 
on  their  return  brought  a  letter  from  the  King  to  the  colony,  in  which  he 
promised  to  preserve  its  patent  and  privileges ;  but  he  also  required  of 
the  colony  that  its  laws  should  be  reviewed,  and  such  as  were  against  the 
King's  authority  repealed;  that  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  the  forms  of  jus- 
tice be  administered  in  the  King's  name ;  that  no  one  who  desired  to  use 
the  book  of  Common  Prayer  should  be  prejudiced  thereby  as  to  the  baptism 
of  his  children  or  admission  to  the  sacrament  or  to  civil  privilege. 

These  requirements  were  grievous  to  the  people  of  Massachusetts;  but 
worse  was  to  come.  In  the  spring  of  1664  intelligence  was  brought  that 
several  men-of-war  were  coming  from  England  with  some  gentlemen  of 
distinction  on  board,  and  preparations  were  made  to  receive  them.  At 
the  next  meeting  of  the  General  Court  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer  was 
appointed,  and  their  patent  and  its  duplicate  were  brought  into  Court  and 
committed  to  the  charge  of  four  trusty  men  for  safe-keeping.  The  ships 
arrived  in  July,  with  four  commissioners  having  authority  for  reducing  the 
Dutch  at  Manhados,  and  for  visiting  the  several  New  England  colonies,  and 
hearing  and  determining  all  matters  of  complaint,  and  settling  the  peace 
and  security  of  the  country.  Proceeding  on  their  errand  to  the  Manhados, 
the  Dutch  surrendered  on  articles.^  In  the  mean  time  an  address  was 
agreed  upon  by  the  Court  to  be  sent  to  the  King,  in  which  was  recounted 
the  sacrifices  and  early  struggles  of  the  colonists,  while  they  prayed  for  the 
preservation  of  their  liberties.  Colonel  Nichols  remaining  in  New  York, 
the  other  commissioners  returned  to  New  England,  and,  having  despatched 
their  business  elswhere,  came  to  Boston  in  May,  1665,  after  they  had  been 
joined  by  Colonel  Nichols.  Governor  Endicott  had  died  the  preceding 
March,  and  Mr.  Bellingham,  the  deputy-governor,  stood  in  his  place.  The 
commissioners  laid  their  claim  before  the  Court,  and  demanded  an  answer. 
There  was  skirmishing  on  both  sides.  It  is  a  long  stor>',  filling  many  pages 
of  the  colony  records.  The  envoys  asked  to  have  their  commission  ac- 
knowledged by  the  government ;  but  this  would  have  overridden  the  char- 
ter of  the  colony,  and  placed  the  inhabitants  at  the  mercy  of  their  enemies. 
In  short,  the  authorities  refused  to  yield,  and  the  commissioners,  after  being 
defeated  in  other  attempts  to  effect  their  purpose,  were  called  home.  Sev- 
eral letters  and  addresses  followed.  Thus  ended  for  a  time  the  contest  with 
the  Crown.  For  nearly  ten  years  there  was  an  almost  entire  suspension  of 
political  relations  bet\veen  New  England  and  the  mother  countrj'.  But  the 
projects  of  the  Home  Government  were  not  given  over.  Gorges  and  Mason 
persisted  in  their  claims.  In  the  mean  time  New  England  was  ravaged  by  an 
Indian  war,  known  as  Philip's  War.     The  distress  was  great,  and  the  loss  of 

*  [See  chap.  x.  of  the  present  volume,  and  chap.  x.  of  Vol.  IV.  —  Ed.] 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


3»9 


life  fearfiii.  During  its  progress  Edward  Randolph,  the  evil  genius  of  New 
England,  appeared  on  the  scene,  prepared  for  mischief.  He  arrived  in  July, 
1676,  with  a  letter  from  the  King  and  with  complaints  from  Mason  and 
Gorges,  and  armed  with  a  royal  order  for  agents  to  be  sent  to  England  to 


MEETIXG-HOUSE   AT   HINGHAM 


■  [This  is  considered  the  oldest  meeting-house 
in  present  use  in  New  England.     It  was  erected 
in  16S1.     Cf.  The  Commeniorath-e  Ser- 
'ices  of  the  First  Parish  in  Hingham  on 
the  Two  Hundredth  Anniversary  of  the      A 
liiiildinj;  of  its  Meeting-House,  Aug.  8,     " 
iSSi   (Hingham,   1882),  with  another 
vi';\v  of  the  building,  —  a  photograph  ; 
.ilso  E.  A.  Horton's  Discourse,  Jan.  8, 
1S82.   A  meeting-house  of  similar  t^•pe, 
erected  in  Lynn  in  16S2,  is  represented 
in  Lynn,  Her  First  Tzvo  Hundred  and 
Fifty  Years,  p.  117.     The  annexed  au- 
tographs, taken  from  a  document  in 
the  Trumbull  Manuscripts,  in  the  Mas- 
sachusetts   Historical   Society's   Cab- 
inet, and  dated  1690,  represent  some 
of  the  leading  ministers  of  the  colony 
.It  the  close  of  the  colonial  period.     Morton  was 
of  Charlestown ;  Allen  of  Boston ;  Wigglesworth, 


the  author  of  the  Day  of  Doom,  a  sulphurous 
poem  greatly  famous  in  its  day,  was  of  Maiden ; 

Moodey  was  of  Portsmouth ;  Willard  and  Mather 
of  Boston;  and  Walter  of  Roxbury.  —  Ed.] 


i  I 


i.    I 


\  V 


V  1 


^\ 


320 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


make  answer.  This  was  but  the  beginning  of  the  end.  The  legal  authorities 
in  England,  before  whom  the  case  was  brought,  decided  that  neither  Maine 
nor  New  Hampshire  was  within  the  chartered  limits  of  Massachusetts,  and 
that  the  title  of  the  former  was  in  the  grandson  of  the  original  proprietor. 
Whereupon  the  agent  of  Massachusetts  bought  the  patent  of  Maine  from 
its  proprietor  for  ^1,250,  and  stood  in  his  shoes  as  lord  paramount.     This 


greatly  displeased  the  King,  and  the  hostility  to  the  colony  continued. 
Additional  charges,  such  as  illegal  coining  of  money,  violations  of  the  laws 
of  trade  and  navigation,  and  legislative  provisions  repugnant  to  the  laws  of 
England  and  contrary  to  the  power  of  the  charter,  were  now  alleged  against 
the  colony.  The  agents  of  the  colony  and  the  emissaries  of  the  Crown 
crossed  and  recrossed  the  ocean  with  apologies  on  the  one  hand  and  requi- 


l'*  > 


NEW  ENGLAND. 


321 


sitions  on  the  other;  but  nothing  would  satisfy  the  Crown  but  the  subjuga- 
tion of  the  colony.  A  quo  ivarranto  against  the  Governor  and  Company 
was  issued  in  1683  ;  and  finally,  by  a  new  suit  of  scire  facias  brought  in  the 
Court  of  Chancery,  judgment  against  the  Company  was  entered  up  Oct. 
23,  1684.  Intelligence  of  this  was  not  officially  received  till  the  following 
summer.  Meantime  the  new  king,  James  II.,  was  proclaimed,  April  20, 
1685.  The  government  of  the  colony  was  expiring.  The  "Rose"  frigate 
arrived  in  Boston  May  14,  1686,  bringing  a  commission  for  Joseph  Dudley 
as  President  of  the  Council  for  Massachusetts  Bay,  New  Hampshire,  and 
Maine,  and  the  Narraganset  country,  or  King's  Province.  There  was  no 
House  of  Deputies  to  oppose  him.  Dudley  was  succeeded  by  Sir  lidmund 
Andros  on  the  19th  of  December,  who  had  arrived  in  the  frigate  "  King- 
fisher," with  a  commission  for  the  government  of  New  England.  He  was 
detested  by  the  colony,  and  the  people  only  needed  a  rumor  of  the  revolu- 
tion in  England,  which  reached  Boston  '■  the  spring  of  1689,  to  provoke 
a  rising,  and  he  was  thrown  into  prison.^  A  provisional  government,  with 
the  old  charter-officers,  was  instituted,  and  continued  till  the  new  charter  of 
1691  was  inaugurated. 


Maine.  —  There  were  many  settlements  on  the  coast  of  Maine  prior 
to  the  grant  to  Gorges  from  the  Council  in  1635,  and  consequently  before 
his  subsequent  charter  from  the  King.  Indeed,  very  little  was  done  by 
Gorges  as  Lord  Proprietor  of  Maine.  The  patents  from  the  Council  to 
the  year  1633  had  embraced  the  whole  territory  from  Piscataqua  to  Penob- 
scot, thus  including  the  territory  on  both  sides  the  Kennebec,  which  was 
claimed  by  the  Pilgrims  of  Plymouth  under  their  patent  of  Jan.  13,  1629  30. 
In  various  places  settlements  had  already  been  begun.  In  the  royal  charter 
to  Gorges,  whose  grant  extended  from  Piscataqua  to  Sagadahoc,  the  rights 
of  previous  grantees  were  reserved  to  them,  they  relinquishing  or  laying 
dowr  their  jura  regalia. 

The  earliest  permanent  settlement  in  this  State,  on  the  mainland,  would 
seem  to  have  been  made  at  Pemaquid.     One  John  Brown,  of  New  Harbor, 

bought  land  in  that  quarter 
lians  as  early  as 
the  acknowl- 
edgment of  the  deed  being 
taken  by  Abraham  Shurt,  of 
Pen  aquid,    in         /  the  same  month  in  the  following  year,  if  there 

is  no  error  in  Shurt's  deposition.  Shurt  says  that  he  came  over  as  the 
age.it  of  the  subsequent  proprietors,  Aldsworth  and  Elbridge,  who  had  a 
^'rant  of  Pemaquid  from  the  Council,  issued  Feb.  29,  163 1  32,  and  that  he 
bought  for  them  the  Island  of  Monhegan,  on  which  a  fishing  settlement, 
temporarily  broken  up  in  1626,  was  made  three  years  before. 

The  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  the  Saco  River  must  have  begun  soon 


/  jy  /o    bought  land  ii 


VOL.  m.  —  41. 


*  See  chapter  x. 


tv 


,)S^ 


ii  < 


Ii 


:  -i 


,i 


322 


NARRATIVli   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    UF   AMLKICA. 


after  Ricliard  Vines  took  possession  of  his  ^rant  there  in  1630.  Durinjj  the 
same  year  Cleeves  and  Tucker  settled  near  the  mouth  of  the  Spurwink; 
but  in  t\vo  years  they  removed  to  the  neck  of  land  on  which  Portland  now 
stands,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  that  city.  In  applications  to  the  Council 
for  ^'rants  of  land  made  respectively  to  Walter  IJagnall  and  John  Stratton, 
Dec.  2,  1C31,  the  former  represents  himself  to  have  lived  in  New  England 
"  for  the  space  of  seven  years,"  and  the  latter  "  three  years  last  past." 
Bafjnall's  patent  included  Richmond  Island,  where  he  had  lived  some  three 
years  at  least.  He  was  killed  by  the  Indians  two  months  before  the  Council 
acted  upon  his  application.  Stratton's  grant  was  located  at  Cape  Porpoise. 
Bagnall  probably  had  been  one  of  Thomas  Morton's  unruly  crew  at  Mt. 
VVollaston,  in  Boston  Harbor. 

In  1630  what  is  known  as  the  "  Plough  Patent"  was  issued  by  the  Coun- 
cil. The  original  parchment  is  lost,  and  it  is  nowhere  recorded.  The  grant 
was  bounded  on  the  east  by  Cape  Elizabeth,  and  on  the  west  by  Cape  Por- 
poise, a  distance  of  some  thirty  miles  on  the  sea-coast.  This  included  the 
patents  on  the  Saco  River  previously  granted,  against  which  Vines  protested. 
There  was  early  a  dispute  as  to  its  extent.  The  holders  of  it  came  over  in 
the  ship  "Plough,"  in  163 1.  They  went  to  the  eastward;  but  not  liking  the 
place,  came  to  Boston.  They  subsequently  fell  out  among  themselves,  and, 
as  Winthrop  says,  "  vanished  away."  Afterward  the  patent  fell  into  the 
hands  of  others,  and  played  an  important  part  for  a  number  of  years  in  the 
history  of  Maine,  of  which  notice  will  be  taken  further  on. 

On  Dec.  2,  163 1,  a  grant  of  land  of  twenty-four  thousand  acres  in  ex- 
tent was  made  to  a  number  of  persons,  including  Ferdinando  Gorges,  a 
grandson  of  Sir  Ferdinando,  then  some  three  years  of  age.  This  territory 
was  on  both  sides  of  the  Acomenticus  River.  Some  settlements  were  made 
here  about  this  time,  and  April  10,  1641,  after  the  Gorges  government  was 
established,  the  borough  of  Acomenticus  was  incorporated,  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing March  the  place  was  chartered  as  the  city  of  "  Gorgeana." 

There  were  other  early  settlements  on  the  coast  of  Maine,  but  we  have  no 
space  for  their  enumeration.  The  inhabitants,  really  or  nominally,  for  the 
most  part  sympathized  with  the  Loyalist  party  as  well  in  politics  as  in  reli- 
gion, and  it  was  the  policy  of  the  proprietor  of  Maine  to  foster  no  opposing 
views.  They  were  subjected  to  no  external  government  until  the  arrival  of 
Captain  William  Gorges,  in  1636,  as  deputy-governor,  with  commissions  to 
Richard  Vines  and  others  as  councillors  of  the  province,  to  which  the 
name  of  "  New  Somersetshire  "  was  given.  The  first  meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners was  held  at  Saco,  March  25,  1636,  where  the  first  provincial 
jurisdiction  in  this  section  of  New  England  was  exercised.  The  records  of 
this  province  do  not  extend  beyond  1637,  and  it  is  uncertain  whether  the 
courts  continued  to  be  held  until  the  new  organization  of  the  government 
of  Maine  in  1640.  In  1636  George  Cleeves,  a  disaffected  person  who  lived 
at  Casco,  went  to  England,  and  next  year  returned  with  a  commission 
from  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  authorizing  several  persons  in  Massachusetts 


,r  I) 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


3*3 


acres  in  ex- 


Bay  to  govern  his  province  of  New  Somersetshire,  and  to  oversee  his  ser- 
vants, etc.  Tile  authorities  of  the  Hay  declined  tiie  service,  and  the  matter 
"passed  in  silence."  Winthrop  says  they  did  not  see  what  authority  Gorjjes 
had  to  grant  sucn  commissions. 

The  charter  of  Maine,  which  covered  the  same  territory  as  New  Somer- 
setshire, having  been  granted  to  Sir  I'erdinando  (iorges,  he  issued  a  com- 
mission for  its  government.  This  included  a  number  of  his  kinsmen,  with 
Thomas  Gorges  as  deputy-governor.  The  first  General  Court  under  this 
government  was  held  at  Saco,  June  25,  1640,  under  an  earlier  commission 
and  before  the  arrival  of  the  deputy-governor.  This  Court  exercised  the 
powers  of  an  executive  and  legislative,  as  well  as  of  a  judicial,  body,  in  the 
name  of  "  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  Knight,  Lord  Proprietor  of  the  Province 
of  Maine."  The  second  term  of  the  Court  was  held  in  September,  when 
the  Deputy-Governor  was  present.  He  made  his  headquarters  at  Gor- 
geana.  The  records  of  the  courts  between  1641  and  1644,  inclusive,  are 
not  preserved.  Deputy-Governor  Gorges  sailed  for  England  in  1643,  leav- 
ing Richard  Vines  at  the  head  of  the  government.  At  a  meeting  held  at 
Saco  in  1645,  the  Court,  not  having  heard  from  the  proprietor,  appointed 
Richard  Vines  deputy-governor  for  one  year,  and  if  he  departed  within  the 
year,  Henry  Josselyn  was  to  take  his  place.  The  civil  war  was  raging  in 
England  at  this  time,  and  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  was  active  for  the  King, 
and  was  in  Prince  Rupert's  army  at  the  siege  of  Bristol.  When  that  city 
was  retaken  by  the  Parliamentary  forces,  in  1645,  he  was  plundered  and 
imprisoned.  Under  these  circumstances  he  had  no  time  to  give  to  his  dis- 
tant province.  In  1645  the  Court  ordered  that  Richard  Vines  shall  have 
power  to  take  possession  of  all  goods  and  chattels  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  and  to  pay  such  debts  as  Gorges  may  owe. 

But  Gorges'  authority  was  not,  meanwhile,  without  its  rival.  Not  long 
after  the  government  under  the  charter  of  1639  had  been  organized,  George 
Cleeves,  of  Casco,  again  went  to  England,  and  induced  Alexander  Rigby, 
"  a  lawyer  and  Parliament-man,"  from  VVigan,  Lancashire,  to  purchase  the 
abandoned  Plough  patent  before  mentioned,  which  he  did,  April  7.  1643  ; 
and  Cleeves  received  a  commission  from  him,  as  deputy,  to  administer  its 
affairs.  By  the  following  January  he  had  returned,  and,  landing  at  Boston, 
he  solicited  the  aid  of  the  Massachusetts  Government  against  the  authority 
of  Gorges;  but  that  Government  declined  to  interfere.  Cleeves  claimed 
that  Casco  was  within  the  bounds  of  his  patent,  and  he  immediately  set  up 
his  authority  as  "  Deputy-President  of  the  Province  of  Lygonia,"  extending 
his  jurisdiction  over  a  large  part  of  the  Province  of  Maine,  which  was  then 
under  the  administration  of  Richard  Vines,  as  deputy  for  Gorges.  This 
produced  a  collision,  and  both  parties  appealed  to  Massachusetts,  which 
declined,  as  before,  to  act;  but  finally,  in  1646,  after  Vines  had  left  the 
country,  the  Bay  Government  consented  to  serve  as  umpire ;  but  no  con- 
clusion was  reached.  Winthrop  says  that  both  parties  failed  of  proof;  and 
as  a  joint  appeal  had  been  made  to  the  Commissioners  for  Foreign  Planta- 


!.  > 


■  i  . 


3*4 


NARRATIVli  AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


tk 


''    \ 


I.    V 


tions  in  KiiRland,  they  were  advised  in  the  mean  time  to  live  peaceably 
toj^etlicr.  Rij;by's  position  and  intluencc  in  I'arliamcnt  secured  a  decision 
in  liis  favor,  while  Gor^jes  at  that  time  was  in  no  position  to  protect  his 
interests.  The  decision  of  the  Commissioners,  which  was  jjiven  in  1646,  ter- 
minated Cior^jes'  jurisdiction  over  tiiat  part  of  Maine  inchided  in  ''\c  Prov- 
ince of  Lyjjonia,  embracinj^  tlie  settlements  from  Casco  to  Cape  Porpoise, 
and  inchidin^j  both.  The  last  General  Court  under  the  authority  of  Gorges, 
of  which  any  record  exists,  was  held  at  Wells,  in  July  of  this  year. 

At  len^'th,  in  1649,  the  inhabitants  of  the  western  part  of  this  province, 
between  Cape  Porpoise  and  I'iscataqua  River,  —  including  Wells,  Gorgeana, 
and  I'iscatacjua,  —  having  had  intelligence  in  164/  nf  the  death  of  the  pro- 
prietor (Gorges  died  in  May  of  that  year,  and  was  buried  on  the  fourteenth 
of  the  month),  and  finding  no  one  in  authority  there,  and  having  in  vain 
written  to  his  heirs  to  ascertain  their  wishes,  formed  a  combination  among 
themselves.  Mr.  Edward  Godfrey  was  chosen  governor,  the  style  of  the 
"  I'rovince  of  Maine"  being  still  retained.  This  state  of  things  continued 
till  1652  53,  when  the  towns  were  annexed  to  Massachusetts.  The  inhab- 
itants then  living  between  Casco  and  the  Kennebec  were  few  in  number. 
Thomas  Purchase,  one  of  the  proprietors  of  the  Pejepscot  patent,  had,  in 
1639,  conveyed  a  large  tract  to  Massachusetts  with  alleged  powers  of  gov- 
ernment over  it.  The  people  living  within  the  Kennebec  patent  were 
regarded  as  belonging  to  the  jurisdiction  of  New  Plymouth. 

In  the  mean  time  the  inhabitants  under  the  Lygonia  government  quietly 
submitted  to  its  authority.  Alexander  Rigby  died  in  August,  1650,  and 
the  proprietorship  of  Lygonia  fell  to  his  son  Edward.  In  brief,  the  gov- 
ernment was  soon  at  an  end.  The  inhabitants  of  Cape  Porpoise  and  Saco 
submitted  to  Massachusetts  in  1652,  and  the  remaining  settlements  in  1658. 
Thus  was  accomplished  what  the  l^ay  Colony  had  for  some  time  been  aim- 
ing to  effect,  —  the  bringing  of  these  eastern  settlements  under  her  jurisdic- 
tion. Having  decided  that  the  northern  boundary  of  her  patent  extended 
three  miles  above  the  northernmost  head  of  the  Merrimac  River,  the  com- 
missioners appointed  on  a  recent  survey  showed  that  the  northern  line,  as 
run  by  them,  terminated  at  Clapboard  Island  (about  three  miles  east\vard  of 
Casco  peninsula)  ;  and  this  brought  the  Maine  settlements  within  the  bounds 
of  the  Massachusetts  charter.  This  state  of  things  continued  till  after  the 
restoration  of  Charles  II.,  when  the  hopes  of  those  favorable  to  the  Gorges 
interest  began  to  revive.  Young  Ferdinando  Gorges,  the  grandson  and  heir 
of  the  old  proprietor,  petitioned  the  Crown  to  be  restored  to  his  inheritance. 
His  agent,  Mr.  Archdale,  came  into  the  province,  and  appointed  magistrates 
to  act  under  his  authority,  but  the  Government  of  Massachusetts  speedily 
repressed  all  such  movements.  Charles  II.,  however,  soon  directed  his  atten- 
tion to  New  England.  He  appointed  four  commissioners  to  proceed  thither, 
charged  with  important  duties  and  clothed  with  large  powers.  They,  or 
three  of  them,  visited  the  province  in  the  summer  of  1665,  and  at  York 
issued  a  proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Maine,  requiring  them  to  sub- 


1 '  i  I 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


325 


mit  to  the  immediate  protection  and  government  of  the  King;  and  in  his 
Majesty's  name  forbidding;  the  magistrate-  eitlicr  of  Massachusetts  or  of  the 
claimant  to  exercise  jurisdiction  there,  until  his  Majesty's  pleasure  should 
be  further  known.  A  provisional  government  was  therefore  established, 
ami  the  revival  of  the  Church  of  Kngland  was  encouraged. 

In  the  previous  year  the  iJuke  of  York  received  a  charter  of  the  Province 
of  .New  York,  and,  embraced  within  the  same  document,  was  a  tjrant  of  the 
territories  between  the  St.  Croix  and  I'emaquid,  which  was  interpreted  to 
include  I'emacpiid  and  its  dependencies;  and  a  t,'overnment  was  subsc- 
ijuently  erecteil  there  under  the  name  of  Cornwall  County.  After  the 
Duke  became  King  it  was  a  royal  province.  This  was  beyond  the  eastern 
bounds  of  the  Province  of  Maine.  There  had  scarcely  been  even  a  pre- 
tence of  a  civil  government  here  under  the  old  patents.  The  Royal  Com- 
missioners speak  of  the  low  moral  condition  of  the  people  of  this  region. 
"  l''or  the  most  part,"  they  say,  *'  they  arc  fishermen,  and  share  in  tiieir 
wives  as  they  do  in  their  boats."  The  government  under  the  Duke  of 
York  W.-XS  of  an  uncertain  character,  and  was  subject  to  the  contingencies 
(if  political  changes;  and  in  1674  the  Government  of  .Massachusetts,  on 
the  petition  of  the  inhabitants,  took  them  for  a  time  under  its  protection. 
During  the  Indian  wars  which  scourged  the  eastern  settlements,  in  the  lat- 
ter part  of  that  century,  the  Pcmaquid  country  was  wholly  depopulated. 

The  Government  established  by  the  Royal  Commissioners  in  the 
Province  of  Maine  never  possessed  any  permanent  principle  or  power 
to  give  sanction  to  its  authority,  and  in  1668  it  had  nearly  died  out;  at 
this  time  the  inhabitants  there  looked  to  the  wise  and  stable  Government 
of  Massachusetts  for  relief,  and  so  petitioned  to  be  again  taken  under  its 
jurisdiction.  Four  commissioners,  ♦hrrcfore,  accompanied  by  a  military 
escort  were  sent  from  the  Bay,  and  reaching  York  in  July,  1668,  assumed 
jurisdiction  "  by  virtue  of  their  charter."  There  were  a  few  prominent  in- 
dividuals who  did  not  quietly  submit,  but  they  were  summarily  dealt  with. 
Renewed  exertions  were  now  made  by  the  proprietor  and  his  friends  for  a 
recognition  of  his  title,  and  at  length  they  so  far  prevailed  as  to  obtain  let- 
ters from  the  King,  dated  March  10,  1675  /6,  requiring  the  Massachusetts 
Colony  to  send  over  agents  with  full  instructions  to  answer  all  complaints. 
The  agents  appeared  within  the  time  specified,  and  after  a  full  hearing  the 
authorities  decided  that  neither  Maine  nor  New  Hampshire  was  within  the 
chartered  limits  of  Massachusetts,  and  that  the  government  of  Maine  be- 
longed to  the  heir  of  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges.  Soon  after  this  decision  an 
agent  of  Massachusetts  made  a  proposition  for  the  purchase  of  the  province, 
which  was  accepted;  and  in  March,  1677  78,  Ferdinando  Gorges  transferred 
his  title  for;^i,250,  and  Massachusetts  became  lord-paramount  of  Maine. 
This  proceeding  was  a  surprise  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  province,  and,  as 
might  have  been  expected,  gave  offence  to  the  King,  who  inefiectually  de- 
manded that  the  bargain  should  be  cancelled.  Massachusetts,  as  the  lawful 
assign  of  Ferdinando  Gorges,  now  took  possession  of  the  province.     A 


lltTi 


^^ 


n^ 


326 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


i  M* 


proclamation  to  that  effect  was  issued  March  17,  167^80;   and  a  govern- 
ment was  set  up  at  York,  of  which  Thomas  Danforth  was  deputed  to  be 

president  for  one  year.  This 
state  of  things  continued  till 
the  accession  of  James  II., 
when  the  events  in  Maine  were 
shaped  by  the  revolution  which  took  place  in  Massachusetts,  and  Danforth 
was  in  the  end  provisionally  restored,  as  Bradstreet  had  been  in  the  Bay. 


^ 


i>     |i 


New  H.\mpshike.  —  The  first  settlement  in  New  Hampshire  was  made 
by  David  Thomson,  a  Scotchman,  in  the  spring  of  1623,  at  Little  Il.-irbor, 
on  the  south  s<He  of  the  mouth  of  Piscataqua  River.  He  had  received  a 
patent  from  the  Council  of  New  England  th;;  year  before,  and  came  over  in 
the  ship  "  Jonathan,"  of  Plymouth,  under  an  indentured  agreement  with 
three  merchants  of  Plymouth  in  England.  He  lived  a':  Little  Harbor  till 
1626,  when  he  removed  to  an  island  in  Boston  Harbor,  which  now  bears  his 
name.  By  1628  he  had  died,  leaving  a  wife  and  child.  There  is  reason  to 
believe  that  the  settlement  at  Little  Harbor  was  contiiued  after  Thomson 
left  the  place. 

Following  Thomson,  —  perhaps  about  1627,  —  came  Edward  Hilton, 
a  fishmonger  of  London,  who  settled  six  miles  up  the  river,  on  a  place 
afterward  called  Hilton's  Point,  or  Dover  Neck.  Here  he  was  joined  by  a 
few  others,  including  his  brother  William  and  his  family,  who  had  been  at 
New  Plymouth.  In  1630  Hilton  and  his  associates  received  from  the  Coun- 
cil a  patent  of  the  place  on  which  he  was  settled.  This  was  dated  March  12, 
1629  (O.  S.),  and  the  whole  or  part  of  it  they  soon  sold  to  some  merchants 
of  Bristol  in  England.  Two  years  later  the  patent,  or  a  large  interest  in 
it,  was  purchased  by  Lord  Say,  Lord  Brook,  and  other  gentlemen  friendly 
to  Massachusetts.  This  latter  agreement  was  effected  through  the  agency 
of  Thomas  Wiggin,  who  had  gone  over  to  England  in  1632,  and  who  in 
the  following  year  returned,  bringing  with  him  a  large  accession  to  the 
settlement,  which  included  a  "  worthy  Puritan  divine,"  who  soon  left  for 
want  of  adequ'.te  support.  Other  ministers  came,  and  some  laymen,  all  of 
whom  had  been  in  bad  repute  in  Massachusetts.  Although  the  inhabitants 
went  through  the  form  of  electing  magistrates,  there  was  no  authorized 
government.  The  original  proprietor  of  the  patent  had  left  the  place,  and 
scenes  of  confusion,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  sometimes  highly  amusing, 
characterized  the  settlement  for  a  number  of  years.  In  1637  the  people 
combined  into  a  body  politic,  which  seems  not  to  have  received  .-reneral  sanc- 
tion, and  the  notorious  George  Burdett  suppl-inted  Wiggin,  the  former 
governor ;  but  the  troubles  which  subsequently  eiisued  led  to  i\  new  com- 
bination, Oct.  22,  1640,  signed  by  forty-two  persons,  or  nearly  every 
resident.  Massachusetts  had  for  some  years  desired  to  bring  the  several 
governments  on  the  Piscataqua  and  its  branches  under  her  jurisdiction,  and 
had,  by  an  early  revision  of  the  northern  boundary  of  her  patent,  decided 


A  I; 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


327 


that  it  included  them.  The  inhabitants  here  desirol  to  be  under  a  stable 
government,  and  on  June  14,  1641,  they  submitted  10  the  Massachusetts 
authorities,  and  the  Act  of  Union  was  passed  by  that  Government,  Oct.  9 
following.! 

The  next  independent  settlement  was  made  by  the  Laconia  Company  in 
1630.  This  company  was  formed  soon  after  the  Laconia  patent  of  Nov.  17, 
1629,  was  granted  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  John  Mason.  It  was  an 
unincorporated  association  of  nine  persons,  most  of  whose  names  appear 
in  a  subsequent  grant  of  land,  to  be  presently  mentioned.  Some  of  these 
associates  had  been  members  of  the  Canada  Company,  of  which  Sir  Will- 
iam Alexander  was  the  head,  who  had  undertaken  the  conquest  of  Can- 
ada as  a  private  enterprise,  under  the  command  of  Sir  David  Kirke.  The 
fur-trade  of  that  province  was  the  tempting  prize.  The  sudden  peace  which 
followed  the  conquest,  with  the  stipulation  that  all  articles  captured  should 
be  restored,  brought  the  Canada  Company  to  grief.  Ten  days  after  the  re- 
turn of  the  expedition.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  and  John  Mason  took  out  the 
patent  above  mentioned.  The  purpose  of  the  Company  was  to  engage  in 
the  fur-trade ;  to  send  cargoes  of  Indian  truck-goods  to  the  Piscataqua  and 
unlade  them  at  their  factories  near  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and  thence  to 
transport  them  in  boats  or  canoes  up  the  river  to  Lake  Champlain,  to  be  bar- 
tered there  for  peltries  for  the  European  market.  Their  patent  was  a  grant 
of  a  vaguely  bounded  territory  on  the  lakes  of  the  Iroquois,  which  they 
named  Laconia.  The  first  vessel  despatched  to  Piscataqua  was  the  barque 
"  Warwick,"  which  sailed  from  London  the  last  of  March,  1630,  and  which 
by  the  first  of  June  had  arrived,  with  Walter  Neal,  governor,  and  Ambrose 
Gibbons,  factor,  and  some  others.  They  took  possession  of  the  house  and 
land  at  Odiorne's  Point,  Little  Harbor,  which  Thomson  had  left  in  1626,  — 
perhaps  by  an  agreement  with  his  associates.  In  the  following  year  others 
were  sent.  Stations  for  the  Company's  operations  were  also  established  at 
Strawberry  Bank  (Portsmouth),  and  at  Newichwaneck  (South  Berwick), 
on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river.  Captain  Neal  was  charged  with  the  duty 
of  penetrating  into  the  interior  of  the  country  in  search  of  the  lakes  of  La- 
conia. This  he  finally  attempted,  but  without  success.  Hubbard  says  that 
"  after  three  years  spent  in  labor  and  travel  for  that  end,  or  other  fruitless 
endeavors,  and  expense  of  too  much  estate,  they  returned  back  to  England 
with  a  non  est  invcnta  Provincia."  The  Company  also  attempted  to  carry 
on,  in  connection  with  the  peltry  business,  the  manufacture  of  clapboards 
and  pipe-staves,  and  the  making  of  salt  from  sea-water.  A  fishing  station 
was  also  set  up  at  the  Isles  of  Shoals.  Large  quantities  of  truck-goods  were 
sent  over,  which  were  put  off  to  advantage  for  furs  brought  to  the  factories 
by  the  Indians.  In  order  to  afford  the  Company  greater  facilities,  and  to 
secure  to  themselves  what  they  had  already  gained,  they  had,  on  Nov.  3, 

'  Hilton's  Point  (Dover)  about  the  j-ear  1640  Nortli-liam  in  England.  Wiggin  was  governor 
was  called  North-ham,  in  compliment  to  Thomas  here  five  years,  George  Burdett  two,  John 
l..irkhani,  who  in  that  year  arrived  there  from     Underhill  three,  and  Thomas  Roberts  one. 


i    I 


ihH;lli)| 


iv«- 


1^ 


■  i<i| 


328 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


■'(I 


in 


^'-  .,i'l 


li  :i 


'  H'l; 


1 


li  .' ;' 


1 63 1,  procured  a  grant  from  the  Council  of  a  tract  of  land  on  each  side  of 
the  Piscataqua  River,  in  which  the  Isles  of  Shoals  were  included. 

But  success  did  not  at'.-^nd  their  operations.  The  returns  were  inade- 
quate to  the  outlay,  and  there  was  bad  management  and  alleged  bad  faith 
on  the  part  of  the  employes;  the  larger  part  of  the  associates  became  dis- 
couraged, and  at  the  end  of  the  third  year  they  decided  to  proceed  no 
further  till  Captain  Neal  should  return  and  report  upon  the  condition  of 
affairs.  Neal  left  Piscataqua  July  15,  1633,  and  sailed  from  Boston  in 
August.  His  report  was  probably  not  encouraging,  for  the  Company  pro- 
ceeded later  to  wind  up  its  affairs,  and  in  December  following  they  divided 
their  lands  on  the  east  side  of  the  river.  In  May,  1634,  a  further  division 
was  made,  by  which  it  appears  that  Gorges  and  Mason,  by  purchase  from 
their  partners,  had  acquired  one  half  of  the  shares ;  and  of  this  part  Mason 
owned  three  fourths.  Gibbons,  their  factor,  was  now  directed  to  discharge 
all  the  servants  and  pay  them  off  in  beaver.  Mason  next  sent  over  a  new 
supply  of  men,  and  set  up  two  saw-mills  on  his  own  portion  of  the  lands ; 
but  after  this  we  have  no  account  of  anything  being  done  by  him  or  by  any 
other  of  the  adventurers  on  the  west  side.  Neither  have  we  seen  evidence 
of  any  division  of  lands  having  been  made  on  the  west  side.  Hubbard  says 
that  in  some  "  after  division  "  Little  Harbor  fell  to  Mason,  who  mentions 
it  in  his  will.  But  Mason  in  that  instrument  claims  and  bequeaths  his 
whole  grant  of  New  Hampshire  of  April  22,  1635,  which  included  the  part 
mentioned  by  Hubbard.  Mason  died  before  the  close  of  the  year  1635. 
What  course  was  taken  by  his  late  partners  or  by  the  heirs  of  Mason 
during  the  two  following  years,  there  are  but  few  contemporary  documents 
to  tell  ys.  In  1638  Mrs.  Mason,  the  executrix  of  John  Mason's  estate,  ap- 
pointed Francis  Norton  her  general  attorney  to  look  after  her  interests  in 
those  parts.  But  the  expenses  were  found  to  be  so  great  and  the  income 
so  small,  and  the  servants  were  so  clamorous  for  their  arrears  of  pay,  that 
she  was  obliged  to  relinquish  the  care  of  the  plantation,  and  tell  the  ser- 
vants to  shift  for  themselves.  Upon  this  they  shared  the  goods  and  cattle, 
while  some  kept  possession  of  the  buildings  and  improvements,  claiming 
them  as  their  own.  Charges  were  afterward  brought  against  her  agents 
and  servants  for  embezzling  the  estate.  Some  years  later  suits  wer^ 
brought  in  her  name  and  in  that  of  the  other  proprietors  in  the  courts  of 
Massachusetts  against  the  inhabitants  of  Strawberry  Bank  and  of  Newich- 
waneck,  fm  encroaching  upon  the  lands  in  the  Laconia  patent.  As  a 
conclusion  of  this  summary  sketch  of  the  Laconia  Company,  it  may  be 
added  that  the  records  of  the  old  Court  of  Requests  of  London  show  that, 
on  the  dissolution  of  the  Company,  suits  sprang  up  am^.  ^  uie  adventurers 
themselves,  which  were  for  a  long  time  in  litigation. 

After  Captain  Neal  went  to  England  the  Company  appointed  Francis 
Williams  to  be  governor  in  his  place.  As  Strawberry  Bank  (the  place  was 
not  called  Portsmouth  till  1653)  had  no  efficient  government  during  all  this 
time,  the  inhabitants  now  by  a  written  instrument,  signed,  by  forty-one  pcr- 


M. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


329 


sons,  formed  a  combination  among  themselves,  as  Dover  had  done,  and 
Francis  Williams  was  continued  governor.  The  people  belonged  principally 
to  the  Church  of  England,  and  during  this  combination  they  set  apart  fifty 
acres  of  land  for  a  glebe,  committing  it  in  trust  to  two  church  wardens.' 
Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  successful  attempts  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Government  to  bring  all  the  Piscataqua  settlements  under  her  juris- 
diction. The  people  of  Strawberry  Bank  were  as  successfully  wrought  upon 
as  those  of  Dover  were,  and  the  same  agreement  of  June  14,  1641,  included 
the  submission  of  both,  and  certain  proprietors  named,  in  behalf  of  them- 
selves and  of  the  other  partners  of  the  two  patents,  subscribed  to  the  paper. 

Of  no  one  of  the  grants  issued  to  John  Mason,  or  in  which  he  had  a  joint 
interest,  covering  the  territory  of  New  Hampshire  (except  those  connected 
with  the  Laconia  Company)  did  he  make  any  improvement,  —  and  these 
grants  were  that  of  Aug.  10,  1622,  with  Gorges,  between  the  Merrimac  and 
Sagp.dahoc;  that  of  Nov.  7,  1629,  between  the  Merrimac  and  the  Piscata- 
qua; and  that  of  April  22,  1635,  between  Naumkeag  and  the  Piscataqua. 
The  territory  now  known  as  New  Hampshire  was  never  called  by  that 
name,  except  by  Mason  in  his  last  will,  till  1661,  when,  through  the  dis- 
cussions consequent  upon  the  claims  of  the  heir  of  Mason,  this  designation 
was  introduced  for  the  first  time. 

The  independent  settlement  at  Exeter  was  made  in  1638  by  John  Wheel- 
wright and  others ;  and  of  these  pioneers  Wheelwright  himself  with  some 
companions  had  been  banished  from  Massachusetts  in  the  previous  year. 
They  bought  their  lands  in  April  of  that  year  from  the  Indians.  On  the 
5th  of  June,  1639,  they  formed  a  combination  as  a  church  and  as  subjects  of 
King  Charles,  promising  to  submit  to  all  laws  to  be  made.  It  was  signed 
by  thirty-one  persons,  of  whom  fourteen  made  their  marks.  In  1643  they 
came  under  Massachusetts.  The  order  of  the  General  Court  of  that  col- 
ony recites,  under  date  of  September  7,  that,  finding  themselves  within 
the  bounds  of  Massachusetts,  the  inhabitants  petitioned  to  be  taken  under 
her  jurisdiction.  Wheelwright  then  removed  to  Wells,  in  the  Province 
of  Maine. 

Hampton,  where  the  "bound-house"  was  built  by  Massachusetts  in  1636, 
was  considered  from  the  first  as  belonging  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachu- 
setts. A  union  having  been  thus  formed  between  the  settlements  on  the 
Piscataqua  River  and  its  branches  and  the  colony  of  Massachusetts,  their 
history  for  the  next  forty  years  is  substantially  the  same.  These  planta 
tions  were  governed  by  the  general  laws  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  terms  of 
union  were  strictly  observed.''^ 

Hut  Massachusetts  was  destined  to  be  arraigned  by  the  heir  of  the  old 
patentee  of  New  Hampshire,  Robert  Tufton  Mason,  who  at  the  Restoration 


'  It  is  by  virtue  of  this  agreement  that  the 
lands  are  still  held. 

-  [The  so-called  Endicott  Rock,  with  its  in- 
scriptior\  dated  1652,  fixed  the  northern  limits  of 
New  Hampshire  at  the  head-waters  of  the  Mer- 

voL.  m.  —  42. 


rimac  River,  and  as  a  part  of  Massachusetts. 
Cf.  Granite  Monthly,  v.  224  ;  N.  E.  Hist,  and 
Gittcal.  AVi,'.,  i.  31 1  ;  ^fass.  J  fist.  Soc.  Proc.  xviil. 
400;  XiiL<  Hampshire  Historical  Collections,  iv 
194.  —  El).] 


m 


'    ■;*. 


■>*■ 


II 


i/i 


1      ,1: 


m 


^1  ji 


•ih 


l!     I' 


330 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


pressed  his  claim  on  the  attention  of  the  Crown.  ]*"inally,  after  a  long 
struggle,  the  judges  in  1677  advised  that  Mason  had  no  right  to  the  govern- 
ment of  New  Hampshire,  but  that  the  four  towns  of  Portsmouth,  Dover, 
Exeter,  and  Hampton  were  beyond  the  bounds  of  Massachusetts,  whose 
northern  boundarj-  was  thereby  driven  back  to  its  old  limits,  while  its  char- 
ter of  1629  was  held  to  be  valid.  In  1679  a  revised  opinion  was  given  by 
the  attorney,  Jones,  to  the  effect  that  Mason's  title  to  the  soil  must  be  tried 
0:1  the  spot,  where  the  ter-tenants  could  be  summoned.  A  new  govern- 
ment was  now  instituted  by  the  Crown  for  New  Hampshire,  and  a  com- 
mission was  issued  to  John  Cutt  as  president  for  one  year. 

This  form  of  government,  the  administration  of  which  was  arbitrary  and 
very  unpopular  throughout  the  province,  continued  till  the  time  of  Dudley 
and  Andros,  whose  commissions  rode  over  all  others  preceding.  On  the 
downfall  of  Andros  New  Hampshire  was  for  a  short  time  again  united  to 
Massachusetts. 

CoXNECTicl'T.  —  Connecticut  was  settled  in  1635  and  1636  by  emigrants 
from  three  towns  in  Massachusetts,  —  namel}',  Dorchester,  Watertown,  and 
Newtown  (Cambridge) ;  those  from  Newtown  arriving  in  1636.  Their 
places  of  settlement  on  the  Connecticut  River  bore  for  a  while  the  names  of 
the  towns  in  Massachusetts  whence  the  emigrants  cnme ;  but  in  Februarj-, 
1637,  the  names  of  Windsor,  W'ethersfield,  and  Hartford  were  substituted. 
The  Rev.  Thomas  Hooker  and  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Stone  accompanied  the  people  from  Newtown.  The 
Rev.  John  Warham  joined  his  people  at  Windsor,  and  the  Rev.  Henry  Smith 
was  chosen  pastor  of  ihe  church  at  Wethersfield.  These  several  com- 
munities, though  beyond  the  borders  of  Massachusetts,  were  instituted 
under  her  protection,  and  for  une  year  they  were  governed  by  a  commis- 
sion issuing  from  the  Gcneril  Court  of  that  colony.  Springfield,  settled  in 
1636,  was  in  this  commission  united  with  the  lower  plantations.  This  pro- 
visional arrangement  was  found  to  be  inconvenient,  and  at  the  end  of  the 
year  the  several  towns  took  the  government  into  their  own  hands,  and  a 
General  Court  was  held  at  Hartford,  May  i,  1637.  Preparations  were  now 
made  for  the  impending  Pequot  war,  which  called  out  all  the  strength  of  the 
focble  settlements.  On  its  conclusion,  after  arrangements  had  been  made 
for  future  security  from  savage  foes,  and  for  the  purchase  of  food  till  the 
new  fields  should  become  productive,  the  inhabitants  of  these  towns  — 
Springfield,  now  suspected,  and  soon  afterwafj  declared,  to  be  within  the 
bounds  of  Massachusetts,  excepted  —  formed  a  constitution  among  them- 
selves, bearing  date  Jan.  14,  1638  39.  This  instrument  has  been  called 
"  the  first  example  in  history  of  a  written  constitution,  —  a  distinct  organic 
law  constituting  a  government  and  defining  its  powers." '  It  contained 
no  recognition  of  any  external  authority,  and  provided  that  all  persons 
should  be  freemen,  who  should  be  admitted   as  such  by  the  freemen  of 

'  Bacon,  quoted  by  Palfrey,  i.  535,  536. 


^««^lfci.S 


NEW    ENGLAND. 


m 


the  towns,  and  should  take  the  oath  of  allegiance.     It  continued  in  force, 
with  little  alteration,   for  one  hundred  and   eighty  years.     John   Ilaynes' 

was  the  first  governor ;  and 
he  and  ICdward  Hopkins 
held  the  office  during  most 
of  the  time  for  the  next 
fifteen  years.  In  1657 
John  Winthrop,  son  of 
the  Massachusetts  governor,  was  chosen,  and  continued  to  serve  till  the 
acceptance  of  the  new  charter  by  New  Haven,  when  he  was  continued  in 
that  office. 

Meanwhile, 
in  October,  1635, 
this  same  John 
Winthrop,  Jr., 
had  returned 
from  England 
with  a  commis- 
sion from  Lord 
Say  and  Sele, 
Lord  Brook, 
and  others,  their 
associates,  pat- 
entees of  Con- 
necticut, consti- 
tuting him  "  gov- 
ernor of  the  Riv- 
er Connecticut, 
with  the  places 
adjoining,"  for 
'  le  space  of  or  ,• 
whole  year,  rie 
was  instructed 
to  build  a  fort 
near  the  mouth 
iif  the  river,  and 
to  erect  habita- 
tions; and  he  was 
supplied   with 

means  to  carry  out  this  purpose.     He  brought  over  with  him  one  Lion 
Gardiner,    an   expert    engineer,  who    planned    the   fortifications,  and  was 

'  [What  purported  to  be  a  portrait  of  Hayncs        *  [This  portrait  hangs  in  the  gallery  of  the 

nppeared  in  C.  W.  Elliott's  History  of  Nno  Eni^-  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.     A  heliotype 

/";,/,•  but  it  was  later  proved  to  be  a  likeness  of  of  it  will  be  found  in  the  Winthrop  Papers,  Part 

litz  John   Winthrop,  and  the  plate  was  with-  iv.,  and  in   liowen's  HoHiidury  Disputes  of  Con- 

drawn.    Cf.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  xii.  =13.  —  Ed.  1  mdiail.  —  Ed.] 


/)?^^^>^M'^^^  ^ 


M  :( 


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'-1 


i;n 


I    t 


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I 


u' 


'!'!) 


';^^^ii|l 


332 


iNARRATlVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


appointed  lieutenant-governor  of  the  fort.  It  was  expected  that  a  number 
of  "  gentlemen  of  quality  "  would  come  over  to  the  colony,  and  some  dis- 
position was  at  first  shown  to  remove  the  settlers  of  the  towns  on  the  river 
who  had  "  squatted  "  on  the  lands  of  the  Connecticut  patentees. 

In  the  summer  of  1639  George  Fenwick,  who  was  interested  in  the 
patent,  and  his  family  came  over  in  behalf  of  the  patentees,  and  took  pos- 
session of  the  place,  intend- 
ing to  build  a  town  near  the 
mouth  of  the  river.  A  set- 
tlement  was  made,  and 
named  Saybrook,  in  honor 
of  the  two  principal  paten- 
tees. The  government  of 
the  town  was  entirely  inde- 
pendent of  Connecticut  till 
1644  45,  when  Fenwick,  as 
agent  of  the  proprietors, 
transferred  by  contract  to 
that  government  the  fort  at 
Saybrook  and  its  appurte- 
nances, and  the  land  upon 
the  river,  with  a  pledge  to 
convey  all  the  land  thence 
to  Narragansett  River,  if  it 
came  into  his  power  to  con- 
vey it. 

In  1638  a  settlement  was 
made  at  Quinnipiack,  after- 
ward called  New  Haven, 
under  the  lead  of  John  Da- 
venport. The  emigrants, 
principally  from  Massachu- 
setts, —  like  those  of  the  river  towns,  —  had  no  patent  or  title  to  the  land 
on  which  they  planted,  but  made  a  number  of  purchases  from  the  Indians. 
Here,  in  April,  under  the  shelter  of  an  oak,  thej'  listened  to  a  sermon  by 
Davenport,  and  a  few  days  afterward  formed  a  "  plantation  covenant."  as 
preliminary  to  a  more  formal  engagement,  —  all  agreeing  to  be  ordered  by 
the  rule  of  Scripture.  This  colony,  as  well  as  that  just  described,  sympa- 
thized substantially  in  religious  views  with  Massachusetts. 

On  the  4th  of  June,  163Q,  all  the  free  planters  met  in  a  barn  "  to  consult 


^^oAiL^oA^enjae\ir^ 


^  [The  editor  is  indebted  to  Professor  F.  B. 
Dexter,  of  Yale  College,  for  a  photograph  of  the 
original  picture,  which  is  in  New  Haven,  painted 
on  panel,  and  bears  the  inscription,  "  J.  D.  obiit, 
1670."  Davenport  left  Connecticut  in  1668  to 
become  the  successor  of  John  Wilson  in  Boston, 


and  died  as  the  pastor  of  the  First  Church  in 
Boston,  March  11,  1670.  Cf.  Memorial  History 
of  Boston,  i.  193,  and  the  important  paper  on 
Davenport  by  Professor  Dexter,  printed  in  the 
N'rM  Haven  Historical  Society's  Papers,  vol.  ii.  — 
Ed.1 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


333 


1  "  to  consult 


about  settling  civil  government  accord- 
ing to  God."  Mr.  Davenport  prayed 
and  preached,  and  they  then  proceeded, 
by  his  advice,  to  form  a  government. 
They  first  decided  that  none  but  church 
members  should  be  free  burgesses. 
Twelve  men  were  then  chosen,  who  out 
of  their  own  number  chose  seven  to 
constitute  a  church ;  and  on  the  "  seven 
pillars  "  thus  chosen  rested  also  the  re- 
sponsibility of  forming  the  civil  govern- 
ment. On  October  29  these  seven  per- 
sons met,  and,  after  a  solemn  address 
to  the  Supreme  Being,  proceeded  to 
form  the  body  of  freemen,  and  to  elect 
their  civil  officers.  Theophilus  Eaton 
was  chosen  to  be  governor  for  that 
year;  indeed,  he  continued  to  be  re- 
chosen  to  the  office  for  nearly  twenty 
years,  till  his  death.  This  was  the  orig- 
inal, fundamental  constitution  of  New 
Haven.  A  few  general  rules  were  adopt- 
ed, but  no  code  of  laws  established. 
The  Word  of  God  was  to  be  taken  as 
the  rule  in  all  things. 

This  year  settlements  were  made  at 
Milford  and  at  Guilford,  each  for  a  time 
being  independent  of  any  other  planta- 
tion. Connecticut  had  also  interposed 
two  new  settlements  between  New  Haven 
and  the  Dutch,  at  Fairfield  and  at  Strat- 
ford. 

1  [This  is  taken  from  a  Dutch  map  which  ap- 
pe.ired  at  Middleburgh  and  the  Hague  in  1666,  in 
a  tract  belonging  to  the  controversy  between  Sir 
(leorge  Downing  and  the  States  General.  It  fol- 
lows the  fac-simile  given  in  the  Lenox  edition  of  Mr. 
H.  C.  Murphy's  translation  of  the  Vcrtoogh  van 
A'icu  Ncderland.  It  also  is  found  as  a  marginal 
map  in  the  Pas  Kaart  van  de  Zee  Kiistcn  van  A'icu 
jVederhind,  published  at  Amsterdam  by  Van  Keulen, 
which  shows  the  coast  from  Narragansett  Bay  to 
Sandy  Hook,  where  is  also  a  portion  of  the  map  of 
the  Hudson  given  in  the  notes  following  Mr.  Fer- 
now's  chapter  in  Vol.  IV.  The  Pas  Kaart  is  in  Har- 
vard College  Library  (Atlas  700,  No.  9).  No.  10  of 
the  same  atlas  is  Pas  Kaart  van  de  Zee  Kiisten  hide 
Iiof;/it  van  iVieu  En^eland,  which  shows  the  coast 
from  Nantucket  to  Nova  Scotia.  —  Ed.] 


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58 


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On 
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334 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


In  1642  the  capital  laws  of  Connecticut  were  completed  and  put  upon 
record;  and  in  May,  1650,  a  code  of  laws  known  as  "  Mr,  Ludlow's  Code 
was  adopted."  In  1643  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  were  both  included 
in  the  New  Eng.  J  Confederation,  as  mentioned  on  an  earlier  page,  and 
the  articles  of  union  were  printed  in  1656,  with  the  code  of  laws  which 
was  adopted  by  New  Haven,  as  drawn  up  by  Governor  Eaton,  the  manu- 
script having  been  sent  to  England  to  be  printed. 

The  old  patent  of  Connecticut  mentioned  in  the  agreement  with  Fen- 
wick  seems  never  to  have  been  made  over  to  the  colony ;  and  they  were 
very  anxious,  on  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  in  1660,  for  a  royal  charter, 
which  would  secure  to  them  a  continuance  and  confirmation  of  their  rights 
and  privileges.  Governor  John  VVinthrop  was  appointed  as  agent  to  repre- 
sent the  colony  in  England,  for  this  purpose;  and  in  April,  1662,  he  suc- 
ceeded in  procuring  a  charter,  which  included  the  colony  of  New  Haven. 
The  charter  conveyed  most  ample  powers  and  privileges  for  colonial 
government,  and  confirmed  or  conveyed  the  whole  tract  of  country  which 
had  been  granted  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele  and  others.  Mr.  Davenport  and 
other  leading  men  of  that  colony  were  entirely  opposed  to  a  union  with 
Connecticut;  and  the  acceptance  of  the  new  charter  was  resisted  till  1665, 
when  the  opposition  was  overcome,  and  the  colonies  became  united,  and 
at  the  general  election  in  May  of  that  year  John  VVinthrop  was  elected 
to  be  governor. 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  church  polity  of  Connecticut  and  New 
Haven,  from  the  beginning,  was  substantially  that  of  Massachusetts.  Their 
clergymen  assisted  in  framing  the  Cambridge  Platform  in  1648,  which  was 
the  guide  of  the  churches  for  many  years.  Hooker's  Survey  and  Cotton's 
Wajy  of  the  Chtirches  Cleared  (London,  1648)  were  published  under  one 
general  titlepage  covering  both  works.  After  a  few  years  the  harmony 
of  the  churches  was  seriously  disturbed  by  a  set  of  new  opinions  which 
sprang  up  in  the  church  at  Hartford,  and  which  finally  culminated  in  the 
adoption  by  a  general  council  of  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  churches, 
held  in  Boston  in  1657,  of  the  "  Half-Way  Covenant."  New  Haven  held 
aloof.  Political  motives  lent  their  influence  in  the  spread  of  the  new  views ; 
and  while  the  government  of  Connecticut  attempted  to  enforce  the  resolu- 
tions of  the  synod,  the  churches  long  refused  to  comply.* 

The  union  of  the  two  communities  under  one  charter  gave  strength 
to  both,  and  the  colony  prospered,  while  Winthrop  felt  the  strong  control 
of  a  robust  spirit  in  John  Allyn,  the  secretary  of  the  colony .^     There  were 


1  At  last,  in  1696,  what  was  termed  "owning 
the  covenant "  was  first  introduced  into  the 
church  at  Hartford.  Under  the  influence  of  the 
synod  held  in  Boston  in  1662  of  Massachusetts 
churches  alone,  the  "  Half-Way  Covenant"  had 
been  adopted  in  that  colony.  A  want  of  a  closer 
union  among  the  churches  was  a  growing  feel- 
ing in  the  colony  of  Connecticut  not  provided 
for  by  the  Cambridge  Platform ;  and  the  Say- 


brook  Platform,  the  result  of  a  Connecticut 
sj-nod  held  in  1708,  was  an  attempt  to  provide 
for  this  want.  This  ecclesiastical  document  wr.s 
printed  in  New  London  in  17 10,  in  a  small,  thin 
volume  called  a  Confession  of  Faith,  etc. ;  and 
is  the  first  book,  says  Isaiah  Thomas,  printed 
in  Connecticut.    Trumbull,  i.  471,  482. 

2  Palfrey's  History  of  New  England,  vol.  iil 
p.  238- 


\  -i^.  i:v 


gland,  vol.  iii. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


335 


of  course  constant  occasions  of  annoyance  and  dissension,  both  civil  and 
religious.  Their  wily  foe,  the  Indian,  did  not  "  ^se  wholly  to  disturb  their 
repose.  Hut  during  Philip's 
War,  which  was 
to    Massachusetts, 


ounng    rnuip  s  ^  , 

k-as  so  disastrous     /■f'^*^  2/  *'   ■    J^byA 

setts,    Plymouth, 


and   Rhode   Island,  there  was  y>f    ^ 

less   suffering    in  Connecticut.         ^--7  ^^^ 
Conflicts  of  jurisdiction,  both  ^^  J 


east  and  west,  growing  out  of 


^<  J'ectO^ 


the  uncertain  boundaries  of  its  grant,  though  it  ran  west  to  the  South  Sea, 
were  of  long  duration.  No  sooner  had  the  commissioners,  appointed  by 
the  King  in  1683,  made  a  favorable  decision  for  Connecticut  in  her  contro- 
versy with  Rhode  T^land  in  regard  to  the  Narragansett  country,  than  a  new 
claimant  arose.  1  tb  division  of  the  grand  patent  in  1635,  James,  Mar- 
quis of  Hamilton,  had  ;igned  to  him  the  country  between  the  Connecticut 
and  the  Narraga  sett  .ivers;  but  his  claim  slumbered  only  to  be  revived 
by  his  heirs  at  the  Restoration,  —  and  now  a  second  time,  through  lulward 
Randolph,  the  wat'hful  and  untiring  enemy  of  New  England.  The  prior 
grant  to  Lord  Say  and  Sole,  confirmed  by  the  charter  of  April  23,  1662, 
and  the  sett!  "^ent  of  the  country  under  it,  was  cited  by  Connecticut  in 
their  answer;  and,  in  an  opinion  on  the  case  a  few  years  later,  Sir  Francis 
Pemberton  said  that  the  answer  was  a  good  one. 

When  James  II.  continued  the  attacks  on  the  New  England  charters 
begun  by  the  late  king,  with  a  view  to  bring  all  the  colonies  under  the 
crown,  Connecticut  did  not  escape.  A  quo  warranto  was  issued  against 
the  Governor  and  Company  in  July,  1685,  and  this  was  followed  by  notices 
to  appear  and  defend;  but  the  colony  resisted,  and  petitioned,  and  final 
judgment  was  never  entered.  The  colony's  language  to  the  King  in  one 
of  its  addresses  to  him  was,  however,  construed  as  a  surrender.  Andros 
went  from  Boston  to  Hartford  in  October,  1687,  and  at  a  meeting  of  the 
Assembly,  which  was  prolonged  till  midnight,  demanded  its  charter. 
The  story  goes,  that,  by  a  bold  legerdemain,  the  parchment,  after  the 
lights  were  blown  out,  was  spirited  away  and  hidden  in  the  hollow  of  an 
oak-tree;  nevertheless  Andros  assumed  the  government  of  the  colony, 
under  his  commission.  Thus  matters  continued  till  the  Revolution  of 
1689,  when  the  colony  resumed  its  charter. 

Rhode  Island.  —  Rhode  Island  was  settled  by  Roger  Williams  in 
1636,  he  having  been  banished  from  Massachusetts  the  year  before.  Pro- 
fessor George  Washington  Greene,  in  his  Short  History  of  Rhode  Island, 
remarks,  that  in  the  settlement  of  the  New  England  colonies  the  religious 
idea  lay  at  the  root  of  their  foundation  and  development;  that  in  Ply- 
mouth it  took  the  form  of  separation,  or  a  simple  severance  from  the  Church 
of  England ;  in  Massachusetts  Bay  it  aimed  at  the  establishment  of  a 
theocrac)'  and  the  enforcement  of  a  vigorous  uniformity  of  creed  and  dis- 


t  '! 


m^ 


} 


33« 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


.11 


li 


'U 


Vi.,r 


II   V: 


ciplinc ;  and  that  from  the  resistance  to  this  uniformity  came  Rhode  Island 
an  I  the  doctrine  of  soul-Hberty. 

Williams  was  banished  from  Massachusetts  principally  for  political  rea- 
sons. His  peculiar  opinions  relating  to  soul-liberty  were  not  fully  developed 
until  after  he  had  taken  up  his  residence  in  Rhode  Island.  Five  persons  ac- 
companied him  to  the  banks  of  the  Mooshausic,  and  there  they  planted  the 
town  of  Providence.  Williams  here  purchased,  or  received  by  gift,  a  tract 
of  land  from  the  Indians,  and  he  had  no  patent  or  other  title  to  the  soil. 
Additions  were  soon  made  to  the  little  settlement,  and  he  divided  the  land 
with  twelve  of  his  companions,  reserving  for  them  and  himself  the  right 
of  extending  the  grant  to  others  who  might  be  admitted  to  fellowship.  An 
association  of  civil  government  was  formed  among  the  householders  or 
masters  of  families,  who  agreed  to  be  governed  by  the  orders  of  the 
greater  number.  This  was  followed  by  another  agreement  of  non-house- 
holders or  single  persons,  who  agreed  to  subject  themselves  to  such  orders 
as  should  be  made  by  the  householders,  but  "  only  in  civil  things."  This 
latter  is  the  earliest  agreement  on  the  records  of  the  colony.  In  1639,  to 
meet  the  wants  of  an  increasing  community,  five  disposers  or  selectmen 
were  chosen,  charged  with  political  duties,  —  their  actions  being  subject  to 
revision  by  the  superior  authority  of  the  town  meetings. 

Meanwhile  two  other  colonies  had  been  planted  on  the  shores  of  Narra- 
gansett    Hay.      The   first,   partly  from   the   ranks  of  the  Antinomians  of 
y^yn.      y^^-v^      t  Massachusetts,    led    by   William 

CXaJ"   (    C^HUV^^  ^  ~£iyn.-^      Coddington    and    John    Clarke, 
vj^       t—  ^Z— r-^  who  settled  at  Pocasset  (Ports- 

mouth), in  the  northern  part 
of  the  Island  of  Aquedneck  in 
March,  1637/38;  and  their  number  so  increased  that  in  the  following  year, 
1639,  a  portion  of  them  moved  to  the  south  part  of  the  island,  and  settled 
the  town  of  Newport.  Like  Roger  Williams,  the  settlers  had  no  other  title 
to  the  land  than  what  was  obtained  from  the  natives.  Another  colony  was 
planted  at  Shawomct  (Warwick),  in  January,  1642/43,  by  Samuel  Gorton, — 
a  notorious  disturber  of  the  peace,  —  with  about  a  dozen  followers,  who 
also  secured  an  Indian  title  to  their  lands.  Gorton  had  been  in  Boston, 
Plymouth,  Portsmouth,  and  in  Providence,  and  was  an  unwelcome  resident 
in  all,  and  at  Portsmouth  he  had  been  whipped.  About  1640,  with  some 
followers,  he  came  to  Pawtuxet,  in  the  south  part 
of  Providence,  and,  taking  sides  in  some  previous 
land  quarrel  there,  prevailed.  The  weaker  party 
appealed  to  Massachusetts  for  protection,  and 
finally  subjected  themselves  and  their  lands  to  that  government;  upon 
which  Gorton  and  his  followers  fled  south  to  Shawomet.  Soon  aftenvard, 
by  the  surrender  to  Massachusetts  of  a  subordinate  Indian  chief,  who 
claimed  the  territory  there,  purchased  by  Gorton  of  Miantonomi,  that 
Government  made  a  demand  of  jurisdiction   there  also;    and  as  Gorton 


^ 


v^  -xporiffn-^ 


i'i    .' 


NEW   ENGLAND, 


337 


refused  their  summons  to  appear  at  Boston,  Massachusetts  sent  soldiers, 
and  captured  the  inhabitants  in  their  homes,  took  them  to  Boston,  tried 
them,  and  sentenced  the  jjreater  part  of  them  to  imprisonment  for  blas- 
phemous language  to  the  Massachusetts  authorities.  They  were  finally 
liberated,  and  banished ;  and  as  Warwick  was  included  in  the  forbidden 
territory,  they  went  to  Rhode  Island.  Gorton  and  two  of  his  friends  soon 
afterward  went  to  England. 

The  inhabitants  on  the  island  formed  themselves  into  a  voluntary  asso- 
ciation of  government,  as  they  had  done  at  Providence.  The  community 
at  Warwick  was  at  first  without  any  form  of  government. 

Feeling  a  sense  of  a  common  danger,  the  little  settlements  of  Providence 
and  Rhode  Island  sent  Roger  Williams  to  P2ngland,  in  1643,  to  apply  for 
a  charter.  He  found  the  King  at  open  war  with  the  Parliament;  but 
from  the  Parliamentary  commissioners,  with  the  Earl  of  Warwick  at  their 
head,  he  procured  a  charter  of  "  Incorporation  of  Providence  Plantations 
in  the  Narragansctt  Bay  in  New  England,"  dated  March  14,  1643 ;  that  is, 
1644  (N.  S.).  Three  years  were  allowed  to  pass  before  the  charter  was  for- 
mally accepted  by  the  plantations ;  but  in  May,  1647,  the  corporators  met 
at  Portsmouth,  and  organized  a  government;  and  Warwick,  whither  Gorton 
and  his  followers  had  now  returned,  though  not  named  in  the  charter,  was 
admitted  to  its  privileges.  This  franchise  was  a  charter  of  incorporation, 
as  its  title  indicates ;  but  it  contained  no  grant  of  land.  It  recites  the  pur- 
chase of  lands  from  the  natives ;  and  the  Government  under  it  claimed  the 
exclusive  right  to  extinguish  the  Indian  title  to  lands  still  owned  by  the 
tribes  within  its  boundaries.  The  code  of  laws  adopted  when  the  charter 
was  accepted  is  an  attempt  to  codify  the  common  and  statute  laws 
of  England,  or  such  parts  as  were  thought  binding  or  would  suit  their 
condition. 

Williams's  principle  of  liberty  of  conscience  was  sometimes  interpreted 
in  the  community  to  mean  freedom  from  civil  restraint,  and  harmony  did 
not  always  prevail.  This  gave  cause  to  his  enemies  to  exult,  while  his 
friends  feared  lest  their  hope  of  reconciling  liberty  and  law  should  fail. 

The  attempt  of  Massachusetts  to  bring  the  territory  of  the  colony  under 
her  jurisdiction  was  a  source  of  great  annoyance.  During  this  contest  an 
appeal  to  the  authorities  in  England  resulted  in  the  triumph  of  the  weaker 
colony.  Then  came  the  "  Coddington  usurpation,"  —  an  unexplained  epi- 
sode in  the  history  of  Rhode  Island,  by  which  the  island  towns  in  165 1 
were  severed  from  the  government  of  the  colony ;  and  Coddington,  by  a 
commission  from  the  Council  of  State  in  England,  was  made  governor  for 
life.  This  revolution  seemed  for  a  time  successful ;  but  the  friends  of  the 
colony  did  not  despair.  Williams  and  John  Clarke  were  sent  to  England 
as  agents,  —  the  one  in  behalf  of  the  former  charter,  and  the  other  to  ask 
for  a  revocation  of  Coddington's  commission.  They  were  both  successful; 
and  in  the  following  year  the  old  civil  status  was  fully  restored. 

As  civil  dissensions  ceased,  there  was  danger  of  another  Indian  war, 
VOL.  III. —  43. 


':| 


!!1 


m 


\t 


iM 


338 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I'  !,;l 


1    ,1 


which  for  the  time  was  arrested  by  the  sajjacity  of  Williams.  The  refusal 
of  the  United  Colonies  to  admit  Rhode  Island  to  their  confederacy  placed 
her  at  jjreat  disadvantaj^e.  Yet  thoiijjh  causes  of  dissension  remained,  the 
colony  grew  in  industry  and  strength.  Newport  especially  increased  in 
pojjulation  and  in  wealth.  Not  every  inhabitant,  however,  was  a  freeman. 
The  suffrage  was  restricted  to  ownership  in  land,  and  there  was  a  K)ng 
process  of  initiation  to  be  passed  through  before  a  candiilate  could  be 
admitted  to  full  citizenship. 

Changes  were  taking  place  in  England.  Cromwell  died,  and  his  son 
Richard  soon  afterward  resigned  the  Protectorship.  The  restoration  of 
Charles  II.  followed  by  acclamation.  The  colony  hastened  to  acknowledge 
the  new  King;  the  acts  of  the  Long  Parliament  were  abrogated,  and  a  new 
charter  was  applied  for  through  John  Clarke,  who  still  remained  in  ICngland. 
This  instrument,  dated  Nov.  24,  1663,  was  evidently  drawn  up  by  Clarke, 
or  was  prepared  under  his  supervision.  It  confirmed  to  the  inhabitants 
freedom  of  conscience  in  matters  of  religion.     It  recounted  the  purchase  of 

the  land  from  the  natives, 
but  it  equally  asserted  the 
royal  prerogative  and  the 
ultimate  dominion  of  the 
lands  in  the  Crown,  —  a  pro- 
vision which  Williams  had 
strenuously  objected  to  and 
preached  against  in  the  Mas- 
sachusetts charter.  The 
holding  was  from  the  King, 
as  of  the  manor  of  East 
Greenwich.  This  gave  the 
colony,  in  English  law,  an 
absolute  title  to  the  soil  as 
against  any  foreign  State  or 
"^y^    '^^A/  /  £_      ^/  X  its  subjects.  It  operated  prac- 

/     lAJ^lxS*^^  //    ^^^y    O^fX,         tically  as  a  pre-emptive  right 
/    f      ^  f  to  extinguish  the    Indian 

J^,.^pC^    ^<^?W^*-y.  ''''"•     Tl;e  charter  created  a 
jj  ^  t^  '^y^r       corporation  by  the  name  of 

"  The  Govc    lor   and   Com- 
pany of  the  i.nglish  Colony 
of  Rhode  Islanfl  and  Prov- 
idence Plantations  in  New  England  in  America." 

This  charter  gave  the  whole  of  the  Narragansett  country  to  the  colony, 
which  the  year  before  had  been  given  to  Connecticut;  but  it  did  not  bring 
peace.  That  colony  still  clamored  for  her  charter  boundary ;  while  a  body 
of  land  speculators  from  Massachusetts,  known  as  the  Atherton  Company, 
who  had,  in  violation  of  Rhode   Island  law,  bought  lands  at  Quidnesett 


THE   MASSACHUSETTS   PROPRIETORS   OF  THE 
NARRAGANSEIT   COUNTRY. 


J    li 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


339 


nnd  Namcnok,  now  insisted  upon  being  placed  under  Connecticut  juris- 
diction. The  King's  commissioners,  who  arrived  in  the  country  in  1664, 
ciiargcd  with  the  duty  of  settling  all  disputes,  came  into  Rhode  Island. 
They  received  the  submission  of  the  Narragansett  chiefs  to  the  King, 
confirmatory  of  the  same  act  performed  in  1644,  and  they  set  apart  the 
Narragansett  country,  extending  from  the  bay  to  the  I'awcatuck  River, 
and  named  it  King's  I'rovince,  and  established  a  royal  government  over  it. 
Some  other  matters  in  dispute  were  happily  settled.  The  royal  commis- 
sioners were  well  satisfied  with  the  conduct  of  Rhode  Island. 

The  colony  still  grew,  but  it  continued  poor.  About  the  year  1663 
schools  were  established  in  Providence,  —  a  tardy  following  of  Newport, 
which  had  employed  a  teacher  in  1640.  The  colony  was  kept  poor  by 
the  great  expense  incurred  in  employing  agents  to  defend  itself  from  the 
surrounding  colonies,  that  wished  to  crush  it.  Kut  another  trouble  arose. 
A  fearfid  war  was  impending,  the  bloodiest  which  the  colony  had  yet 
waged  with  the  Indians.  We  have  no  space  for  the  story;  but  Philip's 
War  fell  most  heavily  on  Rhode  Island,  which  furnished  troops,  but  was 
not  consulted  as  to  its  management.  Peace  was  at  length  restored,  and 
the  Indians  subdued;   though  they  were  still  turbulent. 

Connecticut  had  not  yet  renounced  her  claims  on  the  Narragansett  coun- 
try. Rhode  Island  set  up  her  authority  in  the  province,  and  appointed  offi- 
cers for  its  government.  Both  colonies  appealed  to  the  King.  Within  the 
colony   itself  now  arose  ^  ^ 


most  bitter  controversy 
respecting  the  limits  and 
extent  of  the  original  Prov- 
idence and  Pawtu.xet  pur- 
ciiase,  which  was  not  finally 
settled  till  the  next  century. 
It  grew  out  of  the  careless 
manner  in  which  Roger  Williams  worded  the  deeds  to  himself  from  the 
Indians,  and  also  those  which  he  himself  gave  to  the  colony. 

The  appeal  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  to  the  King  resulted  in  a 
commission,  in  1683,  headed  by  the  notorious  Cranfield,  Governor  of  New 
I  fampshirc,  and  including  the  no  less  notorious  Edward  Randolph.  They 
quarrelled  with  the  authorities  of  Rhode  Island,  and  decided  in  favor  of 
Connecticut. 

In  due  time  Rhode  Island  was  a  common  sufferer  with  the  rest  of  New 
I'.ngland,  under  the  imposition  of  Andros  and  his  commission.  He  came 
into  Rhode  Island,  and  was  kindly  received.  He  broke  the  colony  seal, 
but  the  parchment  charter  was  put  beyond  his  reach.  The  colony  surren- 
dered, and  petitioned  the  King  to  preserx'e  her  charter,  and  then  fell  back 
upon  a  provisional  government  of  the  owns.  At  the  revolution  she  resumed 
licr  charter,  and  later  it  was  decide  '  England  that  it  had  never  been  re- 
voked and  remained  in  full  force. 


I     'IJI 


r\\ 


340 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


"h.' 


?;!  ^^ 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 


id  il 


*|i 


THE  Council  for  New  England.  —  Chalmers,  Annals,  1780,  p.  99,  says  concern- 
ing the  great  patent  of  Nov.  3,  1620,  "This  patent  which  has  never  been  printed 
because  so  early  surrendered,  is  in  the  old  entries  of  New  England  in  the  Plant,  off."  I 
saw  the  parchment  enrolment  of  this  charter  in  her  Majesty's  Public  Record  Office,  in 
Fetter  Lane,  London,  and  described  it  in  full  in  A>ner.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  for  April,  1867, 
p.  54.  It  was  first  printed  by  Hazard,  Historical  Collections,  vol.  i.  1792,  pp.  103-118, 
probably  from  a  manuscript  copy  in  the  Superio:  Court  files,  N.  H.' 

The  petition  ot  the  Northern  Colony  for  a  new  charter,  dated  March  3,  1619/20,  and 
the  warrant  to  his  Majesty's  Solicitor-General  tj  prepare  such  a  patent,  dated  July  23, 
1620,  may  be  seen  in  Brodhead's  Documents,  etc.,  iii.  2-4.  The  warrant  is  also  in  Gorges' 
Briefe  Narration ,  p.  21. 

The  opposition  of  the  Virginia  Company  to  the  granting  of  this  patent  may  be  seen  in 
their  records  as  published  by  "^^xW,  History  oj  the  Virginia  Company  of  London,  i86c),  pas- 
sim y  als-«  in  Gorges'  Driefe  Xarration,  pp.  22-31  ;  in  the  Council's  Briefe  Relation,"^  pp. 
18-22  ;  and  in  Brodhead's  Documents,  iii.  4.  The  opposition  of  the  House  of  Commons  to 
the  patent,  after  it  bad  passed  the  seals,  may  be  best  setn  in  the  printed  Journals  of  the 
House  for  the  sessions  of  1621  and  1624.  Chalmers'  extiacts  are  to  the  point,  but  are  not 
full.  See  also  Gorges,  and  the  Briefe  Relation,  as  above.  For  the  answer  to  the  French 
ambassador,  see  also  Sainsbury's  Calendar,  Colonial,  p.  61.  The  history  of  the  transac- 
tions of  the  Council  may  be  la'jely  gathered  from  their  extant  records  as  published  in 
Amcr.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  for  April,  1867,  and  for  October,  1875  \  fr^m  Gorges,  and  from 
the  Briefe  Relation.     Cf.  Palfrey,  i.  193. 

Probably  no  complete  record  exists  of  all  the  patents  issued  by  the  Council ;  and  of 
those  known  to  have  been  granted,  the  originals,  or  even  copies  of  all  of  them,  are  not 
known  to  be  extant.  As  full  a  list  of  these  as  has  been  collected  may  be  seen  in  a  Lecture 
read  before  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  Jan.  15,  1869,  by  Samuel  F.  Haven, 
LL.D.,  entitled  History  of  Grants  under  the  Great  Council  for  Neiv  F2ngland,  etc., — 
a  valuable  paper  with  comments  and  explanations,  with  which  compare  Dr.  Palfrey's  list  in 
his  History  of  Nciu  England,  i.  397-99."  Since  Dr.  Palfrey  wrote,  new  material  has  come 
to  light  re.specting  some  of  these  grants.  The  patent  of  Aug.  10,  1622,  which  Dr.  Belknap 
supposed  was  the  Laconia  patent,  and  which  he  erroneously  made  the  basis  of  the  set- 
tlements of  Thomson  and  of  the  Hiltons,  and  of  later  operations  on  the  Piscataqua,  is 
found  not  to  be  the  Laconia  patent,  which  was  issued  seven  years  later,  namely,  Nov.  17, 
i629.'*  Later  writers  have  copied  him.  Again,  Dr.  Palfrey  refers  the  early  division  of  tiie 
territory  by  the  Council,  from  the  Bay  of  Fundy  to  Cape  Cod,  among  twenty  associates,  to 
May  31,  1622.  By  the  recovery  of  another  frag'ient  of  the  records  of  the  Council  in  1875, 
we  are  able  to  correct  all  previous  errors  respecting  that  division,  which  really  took  place 
on  Sunday,  July  29,  1623.     This  fact  has  appeared  since  Dr.  Haven  wrote.* 


1  See  Uelknap,  History  of  A\-;i'  Hampshirt-,  i.  5. 
It  was  also  printed  by  Dr.  I!enj.  Trumbull,  His- 
tory of  Connoclioiit,  vol.  i.  1818,  A))p.,  from  a  copy 
furnished  1)V  Chalmers,  under  the  impression  that 
it  had  been  "  never  before  jniblished  in  America," 
and  has  since  appeared  in  Brigham's  Charter  iiiid 
Laws  of  ytii'-Plymoiith,  pp.  1-18,  Baylies'  Xr,o 
Plytnouth,  i.  160,  and  in  the  Popham  Mentor iol, 
pp.  1 10-118. 

'^  Sabin's  Dictionary,  no.  52,619,  —  very  rare. 

8  [Dr.  Haven  also  contributed  to  the  Memo- 


rial History  of  Boston,  i.  87,  a  chapter  on  the 
subject  of  these  early  patents  and  grants.  I  le 
closed  a  valuable  life  .Sept.  5,  iSSi.  Cf.  Anier. 
Antiq.  Soe.  Proc,,  October,  iSSi,  and  Mass.  Hist 
Soe.  Proc.,  xix.  4,  63.  — Kn.] 

■•  See  Amcr.  Antiq.  Soe.  Proe.,  for  October, 
1868,  pp.  34,  35;  Mass.  Hist.  Soe.  Proe.,  May 
1876,  p.  364. 

^  See  Amer.  Antiq.  Soe.  Proe.  for  October, 
1875,  pp.  49-63.  Most  of  ilie  grants  of  the 
Council  are  extant,  either  in  the  original  parch- 


-IVI; 


for  October, 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


341 


An  object  of  interest  would  be  the  map  of  the  country  on  which  the  difTerent  patents 
granted  were  marked  off.  Some  idea  from  it  might  be  formed  of  the  geographical  mis- 
takes by  which  one  grant  overlapped  another,  or  swallowed  it  up  entirely.  I  know  of  no 
published  map  existing  at  that  time  that  would  have  served  the  purpose.  The  names  of 
the  places  on  the  coast  from  Penobscot  to  Cape  CoJ,  mentioned  by  Captain  Smith  in  his 
tract  issued  in  1616,  were  rarely  indicated  on  his  map  which  acconipanied  the  tract. 
They  had  been  laid  down  on  the  manuscript  draft  of  the  map,  but  were  changed  for  Eng- 
lish names  by  Prince  Charles.*  Quite  likely  the  Council  had  manuscript  maps  of  the 
coast.  Of  the  division  of  1623,  the  records  say  it  was  resolved  diat  the  land  "  be  divided 
according  as  the  division  is  made  in  the  plot  remaining  with  Dr.  Goche."  Smith,  speak- 
ing of  this  division,  says  tiiat  the  country  was  at  last  "engrossed  by  twenty  patentees,  that 
divided  my  m.ip  into  twenty  parts,  and  cast  lots  for  their  shares,"  etc.  Smith's  map  was 
probably  the  best  published  map  of  the  coast  which  existed  at  that  time  ;  but  the  map  on 
which  the  names  were  subsequently  engrossed  and  published  was  Alexinder's  map  of 
New  England,  New  Fiance,  and  New  Scotland,  published  in  1624,  in  his  Encouragement 
to  Colonies,  and  also  issued  in  the  following  year  in  Purchas,  vol.  iv.  p.  1872.  This 
record,  as  the  fac-simile  shows,^  is  a  mere  huddling  together  of  names,  with  no  indication 
as  to  a  division  of  the  country,  as  it  was  not  possible  there  should  be  on  such  a  map  as 
this,  where  tlie  whole  New  England  coast,  as  laid  down,  is  limited  to  three  inches  in 
extent,  with  few  natural  features  delineated  upon  it. 

The  greatest  trouble  existed  among  the  smaller  patents.  A  large  patent,  like  that  to 
Gorges,  for  instance,  at  the  grand  division,  with  well-defined  natural  boundaries  on  the 
coast,  between  the  Piscataqua  and  the  Sagadahoc,  or  the  Penobscot,  would  not  be  likely 
to  be  contested  for  lack  of  description  ;  but  there  had  been  many  smaller  patents  issued 
within  these  limits,  which  ran  into  and  overlapped  each  other,  and  some  were  so  com- 
pletely annihilated  as  to  cause  great  confusion. 

Some  of  these  smaller  patents  had  alleged  powers  of  government  granted  to  the 
settlers,  —  powers  probably  rarely  exercised  by  virtue  of  such  a  grant,  and  which 
the  Council  undoubtedly  had  no  authority  to  confer."  The  people  of  Plymouth,  for 
instance,  in  their  patent  of  1630,  were  authorized,  in  the  language  of  the  grant,  to  'v\- 
corporate  themselves  by  some  usual  or  fit  name  and  title,  with  liberty  to  make  laws 
and  ordinances  for  their  government.  They  never  had  a  royal  charter  of  incorporation 
during  their  separate  existence,  though  they  strove  hard  to  obtain  one.  Tlie  Council 
for  New  England  might  from  the  first  have  taken  the  Pilgrims  under  their  own  gov- 
ernment and  protection :  and  Governor  Bradford,  in  letters  to  the  Council  and  to  Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges,  written  in  1627  and  1628,  acknowledges  that  relation,  and  asks  for 
their  aid.* 

The  records  of  the  Council,  so  far  as  they  are  extant,  contain  no  notice  of  the  adoption 
of  a  common  seal,  and  we  are  ignorant  as  to  the  time  of  its  adoption.  In  the  earliest  pat- 
ent known  to  have  been  issued  by  the  Council,  which  was  an  indenture  between  them  and 
John  Peirce  and  his  associates,  dated  June  i,  1621,  the  language  is,  "In  w'tness  wliereof 
the  said  President  and  Council  have  to  the  one  part  of  this  present  Indenture  set  their 
seals."     This  is  signed  first  by  the  Duke  of  Lenox,  who  I  think  was  the  first  President 


mciits  or  in  copies ;  and  many  of  them  h.ivc 
been  printed.  Some  enterprising  scholar  will 
l)rcibably  one  day  bring  them  all  together  in  one 
Vdhime,  with  proper  annotations.  It  would  be 
a  convenient  manual  of  reference. 

'  The  rare  list  of  these  names  in  duplicate 
inserted  in  some  copies  of  Smith's  tract  may  be 
seen  in  his  Gencrall  Historic,  p.  206.  |The  map 
itself,  with  some  account  of  it  and  of  Smith, 
may  be  found  in  chapter  vi.  of  the  jiresent  vol- 
ume. —  Ed.] 


-  [.See  a  ])rcvions  papc.  —  En.] 

'  .See  Hutchinson's  History  of  Massachusetts, 
i.  9;   Uelknap's  Xr.o  Hamf'sliirc,  A])p.  xv. 

*  Rradford,  I'/ynioiit/i  Ptaiitution,  pp.  S(),  90; 
Rrigliam,  Charter  and  Laws  of  .Wiii-riymouth,  p)). 
36,  49,  50,  241  ;  I  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  iii.  56-64. 
For  the  discussion  of  questions  of  European  and 
Aboriginal  right  to  the  soil,  see  Sullivan,  History 
of  Land  Titles  in  ALass.,  Boston,  1801,  and  John 
Uncklcy's  "  Inciuiry,  etc.,"  i  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll., 
ir.  159. 


>'! 


;/l     .1   /I  '  Ah 


i  i  ^ir 


r. 


342 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


^-'; 


i-'  m 


?    ri' 


;)' 


of  the  Council,  and  by  five  other  members  of  the  Council,  with  the  private  seal  of  "ach 
appended  to  his  signature.  But  in  a  grant  to  Gorges  and  Mason,  of  Aug.  lo,  1622, 
which  is  also  an  indenture,  the  language  is,  that  to  one  part  "the  said   President  and 

Council  have  caused  their  common  seal  to  be  afti,\ed." 
Here  we  have  a  "  common  seal "  used  by  the  Council 
=  n  issuing  their  subsequent  grants.  But  it  is  very  sin- 
gular, that  of  the  many  original  grants  of  the  Council 
extant  no  one  of  them  has  the  wa.x  impression  of  the 
seal  intact  or  unbroken  ;  usually  it  is  wholly  wanting. 
It  is  believed,  however,  that  the  design  of  the  seal  has 
been  discovered  in  the  engraving  on  the  titlepage  of 
Smith's  General/  Historie ;  and  the  reasons  for  this  opin- 
ion may  be  seen  \n^fass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  March,  1867, 
pp.  469-472.'     A  delineation  of  it  is  given  herewith. 

In  the  absence  of  any  record  of  the  organization  of 
the  Council,  or  of  any  rules  or  by-laws  for  the  transac- 
tion of  its  business,  we  do  not  know  what  officers,  or 
what  number  of  the  Council,  were  required  for  the  issu- 
ing of  patents,  or  for  authorizing  the  use  of  the  Com- 
pany's seal.  The  only  name  signed  to  t!-.e  Plymouth 
Patent  of  Jan.  13,  1629  30  is  that  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  was  then  the  President  of 
the  Council. 


SEAL  OF   THE   COUNCIL    FOK 
NEW   ENGLAND. 


'^ 


u 


'.'. 


1  i 


Massachusetts.-  — The  Massachusetts  Colony  had  its  origin  in  a  grant  of  land  from 
the  Council  of  New  England,  dated  March  19,  1627,  in  old  style  reckoning.'  So  far  as  is 
known,  it  is  the  first  grant  of  any  moment  made  after  the  general  division  in  1623,  but 
probably  it  was  preceded  by  the  license  to  the  Plymouth  people  of  privileges  on  the  Ken- 
nebec. This  patent  to  the  Massachusetts  Colo'iy  is  not  extant,  but  it  is  recited  in  tlie 
subsequent  charter.  There  is  some  mystery  attending  the  manner  of  its  procurement,  as 
well  as  about  its  extent.  The  business  was  managed,  in  the  absence  of  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges,  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  who  was  friendly  to  the  patentees. ■•  The  royal  charter  of 
Massachusetts  was  dated  March  4,  1628  (O.S.).  For  the  forms  used  in  issuing  it,  see 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  December,  1869,  pp.  167-196.  A  discussion  of  the  charter  itself 
as  a  frame  of  government  for  a  commonwealth  is  found  in  Hutchinson's  History  ■'Massa- 
chusetts, i.  414,  415  ;  Judge  Parker's  Lecture  before  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 


'  But  cf.  Magiizim  of  American  I/it/ory,  1883, 
p.  141  ;  and  Davis's  Ancient  Landmar/cs  of  Ply- 
mouth, p.  6r.  I  should  .idd  here  that  it  has 
been  recentlv  suggested  to  me  as  a  possible 
alternative,  that  this  seal  is  that  of  the  Council 
for  the  Northern  Colonv  of  Virginia. 

-  The  name  "  Massachusetts,"  so  far  as  I 
have  observed,  is  first  mentioned  by  Captain 
Smith,  in  liis  Vescri/>tio>i  of  A'.to  Ens^ltunl,  1616. 
He  spells  the  word  variously,  but  he  appears  to 
use  the  term  "  Massachusct  "  and  "  Massachew- 
set "  to  denote  \^c  country,  while  he  adds  a  final 
s  when  he  is  speaking  of  the  inhaliitants.  He 
speaks  of  "  Massachusets  Mount  "  and  "  Massa- 
chu"'*^  River."  using  the  word  also  in  its  pos- 
se? m,  while  in  another  jilace  he  calls  the 

foil "  the    high   monntain  of    Massachusit." 

To  this  mountain,  on  his  map,  he  gives  ^le  Eng- 
lish name  of  "Chevyot  Hills"  Hutchinson  (i. 
460)  supposes  the   Blue  Hills  of  Milton  to  be 


intended.  He  says  that  a  small  hill  near  Squaii- 
turn,  the  former  seat  of  a  great  Indian  sachem, 
was  called  Massachusetts  Hill,  or  Mount  Massa- 
chusetts, down  to  his  time.  Cotton,  in  his  In- 
dian vocabulary,  says  the  word  means  "  a  hill  in 
the  form  of  an  arrow's  head."  .See  also  Xeal's 
A\-iv  England,  ii.  215,  216.  In  the  Mass.achu- 
setts  charter  the  name  is  spelled  in  three  or  four 
different  ways,  to  make  sure  of  a  descri])tion  of 
the  territory.  Cf.  Letter  of  J.  II.  Trumbull,  in 
Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.  Proc,  Oct.  21,  1867,  p.  77  ;  and 
i\/emorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  37. 

•'  See  .S.  F.  Haven's  "  Origin  of  the  Massa- 
chusetts Company,"  in  Arclurologia  Americana. 
vol.  iii. 

■*  This  matter  is  discussed  bv  Dr.  Haven  in 
the  Lecture  above  cited,  ])p.  29,  30;  and  by  the 
liresent  writer  in  Memorial  History  »f  Hoston.. 
i.  341-343,  note.  See  also  Gorges,  Briefe  Nar- 
ration, pp.  40,  41. 


■■^:\  X 


A. 


N'EW   ENGLAND. 


343 


;  seal  of  "ach 
Uig.  10,  1623, 
President  and 
;o  be  affixed.'' 
y  the  Council 
it  is  very  sin- 
if  the  Council 
ression  of  the 
holly  wanting, 
f  the  seal  has 
le  titlepage  of 
IS  for  this  opin- 
,  March,  1867, 
1  herewith. 
)rganization  of 
3r  the  transac- 
liat  ofificers,  or 
id  for  the  issu- 
>e  of  the  Coni- 
tl-.e  Plymouth 
le  President  of 


It  of  land  from 
."     So  far  as  is 
on  in  1623,  hut 
;es  on  the  Ken- 
recited  in  the 
irocurement,  as 
Sir  Ferdinando 
•oyal  charter  of 
issuing  it,  see 
charter  itself 
/o/y    '^  Massa- 
torical  Society, 

hill  near  Sqiian- 
Indian  sachem, 
r  Mount  Massa- 

otton,  in  his  In- 

means  "  a  hill  in 

See  also  Neal's 

the  Mass.acliii- 

in  three  or  fmii- 

a  dcscrijjtion  of 

M.  Trumhull,  ir. 
1867,  p.  77  I  and 

of  the  Massa- 
'<><,'/<;  Amcriitiiut. 

)v  Dr.  Haven  ir. 
30  ;  and  hy  the 

'Story  tf  Bos/oH: 
5CS,  Brii/e  A'^ir- 


Feb.  9,  1869,  entitled  77/c  Firs/  Charter,  etc. ;  and  Afvmoria!  History  of  Boston,  i.  329-382, 
and  the  authorities  there  cited.  As  to  the  right  of  the  Company  to  transfer  the  govern- 
ment and  charter  to  the  .soil,  see  Judge  Parker,  as  above  ;  Dr.  l^alfrey,  New  EugUind, 
i.  301-308 ;  Barry,  History  of  Afassachiisetts,  \.  174-186,  and  ihe  authorities  cited  by  them. 
The  original  charter,  on  parchment,  is  in  the  State  House  in  Boston.  A  heliotype  of  a 
section  of  it  is  given  in  the  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  329.1  The  duplicate  or 
exemplification  of  the  charter,  which  was  originally  sent  over  to  Endicott  in  1629,  is  now 
in  the  Library  of  the  Salem  Athenaeum.  The  charter  was  first  printed,  and  from  the 
"  litipiy  parchment,  "  by  S.  Green,  for  Benj.  Harris,  at  the  London  Coffee-House,  near  the 
Town-House,  in  Boston,  1689."     It  is  entitled  ./  Copy  of  t/ic  Massac/uisetts  Cliartcr.'- 

The  archives  of  the  State  are  rich  in  the  materials  of  its  history.  The  records  of  the 
government  from  its  first  institution  in  England  down  to  the  overthrow  of  the  charter  are 
almost  a  history  in  themselves.  The  student  is  no  longer  required  to  decipher  the  ancient 
writing,  for  in  1853-54  the  Records  were  copied  and  printed  under  the  editorial  care  of 
Dr.  N.  B.  Shurtlef}'.^  A  large  mass  of  manuscripts  remains  at  the  State  House,  and  is 
known  as  the  Massachusetts  Archives.  The  papers  were  classified  by  the  late  Joseph  B. 
Felt.'  They  are  the  constant  resource  of  antiquaries  and  historians,  few  of  whom,  how- 
ever, but  regret  the  too  ariiitrary  arrangement  given  to  them  by  that  painstaking  scholar.^ 
The  City  of  Boston,  by  its  Record  Commission,  is  making  accessible  in  print  most  valu- 
able material  which  has  long  slumbered  in  manuscript.  The  Archives  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society  are  specially  rich  in  early  manuscripts,  a  catalogue  of  which  is 
now  preparing,  and  its  publishing  committees  are  constantly  at  work  converting  their 
manuscripts  into  print,  while  the  sixty-seven  volumes  of  its  publications,  as  materials  of 
history,  are  without  a  rival." 


1  It  is  printed  in  Hutchinson's  Collection  of 
Vapcrs,  1769;  and  also  in  vol.  i.  of  the  Colony 
Records. 

'^  See  4  .Unss.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  159-161. 

^  I  In  six  volumes,  royal  quarto;  of.  Afossa- 
chiisctts  Historical  Society  Lectures,  p.  230  ;  A'.  E. 
Hist,  oiiit  Geneol.  Rei;.,  184S,  p.  105;  and  1S54, 
p.  369.  They  were  published  at  $60,  but  they  can 
he  occasionally  picked  up  now  at  §25.  —  Kd.] 

*  [See  Memoir  and  portrait  in  jV.  E.  Hist, 
and  Geneal.  Keg.,  1S70,  p.  i ;  cf.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
Proc,  xiv.  113;  and  Historical  Magazine,  xvii. 
107.  —  Ed.] 

"  [Dr.  Palfrey  (vol.  iii.  p.  vii)  has  pointedly 
condemned  it,  and  the  arrangement  will  be  found 
set  forth  in  the  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg., 
l.S.)8,  p.  105.  Besides  much  niannscrijit  material 
(not  yet  put  into  print)  at  the  State  Mouse,  and 
in  the  Cabinet  of  the  Historical  Society,  and  the 
UMial  local  depositories,  mention  may  bo  made 
of  some  papers  relating  to  New  England  re- 
corded in  the  Sparics  Cataloj^iie,  p.  215;  and  the 
nmnerous  documents  in  the  Egerton  and  other 
manuscripts,  in  the  British  Museum,  as  brought 
ont  in  its  printed  Catalogues  of  Manuscripts,  and 
Colonel  Chester's  list  of  manuscripts  in  the 
liodleian,  in  Historical  Magazine,  xiv.  131.  Mr. 
S.  L.  M.  Harlow,  of  New  York,  has  an  ancient 
copy  of  the  Records  of  the  Massachusetts  Com- 
pany (.)iass.  Hist.  Soc.  /'roc,  iii.  36). 

Brodhead's  ])refaces  to  the  jjublishcd  records 
of  New  York  indicated  the  sources  of  early 
I'lanuscript  material  in  the  different  Government 


offices  of  England,  equally  applicable  to  Massa- 
chusetts; but  these  records  have  now  been  gath- 
ered into  the  public  Record  Office,  some  account 
of  which  will  he  found  in  Mr.  B.  F.  Stevens's 
"  Memorial,"  Senate,  A/iscellaneous  Documents  no. 
24,  47th  Congress,  2d  session,  and  in  the  London 
Quarterly,  April,  1 87 1.  It  requires  formality 
and  permission  to  ex.amine  these  papers,  only  as 
they  are  later  than  1760.  The  calendaring  and 
printing  of  them,  begun  in  1855,  is  now  going  on  ; 
and  Mr.  Hale  has  described  (in  the  Cliristian 
Examiner,  May,  1S61)  the  work  as  planned  and 
superintended  by  Mr.  Sainsbury.  Three  of  these 
volumes  already  issued — Calendar  of  State  Papers, 
Colonial  America,  vol.  i.,  1574-1660;  vol.  v.,  1661- 
1668;  vol.  vii.,  1669  —  are  of  much  use  to  .Vmer- 
ican  .students.  Mr.  F.  S.  Thomas,  Secretary  of 
the  public  Record  Ottice,  issued  in  1X49  a  His- 
toiy  of  tlie  State  Rafter  Office  and  ViriV  of  the 
I'>ocuments  therein  Deposited.  Mr.  C.  W.  Baird 
described  these  depositories  in  London  in  the 
Magazine  '/American  History,  ii.  321.  —  El).] 

"  [A  li)t  of  the  publications  of  this  Society, 
brought  down,  however,  no  later  than  1S68,  will 
be  found  in  the  /fistorical  Magazine,\\\  .cf);  and 
in  1S71  Dr.  S.  A.  Green  issued  a  bibliography 
of  the  Society,  which  was  also  printed  in  its  Pro- 
ceedings, xii.  2.  The  first  seven  volumes  of  its 
first  series  of  Collections  were  early  reprinted. 
Each  series  of  ten  volumes  has  its  own  index. 
The  Society's  history  is  best  gathered  from  its 
own  Proceciiiiigs,  the  publication  of  which  was 
begun  in  1855;  but  two  volumes  have  also  been 


him, 

ill  f  i.r  .  I 


■^*** 


344 


NARKATI\K    .    i\j   CKi-ICAL   HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


1   II 


'{    ..f, 


•      i« 


JW. 


r  <; 


The  first  n;eneral  History  of  Massachusetts  Bay  was  written  by  Thomas  Ilutchinsnn, 
afterward  gov-rnor  of  the  |)rovince,  in  two  vohimes.  the  lirst  of  wiiicli,  covering  tiie  perioil 
ending  with  the  downfall  of  Andros,  was  published  in  Boston  in  1764.  Tiie  second  vol 
ume,  bringing  the  history  down  to  1749,  was  published  in  1767.  Each  volume  was  issued 
in  London  in  the  year  following  its  pub'ication  here.  The  author  had  rich  materials  for 
jiis  work,  and  was  judicious  in  the  use  of  them.  He  had  a  genius  for  history,  and  his 
book  will  always  stand  as  of  the  highest  authority.  /\  v(^lunie  of  Original  Papers,  wiiich 
illustrate  the  first  volume  of  the  history,  was  pulilished  in  1769.'  Hutchinson  died  in 
England  in  1780.  Among  his  manuscri|)ts  was  found  a  continuation  of  his  historv,  vol. 
iii.,  bringing  the  events  down  to  1774,  in  which  year  he  left  the  country.  This  was  printed 
in  London  in  182.S.-     Some  copies  of  vol.  i.,  London  ed.,  were  wrongly  dated  MDCCL.X. 

In  1798  was  published,  in  two  volumes,  a  continuation  of  Hutchinson's  accond  volume, 
by  George  Richards  Minot,^  bringing  the  history  down  to  1764.  The  work  was  left  un- 
finished, and  .Alden  ISradforil,  in  1822-1S29.  published,  in  three  volumes,  a  continuation 
of  that  to  t!ie  year  1820. 

The  ne.Kt  most  considerable  attempt  at  a  general  History  of  A  fassacliiisetts  \\?^shy  ]o\\n 
Stetson  Barrj-,  who  published  three  volumes  in  1855-1S57.  It  is  a  valuable  work,  written 
from  the  best  authorities,  and  comes  down  to  1820. 

Palfrey's  History  of  Aero  Eiii^laiii!,  the  first  three  volumes  of  which  were  published 
in  1S5S-1864,  and  cover  the  period  ending  with  the  downfall  of  Andros,  must  be  regarded 
altogether  as  the  best  history  of  this  section  of  our  country  yet  written,  as  well  for  its 
luminous  text  as  for  the  autliinitses  in  its  notes.'* 


n':  V 


^'  :    .1 


r\\ 


V      1 


l)rinted,  covering  the  cnrlicr  yars  1791-1S54. 
The  first  of  these  dates  marks  the  founding  uf 
this  the  oldest  historical  society  in  this  country. 
Its  founder,  if  one  person  can  be  so  called,  was 
Dr.  Jeremy  Belknaj),  who  was  one  of  the  earliest 
who  gave  the  writing  of  hisiiry  in  America  a 
reputable  character.  His  Lif  has  been  written 
by  his  granddaugl-.tcr,  Mrs.  fules  Mareou,  and 
the  book  is  reviewed  by  Frar.cis  P  irkman  in  the 
Christian  Examiner,  .\Iiv.  78;  cf.  Mass.  Hisl.Soi. 
Proc.,'\.  117;  iii.  2S5  ;  ix.  12;  xiv.  37.  His  his- 
torical papers  are  described  by  C.  C.  Sniitli  in 
the  Cnitarian  Kerie-u',  vii.  604.  The  two  |)rinci- 
pal  societies  working  parallel  with  it  in  jiart, 
though  professedly  of  wider  sco|)e,  are  the  Am- 
erican Antiquarian  Society,  at  Worcester  (not  to 
be  confounded  with  the  Worcester  Society  of 
Antiquity,  —  a  local  antiqua'/ian  association), 
and  the  New  England  Historic,  Genealogical 
Society,  in  Boston.  The  former  has  issued  the 
Are/iicolof^a  Anurieana  and  J'riv'etii)ii;s  (cf.  ///.>- 
torical  Maf;azine,  xiv.  107);  while  the  latter  has 
been  the  main  support  of  the  A'iTC  England  His- 
torical and  Gcncaloj^ical  A'cgis/cr,  which  has  pulv 
lished  an  annual  volume  since  1S47,  and  these 
have  contained  various  data  for  the  history  of 
the  Society.  Cf.  1855, p.  10;  1859,  p.  266;  1861, 
preface;  1862,  p.  203;  1863,  preface;  1870,  p. 
225;  1876,  p.  1S4,  and  reprinted  as  revised; 
1879,  preface,  and  p.  424,  by  E.  H.  Dearborn. 
To  these  a.ssociations  may  be  added  the  Essex 
Institute,  of  Salem,  the  Connecticut  Valley  His- 
torical Society  (begun  in  1876),  the  Dorchester 
Antiquarian  Sucietv.  the  Old  Colony  Historical 
Sov.iely  (cf.  the  chapter  on  the  Pilgrims),  —  all 


of  which  unite  historical  fellowship  with  jnilili- 
cation, — and  the  I'rince  Society,  an  organization 
for  ])ublisliing  only,  whose  series  of  annotated 
volumes  relating  to  early  Massachusetts  historv 
is  a  valuable  one.  —  En.] 

1  It  is  a  volume  of  great  value,  and  brings 
from  Sio  to  Si 5  at  sales.  It  is  sometimes  found 
lettered  on  the  back  as  vol.  iii.  of  the  Hislory. 
A  third  edition  of  the  History  stas  published  in 
Boston  in  1795,  "■'"  poor  tvpe  and  poor  paper. 
[.\  reprint  of  the  Papers  was  made  by  the  Prince 
Society  in  1S65.  For  other  papers  of  Hutchin- 
son, see  2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  x.,  and  3  Ibid.,  i.;  cl. 
A'.  E.  Hist,  and  Ccneal.  Peg.,  1865,  p.  187.  .\ 
controversy  for  many  years  existed  between  the 
Historical  Society  and  the  State  as  to  the  cus- 
tody of  a  large  mass  of  Hutchinson's  papers. 
This  can  be  followed  in  the  Society's  Proceed- 
ings, ii.  438  ;  X.  118,  321  ;  xi.  335  ;  xii.  249;  .xiii. 
130,  217  ;  and  in  Massaclinsetts  Senate  Document!, 
no  187,  of  1870.  These  papers,  mostly  printed, 
are  now  at  the  State  House.  —  Ed.] 

-  See  Mass.  Hist.  Soe.  Proc,  i.  2S6,  397,  414 ; 
andxi.  148;  also  a  full  account  of  Hutchinson's 
jndilications  in  Ibid.,  February,  1857  ;  cf.  Sahin, 
Dictionary,  xi.  22.  A  correspondence  hctwtLii 
Hutchinson  and  Dr.  .Stiles,  ujxm  his  history,  is 
printed  in  A'.  P.  Hist,  and  Gcncal.  Peg.,  1S72,  p]). 
159,  230. 

^  Cf.  a  Memoir  of  Minot,  in  Mass.  Hitt.  Coll., 
vol.  viii. 

■♦  A  fourth  volume,  carrying  the  record  to 
1741,  was  ])ublishcd  in  1875;  .and  since  Dr.  Pal- 
frey's death  a  fifth  volume  has  been  announced 
for  publication  under  *he  editing  of  his  son. 


<\ 


lias  Hutchinson, 
'uring  the  period 
The  second  vol 
lume  was  issuetl 
icli  materials  for 
history,  and  his 
'/  Papers,  uiiich 
[chinson  died  in 
liis  liistorv,  vol. 
rliis  was  printeil 
ed  MDCCLX. 
1  second  volume, 
ork  was  left  iin- 
,  a  continuation 

setts  was  by  jolin 
)le  work,  written 

were  published 
lust  be  regarded 
,  as  well  for  its 


jwship  with  inihli- 
ty,  an  orgnnizaticin 
ries  of  annotated 
iachusctts  history 

value,  and  brings 
I  sometimes  found 
i.  of  the  Ilislory. 
was  published  in 
:  and  poor  jiajier. 
lade  by  the  Prince 
ipers  of  Ilntchin- 
and  3  Ibid.,  i.;  ef. 
,  1S65,  p.  1S7.  .\ 
sted  between  the 
;ite  as  to  the  ciis- 
chinson's  papers. 
Society's  J'roirrJ- 

35  ;  ■''''•  -49;  xiii- 
Seiiixtc  Z)otiiiiieiil.<, 

s,  mostly  printed, 
•En.] 

.,  i.  2S6,  397,  41-1 ; 
t  of  Hutchinson's 
,  1857  ;  cf.  Saliin, 
ondence  between 
ion  his  history,  is 
•dl.  Ri\i;;.,  1 87 2,  \\\y 

.  J/ass.  Hist.  Coil., 


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iNEW   ENGLANO. 


345 


I  will  now  go  back  and  mention  a  few  other  general  histories  of  New  England,  includ- 
ing those  works  in  which  the  history  of  Massachusetts  is  a  prominent  feature. 

Cotton  Mather's  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Nciu  Kni^laiid,  better  known  as  his  Mag- 
naliii,  from  the  head-line  of  the  titlepage,  Magnalia  t'iiristi  Americana,  was  published 
in  London  in  ("02,  in  folio.  Although  relating  generally  to  New  England,  it  principally 
concerns  iMassachusetts.  While  the  book  is  filled  with  the  author's  conceits  and  puns, 
and  gives  abundant  evidence  of  his  credulity,  it  contains  a  vast  amount  of  valuai)le  his- 
torical material,  and  is  inilispensable  in  any  New  England  library.  It  is  badly  arranged 
for  consultation,  for  it  is  largely  a  compilation  from  the  author's  previous  publications,  and 
it  lacks  an  index.     It  has  been  twice  reprinted,  —  in  1S20  and  1S53.' 

John  Oldmixon,  Collector  of  Customs  at  Bridgcwater,  England,  compiled  and  pub- 
lished at  London,  in  1708,  his  British  F.iiipire  in  America,  in  two  volumes.  About  one 
hundred  pages  of  the  first  volume  relate  to  New  England,  and  wiiile  .idmitting  that  he 
drew  on  Cotton  Mather's  Afat^na/ia  for  most  of  his  material,  omitting  the  puns,  ana- 
grams, etc.,  the  author  nevertheless  vents  his  spleen  on  this  book  of  the  Boston  divine. 
Mather  was  deeply  hurt  by  this  indignity,  and  he  devoted  the  principal  part  of  the  Intro 
duction  to  his  Pareiitator,  1724.  to  this  ill-natured  writer.  He  says  he  found  in  eiglity-six 
pages  of  Oldmixon's  book  eighty-seven  falsehoods.  A  second  edition  of  The  British 
Empire  ill  America  was  published  in  1 741,  with  considerable  additions  and  alterations. 
In  the  mean  time  the  Rev.  Daniel  Neal  had  published  in  London  his  History  of  Xew 
England,  which  led  Oldmixon  to  rewrite,  for  this  new  edition,  his  chapters  relating  to 
New  England.     Oldmixon's  work  is  of  little  value.     He  was  careless  and  unscrupulous. - 

Mr.  Neal's  History  of  Xew  England,  already  mentioned,  first  appeared  in  1720,  in 
two  volumes,  but  was  republished  with  additions  in  1747.'  It  contains  a  map  "according 
to  the  latest  observations,"'  or,  as  he  elsewhere  observes,  "done  from  the  latest  surveys," 
in  one  corner  of  which  is  an  interesting  miniature  map  of  "The  Harbour  of  Boston. " 
This  book  must  have  supplied  a  great  want  at  the  time  of  its  appearance,  and  though 
Hutchinson  says  it  is  little  more  than  an  abridgment  of  Dr.  Mather's  history,  —  which  is 
not  ([uite  true,  as  see  his  authorities  in  the  Preface.  —  it  gave  in  an  accessible  form  many 
of  the  principal  facts  concerning  the  beginning  of  New  England.  It  of  course  relates 
principally  to  Plymouth  and  Massachusetts.  Neal  was  an  independent  thinker,  and 
differed  essentially  from  Cotton  Mather  on  many  subjects. 


'  Good  copies  of  the  original  foHo  edition, 
with  the  map,  bring  high  prices.  One  of  Brin- 
Ity's  copies,  said  to  be  on  large  paper  (though 
tlic  pK..-i'3nt  writer  has  a  copy  by  his  side  much 
larger),  brought  Si  to.  The  Menzies  copy  (no. 
i,35j)  sold  for  $125.  See  "The  Light  shed 
ii])()n  .Mather's  Magnalia  by  his  Diary  "  in  Mass. 
Jlisl.  Soc.  Proc,  December,  1.S62,  pp.  402-414; 
iMoscs  Coit  Tyler,  History  of  Ameriran  Litera- 
lure,  ii.  80-S3.  Of  the  map.  Dr.  Douglass  says 
(i.  362) :  "  Dr.  Cotton  Mather's  map  of  New 
Lngland,  New  York,  Jersey  .  rtnd  Pennsylvania 
is  composed  from  some  old  rough  drafts  of  the 
first  discoveries,  with  obsolete  n.imes  not  known 
at  this  time,  and  has  scarce  any  resembla.ice  of 
the  country.  It  may  be  called  a  very  erroneous, 
antiquated  map."  [See  Editor's  note  following 
tliis  chapter.  For  some  notes  on  the  Mather 
1  iliiary,  see  Memorial  History  of  Bostr.i,  vol.  i. 
11.  xviii.  The  annexed  portrait  of  Mather  resem- 
liks  the  mezzotint,  of  which  a  reduced  fac-simile 
i^  ,i;iveii  in  the  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i. 
20S,  and  which  is  marked  CoTTONis  .M.atherus, 
.'Ktiilis  SIM  LXi;  .MDCCXXVIL  B.  PcUiatn 
VOL.    III.  — 44. 


ad  Tivum  pinxit  ah  origine  fecit  et  exciid.  Its 
facial  lines,  however,  are  stronger  and  more 
characteristic.  It  may  be  the  reduction  made 
by  Sarah  Moorhead  from  the  painting,  thus 
mentioned  bv  Pelham,  for  the  purpose  of  the 
engraving.  It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that 
the  surroundings  of  the  portrait  are  different  in 
the  engraving.  This  same  outline,  hut  reversed, 
characterizes  a  portrait  of  Mather,  which  be- 
longs to  the  American  Antiquarian  Society  at 
Worcester,  and  which  is  said  to  be  by  Pelham. 
Paine's  Portraits,  etc.,  in  Worcester,  no.  5 ;  \V. 
H.  Whitmore's  Peter  Pelham,  1867,  j).  6,  where 
the  Pelham  engraving  is  called  the  earliest  yet 
found  to  be  ascribed  to  that  artist.  —  Ed.] 

'-  See  what  Beverly  says  of  him  in  the  Pre- 
face  to  his  History  of  J'irginia,  1722.  The 
numerous  maps  in  his  book  were  made  by  Her- 
man Moll,  a  well-known  cartographer  of  that 
day.  Oldmi.xon's  name  appears  only  to  the 
dedication  prcfi.xcd  to  the  first  edition. 

^  Carter- Bro^.i'n  Catalogue,  iii.  nos.  281,  855; 
and  510,  for  the  Bishop  of  Winchester's  examina- 
tion of  Neal's  History  of  the  Puritans. 


\  ,; 


i  \ 


W 


346 


NARRATIVK   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


;    ' 


The  Rev.  Thomas  Prince  published  in  Boston  in  1736  A  Chronological  Hi sto>y  oj 
A'eiu  Englami  in  tlie  I'orvi  of  Annals,  in  one  volume,  r^mo.  of  about  four  hundred  jjafjos. 
The  autiior  l)e)^ins  witli  the  creation  of  the  world,  and  devotes  the  last  two  hundred  and 
fifty  pages  to  New  England,  coming  down  only  to  September,  1630,  or  to  the  settlement  of 
lioston.  After  an  interval  of  about  twenty  years  the  work  was  resumed,  and  tliree  luini- 
bers,  of  thirty-two  pages  each,  of  vol.  ii.  were  issued  in  1755,  bringing  ''"^  tlironolojjy 
down  to  August,  1633,  when  for  want  of  sufficient  encouragement  tlie  work  ceased. 
Prince  was  very  particular  in  giving  his  authorities  for  every  statement,  and  he  professed 
to  quote  the  very  language  of  his  autlior.* 

In  1749  was  published  the  tirst  volume  of  a  Summary,  Historical  ami  Polilical,  .  .  . 
of  the  liritis/i  Settlements  in  Xorth  America,  by  William  Douglass,  I\I.D.  The  book  had 
been  issued  in  numbers,  beginning  in  January,  1747.  The  titlep.ige  of  the  second  volume 
bears  date  1751.  The  author  died  suddenly  Oct.  21,  1752,  before  his  work  was  finished. 
A  large  part  of  the  book  relates  to  New  England.  It  contains  a  good  deal  of  valuai)le 
information  fn  m  original  sources,  but  it  is  put  together  without  system  or  order,  and  the 
whole  work  appears  more  like  a  mass  of  notes  hastily  written  tiian  like  a  history.  Dr. 
Douglass  was  a  Scotchman  by  birth,  and  coming  to  Boston  while  a  young  man,  he 
attained  a  reputable  standing  as  a  physician.  In  the  small-pox  episode  in  1721  he 
took  an  active  part  as  an  o[)poser  of  inoculation.  He  was  fond  of  controversy,  was 
thoroughly  honest  and  fearless,  and  gave  offence  in  his  Summary  by  his  freedom  of 
speech.  The  Summary  was  republished  in  London  in  1755  and  in  1760,  each  edition 
with  a  large  map.'-     The  Boston  edition  was  reissued  with  a  new  title,  dated  1753. 


11(1    ■flit 


For  the  origin  of  the  brief  setttlement  at  Cape  Ann,  which  drew  after  it  the  planting 
at  Salem  and  the  final  organization  of  the  Massachusetts  Company,  and  for  the  narrative 
of  those  several  events, —  namely,  the  formation  in  London  of  the  subordinate  government 
for  the  colony,  ''  London's  Plantation  in  Massachusetts  Bay,"  with  Endicott  as  its  first 
governor,  and  his  instructions  ;  the  emigration  under  Higginson  in  1629;  the  estabiishiiKMU 
of  the  church  in  Salem,  and  the  difficulty  with  the  Browns  ;  and  the  emigration  under 
Winthrop  in  1630, — see  John  White's  Plantei^s  Plea,^  Hubbard's  A^ew  England,  chap, 
xviii.;  the  Colony  Records;  Morton's  Memorial,  under  the  year  1629;  Higginson's 
Journal,  and  his  New  England  Plantation  ;  ■*  Dudley's  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lin- 
coln;^ and  Winthrop's  own  Journal.       For  the  jirincipal  part  of  these  documents  and 


;  r 


'  [These  supplementary  parts  have  been  re- 
prinicd  in  2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vii.  It  was  repul> 
lishctl  in  Hoston  in  1S26,  edited  by  Nathan  Hale. 
Mr.  .S.  G.  Drake,  having  some  sheets  of  this 
edition  on  hand,  reissued  it  in  1S5J,  with  a  new 
titlepage,  and  with  a  memoir  of  Prince  and  some 
plates,  etc.,  inserted.  It  has  been  again  reprinted 
in  Edward  Arber's  English  Garner,  1.S77-80,  vol. 
ii.  Prince's  own  copy,  with  his  manuscript  notes, 
is  noted  in  the  lirinUy  Calalogiic,  no.  350.  Mr. 
Deane  has  several  sheets  of  the  original  manu- 
script ot  this  work.  —  El).] 

^  A  memoir  of  Dr.  Douglass,  by  T.  L.  Jenni- 
son,  M.D.,  was  publiijhcd  in  Meiiuiil  Communi,a- 
tious  of  the  Massachusetts  Medical  Society,  vol. 
V.  part  ii.,  Hoston,  1.S31.  Cf.  Alcmorial  History 
of  Boston,  Index  ;  Sabin,  v.  502  ;  Carter- Broxun 
Catalogue,  iii.  S99. 

''  [This  is  reprinted  in  full  in  Force's  Tracts, 
ii.  It  was  printed  in  1630,  and  original  copies 
are  in  Mr.  Deane's  and  in  the  Lenox  libraries ; 
cf.  also  Brinlcy  Catalogue,  nos.  373,  2,704  ;  Crown- 


inshield  Cataloi>ue,  no.  744;  Cartcr-Brmon  Cata- 
logue, vol.  ii.  110.  371.  —  El).] 

■*  [The  Journal  of  Higginson,  which  is  a  re- 
l.ation  of  his  voy.ige,  1629,  is  in  Hutchinson's 
Collection  of  Palmers,  and  an  imperfect  manu- 
script which  that  historian  used  is  in  the  Cabinet 
of  the  Historical  Society.  His  A^to  EnglanJ's 
Plantation  is  reprinted  in  Voung's  Chronicles  : 
in  Amer.  Antiij.  Soc.  Coll.,  iii.  79;  in  Force's 
Tracts,  vol.  ii. ;  and  in  Mass.  Ilist.  Coll.,  vol.  i. 
The  narrative  covers  the  interval  from  July  10 
September,  1629,  and  three  editions  were  issued 
in  1630;  the  Lenox  Library  has  the  three,  and 
Harvard  College  Library  has  two,  —  one  imper- 
fect. Rich,  Catalogue  (1832),  nos.  1S6,  191  ; 
Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  2^2;  Carter- Breaun  Cata- 
logue, vol.  ii.  nos.  362,  363;  Menzies  Catalogue, 
no.  927  (S66.)  —  El).] 

'  [This,  besides  bt  ing  in  Young's  Chronicles, 
can  be  found  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  ii.,  with 
notes  by  John  Farmer ;  and  in  the  N.  H.  Hist. 
Coll.,  vol.  iv.,  following  a  manuscript  more  e.v 


feilT\' 


Xi:\V   ENGLAND. 


347 


>>Ur-Brim<n  Calj- 


Others  of  great  value  the  reader  is  referred  to  Dr.  Alexander  Younj^'s  Chronicles  of  the 
First  Phiiiti-rs  of  the  Colony  of  Miissmhiiset/s  Jlav,  —a  convenient  manual  for  reference, 
of  the  highest  authority,  containing  ample  bibliograijiiical  notes  and  illustrations,  which 
need  not  be  repeated  here.  This  book,  which  was  published  in  1846,  was  unfortunately 
thrown  into  chapters  as  of  one  narrative,  as  had  been  that  relating  to  the  I'lymoiitli  Col- 
ony, published  in  1S41,  whereby  the  original  authorities,  which  should  be  the  prominent 
feature  of  the  book,  are  subordinated  to  an  editorial  plan. 

For  the  original  authorities  of  the  history  of  the  scattered  settlements  in  Massachu- 
setts Bay.  prior  to  the  Wintlirop  emigration,  1  cannot  do  bettor  than  refer  to  a  pai)er  on 
the  "Old  I'lant- 
ers,"  so  called, 
abou  t  Bos  ton 
Harbor,  by 
Charles  Francis 
Adams,  Jr.,  in 
J/(iss.  Hist.  Soc. 
/'roc,  lune,  1878, 
p.  104;  and  to  Mr. 
Adams's  chapter 
in  Memorial  Ilis- 
lorv  of  Boston,  i. 

In  Captain 
John  Smith's  ^Ul- 
vertisements  for 
the  unexperienced 
I'lanters  of  Xeiv 
Eiit;lanil,  or  any 
'ichere,  London, 
1631.  he  has  two 

chapters  (xi.  and  xii.)  on  the  settlement  of  Salem  and  Charlton  (Charlestown),  and  an 
account  of  the  sad  condition  of  the  colony  for  months  after  the  Wintlirop  emigration. 
This  is  Smith's  last  book,  and  his  best  in  a  literary  point  of  view,  and  was  published  the 
year  of  his  death. ^ 

The  iXetu  England's  Prospect,  by  William  Wood,  London,  1634.  is  the  earliest  topo- 
graphical account  of  the  Massachusetts  Colony,  so  far  as  the  settlements  then  extended. 
It  also  has  a  full  description  of  its  fauna  and  flora,  and  of  the  natives.  It  is  a  valuable 
book,  and  is  written  in  vigorous  and  idiomatic  English.  The  writer  lived  here  four  years, 
returning  to  England  Aug.  15.  iC)33.  His  book  is  entered  in  the  Stationers'  Register, 
"  7  Julii,  1634."  Alonzo  Lewis,  author  of  the  History  of  Lvnn,  thinks  that  he  came  over 
again  to  the  colony  in  1635,  as  a  person  of  that  name  arrived  that  year  in  the 
"Hopewell."  8 


SHIP   OK   XVir"    CKNTUKV. 


t   '    I 


I  "M' 


^ 


teiuleil  than  the  text  given  on  its  first  appearance 
ill  liriiU  in  Ji'issarliutef/s,  cr  the  First  Planters, 
i'X)6,  copies  of  which  are  noted  in  the  Prince 
(|).  37)  and  Carter-Brown  (vol.  ii.  no.  1,494) 
catalogues.  —  Ed.] 

'  [This  fac-simile  is  from  a  map  in  Dudley's 
Anauo  del  Mare,  1647.  —  F^D.] 

-  [This  tract  was  reprinted  in  lioston  in  1S65, 
and  also  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  There  are 
copies  of  the  original  in  Mr.  Deanc's,  Harvard 
College,  and  the  Carter-lirown  ( Cataloi^tie,  ii.  379) 
libr.-iries.     Cf.  the  editorial   note  at  the  end  of 


chap,  vi.,  and  Afemorial  //istory  of  Boston,  i.  p.  50. 
-K1..I 

''  The  volume  was  reissued  iii  1O35,  1639,  and 
1764.  The  Prince  Society  reprinted  the  volume 
in  1S65,  with  a  prefatory  address  hv  the  present 
writer.  [Copies  of  the  original  edition  are  noted 
in  the  Carler-BroT^on  Catalogue,  ii.  no  421  (later 
editions,  nos.  433,  469) ;  and  Biinley  Catalogue, 
no.  377.  Cf.  also  Rich,  Catalogue  (1832),  no. 
296,  and  (1844)  priced  at  £,\  Sj.  Mr.  Deane's 
copy  of  the  first  edition  has  ninety-eight  pages, 
besides    the    Indian    words.      The    Rice    copy 


348 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   Of   AMERICA. 


i  I 


r  I 


The  A'ni'  riii^li.sfi  Ciintidfi,  1)y  Thomas  Morton,  AmstL-rthm,  I''>J7,  "  written  upon  ten 
years'  knowledge  and  experiment  of  the  country,"  is  a  sort  of  satire  upon  tlie  I'lymoutli 
and  Massachusetts  people,  who  looked  upon  the  author  as  a  reprobate  and  an  outlaw.  He 
came  over,  ])robal)ly,  with  Weston's  company  in  1622,  and  on  the  breaking  up  of  that  set- 
tlemeiU  may  li.ive  gone  back  to  Kngland.  In  1625  he  is  found  here  again  with  Captain 
Wollaston's  company  on  a  plantation  at  "Mount  \\'.<llaston,''  where  he  ha<l  his  revels. 
He  was  twice  banished  the  country,  and  betbre  his  linal  return  hither  wrote  this  book. 
His  description  of  the  natural  features  of  the  country,  and  his  account  of  the  native  inh.nb- 
itants  're  of  considerable  intercut  and  value,  and  the  side-light  which  he  throws  upon  the 
Pilgrim  and  I'urit.m  colonies  will  serve  at  least  to  amuse  the  reader.'  Morton's  book, 
though  printed  in  Holland  "in  the  ye.ire  1637,"  was  entered  in  the  Stationers'  Register  in 
London,  "  Nov.  18,  1633,"  in  the  name  of  Charles  Greene  as  publisher;  and  a  copy  of  the 
book  is  now  (1SS2)  in  the  library  of  the  .Society  for  the  I'Diiagation  of  the  Cospel  in  For- 
eign Parts.  19  Dclahay  Street,  Westminster,  London,  bearing  this  imprint:  '•  Printed  for 
Charles  Greene,  anil  are  sold  in  Paul's  Church-Yard;  "  no  date,  but  "  i^>32  "  written  in  with 
a  pen.  See  White  Kennett's  lUhliotlieur  Amerkancf  Primordia,  p.  77,  where  this  cojjy 
is  entered,  anil  where  the  manuscript  il.ite  is  printed  in  the  margin.  This  date  is,  of  course, 
an  error. ■•'     Morton's  book  was  not  written  till  after  the  jniblication  ol' Wood's  Sei<.<  Etii^- 

land's  rrosfiect,  to  which  reference  is  fre- 
f|uently  made  in  the  AVti'  Kiii^lis/i  CaiiitiUi. 
The  A'fw  Etif^lanU's  Prospect  was  entered  at 
the  .Stationers',  ■•  7  Julii,  i'^34,"  and  was  pub- 
lished the  same  year.  Morton's  book  is  ded- 
icated to  the  Commissioners  for  Foreign 
Plant.uions,  —  a  body  not  created  till  .\pril 
28,  1634.  The  book  must  have  been  entered 
at  the  Stationers'  some  time  in  anticipation  of 
its  printing;  and  when  printed,  some  copies 
were  struck  off  bearing  the  imprint  of  Charles 
Greene,  though  only  one  copy  is  now  known 
with  his  name  an  the  titlepage. 

The  first  serious  trouble  with  the  Indians, 
whicli  had  ueen  brewing  for  some  years,  cul- 
minated in  1637,  when  the  Pequots  were  over- 
thrown.    This  produced  a  number  of  narrations,  two  of  which  were  published  at  the  time, 
and  in  London,—  one  by  Philip  Vincent,-'  in  1637,  ami  one  by  Captain  John  Underhill.  in 
1638.^     The  former  is  not  known  to  have  been  in    New  England  at  the  time,  but  the 


/:  ^t^  jf'-^A^y 


AUTOGRAPHS   OF  LI-.ADEUS    I\   THE  WAR. 


>         I 


brought  $200.  Cf.  Monies  Catalo(;ue,  no.  2,187. 
The  second  and  third  editions  had  each  eighty- 
three  pages,  besides  an  appendix  of  bidian 
words.  The  1764  edition  has  an  anonymous  in- 
troduction, |)erhaps  t)v  Nathaniel  Rogers  (Mass. 
llisl.  Soi.  J'nh-.,  November,  1862)  or  J.imcs  Otis 
(Ibid.,  .Sei)tcmbcr,  1S62).  Mr.  Deane  reprints 
this  preface.  — Eb.] 

1  Mr.  Charles  Francis  Adams,  Jr.,  recently 
prepared  a  new  edition  of  Morton's  book  for 
publication  by  the  Prince  Society.  It  is  accom- 
panied by  a  memoir  of  Morton. 

'-  [There  has  been  a  strange  amount  of  mis- 
d.iting  in  respect  to  this  book.  The  MondidUr 
Ciitiiloi^iie  (Henry  Stevens)  gives  it,  "  Printed  by 
W.  S.  Stansby  for  Rol).  P.lount,  1625."  (Sabin, 
Diitioiiary,  xii.  51,028.)  The  Sunderland  Cata- 
logue, iv.  no.  8,684,  gives  it  1627,  —  a  date  fol- 


lowed by  Quaritch  in  a  later  catalogue.  Cf. 
Rich,  Cataloc'ie  (1832),  no.  21.S  :  (1844),  priced  at 
£\  Sj-.  ;  Men  e.s,  no.  1,440,  $160;  Carter-BnKi<n 
Catalocue,  ii.  443;  Memorial  History  of  Boston, 
i.So.    It  is  included  in  Force's  Tracts,  ii.  —  F.l).| 

^  His  tract  of  twenty-three  pages  is  entitled 
A  True  Kelalion  of  the  Late  Battel  I  fought  in  Xe'.o 
Eni^'land  t>ehi<een  the  Em^lish  and  the  SalTages, 
etc.,  London,  1637.  [There  was  a  reissue  in 
163S  of  the  first  editiciii,  and  a  second  oditicjii 
the  .same  vear,  which  last  is  in  Harvard  College 
and  the  Prince  libraries.  There  is  an  account  of 
Vincent  by  Himter  in  4  Coll.,  \.  Cf.  Rich  (1S32), 
Catalogue,  no.  221  ;  Cnnvninshield  Catalogue,  no. 
766;  Carter-Brmvn  Catalogue,  ii.  448,  461,  462; 
Field,  Indian  Bihliograf'hy,  no.  1,606.  —  El).] 

*  His  tract  was  entitled,  X,-,oes  from  Aineruii, 
etc.,  London,  1638.     [There  is  a  copy  in  Har- 


'^i' 


!   I 


■,'!!* 


NLW  en(;land. 


349 


minute  particulars  of  Iiis  narrative  woulil  IlvkI  ono  to  supjjose  tliat  lie  had  l)een  in  close 
communication  with  some  persons  wlio  had  liucn  in  ihe  conllict.  lie  could  hardly  have 
been  jjresent  himself.  Captain  John  Unilerliill,  the  writer  of  the  second  tract,  was  com- 
mander of  the  Massachusetts  forces  at  the  storming  of  the  fort,  so  that  lie  narrates  much 
of  what  he  saw.  lie  prefaces  his  account  witii  a  description  of  the  coiuitry,  and  of  tlie 
origin  of  the  troubles  with  the  Pequots.  Uoth  these  narratives  are  reprinted  in  3  Afass. 
J  list.  Coll.  vi. 

I  may  add  here  that  there  were  other  narratives  of  the  I'equot  War  written  by  actors  in 
it.  A  narrative  by  M.ijor  Jolin  Mason,  the  commander  of  the  Connecticut  forces,  was  left 
by  him  on  his  death,  in  manuscript,  and  was  communic.ited  by  his  i^randson  to  the  Kev. 
Thomas  I'rince,  who  publisiied  it  in  1736.  It  is  tlic  be.-.l  account  of  tlie  alVair  written. 
Some  two  or  three  years  after  tiie  death  of  Mason,  Mr.  Aliyn,  the  Secretary  of  the  colony 
of  Connecticut,  sent  a  narrative  of  the  I'equot  War  to  Increase  Mather,  who  published  it 
in  his  Relation  of  the  Troubles,  etc.,  if);;,  as  of  Allyn's  composition.  Having  no  preface 
or  titlepage,  Mather  did  not  know  tiiat  it  was  ■■  ritten  by  Major  Mason,  .is  was  afterward 
fully  explained  by  I'rince,  wiio  h.ad  the  entire  manus'  ript  from  Mason's  gr.Tndson.' 

Lyon  (iardincr,  commander  of  the  Saybn-ok  lVr»  during  the  Fec|uot  War,  also  wrote 
an  account  of  the  action,  prefacing  it  with  a  narrative  of  recollections  of  earlier  events. 
It  was  written  in  ids  olil  age.     It  was  first  printed  in  3  Mass.  llist.  Coll.,  iii.  r36-i'KD.'' 

For  the  history  of  the  Antinomian  controversy  v/liich  broke  out  about  this  time  and 
convulsed  the  whole  of  New  England,  see  the  exaniination  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  in  Hutch- 
inson's Massdi/iiisetts  Ihiv,  ii.  .\^z  ;  Wclde's  Short  Story,  etc.,  London,  1644;  Chandler's 
Criininal  Trials,  Hoston,  1H41,  vol.  i.'' 

A  small  (|uarto  volume  published  in  London  in  1641,  entitled  An  Abstract  of  the 
l.aii'es  of  Xew  England  as  they  are  now  Established,  was  one  of  the  results  of  an  attempt 
to  form  a  body  of  standing  laws  for  ''le  colony.  I  may  premise,  that,  at  the  first  meeting  of 
tlie  Court  of  Assistants  at  Charlestown,  certain  rules  of  proceeding  in  civil  actions  were 
est.ablished,  and  powers  for  punishing  offenders  instituted.  In  the  former  case  etptity 
according  to  circumstances  was  the  rule  ;  antl  in  punishing  offences  they  professed  to  be 
governed  by  the  judicial  laws  of  Moses  where  such  laws  were  of  a  moral  nature*  Hut 
such  proceedings  were  arbitrary  and  uncertain,  and  the  body  of  the  people  were  clamorous 
for  a  code  of  standing  laws.     John  Cotton  had  been  requested  to  assist  in  framing  such  a 


vard  College  Lilirary  and  in  Charles  Deane's. 
C'f.  also,  Rich  (1832),  no.  220,  and  Carler-Brmi'n 
Ciittilcxiie,  li.  460,  with  fac-similc  of  title.  —  Ed.| 

'  [It  was  again  re- 
luintcd  in  a  volume 
im  the  Mo/iegiin  Ciisc' 
ill  17O9  (cf.  BriiiUy 
Catiili'x'iie,  no.  2,085 ; 
.Moiizics,  1,338,  S40); 
and  afterward,  follow- 
iiig  I'lince's  edition,  in 
2  Miiss.  Hist.  Coll., 
viii.  120;  and  in  New 
^■|)rk  by  Sabin,  in 
1S61).  Field's  Indian 
lUhlioi^nipJiy,  no.  1 ,02 1 . 
Cf.  references  on  Ma- 
son in  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  253.  —  En.] 

-  [It  is  also  reprii.lcd  in  some  copies  of 
I  Indie's  tdition  of  Pcnhallow's  Indian  Wars 
Cincinnati,  1859.  Cf.  .S.ibin, /'/cC/o/wr)/,  vii.  165  ; 
;iiul  accounts  of  (iardiner  in  Thompson's /,(>«(,>• 
Island,  i.   305,  and  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  x.  173. 


Further  references  on  the  Pecpiot  War  will  be 
found  in  .Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  255; 
and  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.,  May,  i860, 


# 


'xrvy*^ 


will  he  found  a  letter  from  Jonathan  Brewster 
describing  its  outbreak.  — Kd.] 

"  [More  e.vtcnsive  references  will  be  found  in 
Afemorial  History  of  Boston,  i  176,  and  Harvard 
Colhxe  I.ilirary  Biillctin,  no,  11,  p.  287.—  Ed.] 

■*  See  Hutchinson,  i.  435. 


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NAKKATIVL   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


laws,  called 

jjslaj^if^^m*^  laws' wark. 


code,  nnd  in  October,  1636,  he  handed  in  to  the  General  Court  a  copy  of  a  body  of  laws 
that  he  had  compiled  "  in  an  exact  method,"  called  "  Moses  his  Judicials,"  which  the 
Court  took  into  consideration  till  the  next  meeting.  The  subject  occupied  attention  from 
year  to  year,  till  in  December,  1641,  the  General  Court  established  a  body  of  one  hut>ilre(l 

laws,  called  the  liody  of  Liberties,  which  had  been  comjioscd 
Nathaniel  Ward,'  of  Ipswich.  No  copy  of  these 
known  to  have  been  preserved  on  the  records  of 
the  colony;  and  of  the  earliest  printed  digest  of  the  laws,  in 
1648,  which  no  doubt  substantially  contbrmed  to  the  Body  of  Liberties,  no  copy  is  extant. 

The  Abstract  ?i\iO\^  recited,  published  in  1641,  was  therefore  for  many  years  regarded 
as  the  Body  of  Liberties,  or  an  abstract  of  them,  passed  in  that  year.  About  forty  years 
ago  Francis  C.  Gr.iy,  Esq.,  noticed  in  the  library  of  the  Boston  Athenxum  a  manuscript 
code  of  laws  entitled  "  A  Copy  of  the  Liberties  of  the  Massachusetts  Colonic  in  New 
England,"  which  he  caused  to  be  printed  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  216-237,  with  a 
learned  introduction,  in  which  he  showed  conclusively  that  this  body  of  laws  was  the  code 
of  1641,  and  that  the  Abstract  printed  that  year  in  London  was  John  Cotton's  code,  .Moses 
his  Judicials,  which  the  General  Court  never  adopted.  A  copy  having  found  its  way  to 
England,  it  was  sent  to  the  press  under  a  misapprehension,  and  an  erroneous  titlepage 
prefixed  to  it.  Indeed,  that  Joiin  Cotton  was  the  author  of  the  code  published  in  London 
in  1641  had  been  evident  from  an  early  period,  by  means  of  a  second  and  enlarged  edition 
published  in  London  by  William  Aspinwall  in  1655.  from  a  manuscript  copy  left  by  the 
autlior.  Aspinwall,  then  in  England,  in  a  long  address  to  the  re.ider.  says  that  Cotton 
collected  out  of  the  Scriptures,  and  digested  this  Abstract,  ^wA  commended  it  to  the  Court 
of  Massachusetts,  "  which  had  they  then  had  the  heart  to  have  received,  it  might  have 
been  better  both  with  them  there  and  us  here  than  now  it  is."'  The  Alistract  of  1641,  with 
Aspinwall's  preface  to  the  edition  of  1655.  was  reprinted  in  i  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  v.  173-192. 
Hutchinson,  Papers,  1769,  pp.  161-179.  had  already  printed  the  former.''' 

The  religious  character  of  the  colony  was  exemplified  by  the  publication,  in  1640,  of 
the  first  book  issued  from  the  Cambridge  press,  set  up  by  Stephen  Daye  the  year  before ; 
namely,  77te  IVliole  Bookc  of  Psalmes  l-'aitlifully  Translated  into  English  Metre,  by 
Richard  Mather,  Thomas  Welde.  and  John  Eliot.  Prince,  in  the  preface  to  his  revised 
edition  of  this  book,  1758,  says  that  it  '•  had  the  lionor  of  being  \.\\ii  First  Book  printed  in 
North  America,  and.  as  far  as  I  can  find,  in  this  whole  New  World."  Prince  was  not 
aware  that  a  printing  press  had  existed  in  the  City  of  Mexico  one  hundred  years  before.' 
He  was  right,  however,  in  the  first  part  of  his  ..'■ntence.  Eight  copies  of  the  book  are 
known  to  be  extant,  of  which  two  are  in  Cambridge,  where  it  was  printed.  Within  a  year 
or  ♦•••o  a  copy  has  been  sold  for  fifteen  hundred  dollars.*  The  first  thing  printed  by  Daye 
w  is  t'le  freeman's  oath,  the  next  was  an  alman.ic  made  for  New  England  by  Mr.  VV^illiam 
I'eirce,  mariner, —  so  says  Winthrop.     What  enterprising  explorer  of  garrets  and  cellars 


'  [Ward  is  better  known,  however,  by  his 
Sinipli'  CoNir  of  Ai^f^u-iuim  in  Amerini,  whicli 
passed  through  four  editions  in  London  in  1647, 
—  a  rarity  now  worth  si.\  or  seven  pounds;  CirUr- 
/i/iKi'n  C<i/(i/('i;iii;  ii.  634 ;  O'Ciilliig/iitn  Calii/oi;iif. 
2,351  ;  Menzifs  C'iita/(>i;iti;  no.  2,038,  etc.  It  was 
not  reprinted  in  IJoston  till  1713,  and  .igain,  edited 
by  Pavid  I'ulsifcr,  in  1843.  Mr.  John  Ward  Dean 
published  a  good  memoir  of  Ward  in  1.S6S.  The 
book  ill  question  is  no  further  historical  than  that 
it  illustrates  the  length  to  which  good  people 
could  go  in  vindication  of  intolerance,  in  days 
when  Antinomianism  and  other  aggressive  vi'.'ws 
were  troubling  many.  —  Kl).] 

'-  [The  Abstract  is  also  in  Force's  Tracts,  iii. 


.K  note  on  the  bibliography  of  the  subject  will  be 
foi'.id  in  Memorial  I/istorv  of  Jioston,  i.  145. 
Cf.  I^.inliy  Ciiliihxiu;  p.  loS;  Carler-linnon  Oil- 
alof^.ii;  ii.  4S3;  Sabin,  no.  52,595.  Mr.  Dcanc 
has  a  co]>y .  —  ICn.] 

'  .\  list  of  books  there  printed  from  1540  to 
1 599  n\ay  be  seen  in  the  Carter-Brown  Catalogiu, 

i-  'j'-'3S- 

♦  [Something  of  its  bibliographical  history 
is  told  with  references  in  Memorial  History  oj 
Boston,  i.  45S-460.  Of  two  copies  of  the  original 
edition  there  mentioned,  one,  the  Fiske  copy,  is 
now  in  the  Carter-Brown  library  {Catalo^^iic,  ii 
470) ;  another,  the  Vanderbilt  copy,  has  since  been 
burned  in  New  York.  —  Ed,] 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


351 


will  add  copies  of  these  to  our  collections  of  American.!  ?  Probably  one  of  the  last  books 
printed  by  Dayc  was  the  first  digest  of  the  laws  of  the  colony,  which  was  passing  through 
the  press  in  1648.  Johnson  says  it  was  printed  that  year.  Probably  1649  was  the  date 
on  the  titlejiage.  Not  a  single  copy  is  known  to  be  in  existence.  Daye  was  succeeded 
in  1649  by  Samuel  Green,  who  issued  books  from  the  Cambridge  press  for  nearly  fifty 
years.' 

One  of  the  most  interesting  and  authentic  of  the  early  narratives  relating  to  the  colony 
is  Thomas  Lechford's  Plain  Dealing,  London,  1642.  Lecliford  came  over  here  in  ifi3S, 
arriving  June  27,  and  he  embarked  for  home  Aug.  3,  1641.  He  was  a  lawyer  by  profes- 
sion, and  he  came  here  with  friendly  feelings  toward  the  Puritan  settlement.  Hut  lawyers 
were  not  wanted  in  the  colony.  He  was  looked  upon  with  suspicion,  and  could  barely  earn 
a  living  for  his  family.  He  did  some  writing  for  the  magistrates,  and  transcribed  some 
papers  for  Nathaniel  Ward,  the  supposed  author  of  the  Body  of  Liberties,  to  whom  he  may 
have  rendered  professional  aid  in  that  work.  He  prepared  his  hook  for  the  press  soon 
after  his  return  home.  It  is  full  of  valuable  information  relatiuLj  to  the  manners  and 
customs  of  the  colony,  written  by  an  able  and  impartial  hand.' 

To  the  leading  men  in  the  colony,  religion,  or  their  own  notion  concerning  religion, 
was  the  one  absorbing  theme;  and  they  sought  to  embody  it  in  a  union  of  Ciiurch  and 
State.  In  this  regard  John  Cotton"  seems  to  have  been  the  mouthpiece  of  the  community. 
He  came  near  losing  his  influence  at  the  time  of  the  Antinomian  controversy :  but  by 
judicious  management  he  recovered  himself.  He  was  not  averse  to  discussion,  had 
a  passion  for  writing,  and  his  pen  was  ever  active.  The  present  writer  has  nearly  thirty 
of  Cotton's  books,  —  the  Carter- liroiun  Catalogue  shows  over  forty,  —  written  in  New 
Kngland,  and  sent  to  London  to  be  printed.  Some  of  these  were  in  answer  to  inquiries 
from  London  concerning  their  church  estate,  "tc,  here,  and  were  intended  to  satisfy  the 
curiosity  of  friends,  as  well  as  to  influence  public  opinion  there.  Cotton  had  a  long 
controversy  with  Roger  Williams  relating  to  the  subject  of  Williams's  banishment  from 
this  colony.  Another  discussion  with  him,  which  took  a  little  different  form,  was  the 
'•  Uloudy  Tenet"  controversy,  which  had  another  origin,  and  in  which  the  (luestion  of 
persecution  for  conscience'  sake  was  discussed.  Williams,  of  course,  here  had  the  argu- 
ment on  the  general  principle.  Cotton  was  like  a  strong  man  struggling  in  the  mire.* 
Cotton's  book  on  the  Keyes  of  the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  shows  his  idea  of  the  true  church 
polity.  His  answer  to  Baylie's  Dissuasive  in  The  IVay  of  the  Congregational  Churches 
Cleared  is  really  a  valuable  historical  book,  in  which,  incidentally,  he  introduces  informa- 
tion concerning  persons  and  events  which  relate  to  Plymouth  as  well  as  to  .Massachusetts. 
This  book  furnished  to  the  present  writer  the  clew  to  the  fact  that  John  Winthrop  was  the 
author  of  the  principal  part  of  the  contents  of  Welde's  Short  Story,  published  in  London 


M 


\H 


'  For  a  list  of  U.-iye's  and  Green's  books  see 
Thom.ns's  History  of  Prinliiif^,  2d  ed. ;  and  other 
rifurcnces  to  the  early  history  of  the  press  in 
New  England  will  be  found  in  Memorial  History 
of  Boston,  i.  ch.  14. 

^  It  was  reprinted  in  3  Muss.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii. 
A  new  edition,  with  learned  notes  .ind  an  intro- 
duction by  the  editor,  Dr.  J.  ILimmund  'rrurnbull, 
was  published  in  Boston  in  1867.  [A  portion  of 
the  manuscript  is  in  the  cabinet  of  the  Histor- 
ical ?.ociety,  and  a  fac-simile  of  a  page  of  it  is 
given  herewith,  together  with  the  accompanying 
statement  on  the  manuscript  in  the  hand  of 
Ihe  learned  Boston  antiquary,  James  S.avage,  of 
whom  there  is  a  memoir  by  G.  S.  Ilillard  in 
.lAm.  Hist.  Soe.  Proc.,  xvi.  117.  Cf.  N.  E.  Hist, 
mid  Cidteal.  Reg.,  i.8i.  The  autograph  of  Lcch- 
liird  is  from  another  source.    The  Ebeling  copy 


is  certainly  no  longer  unique,  though  the  book  is 
rare  enough  to  have  been  priced  recently  in 
London  at  575.  Cf.  .S.ahiii,  Diclioiiary,  x.  15.S; 
Cartcr-Iiroion  Ciitiiloi;iii;  ii.  506,  545;  Ihiuley 
Catalof^Hi;  no.  j22;  Mcn/ies,  no.  1,202.  There  is 
a  note-l)ooU  of  Lcchford  preserved  in  the  Am- 
erican .\nti(piarian  Society'^  C'abinet.  —  Ld.) 

•'  [A  portrait  of  Cotton  of  somewhat  douht- 
ful  authenticity,  together  with  references  on  his 
life,  will  be  found  in  Memorial  History  of  lios- 
ton,  i.  157.  —  Ell.] 

*  I  The  best  bibliographical  record  of  the 
books  in  Cotfon'.s  controversy  with  Williams,  as 
indeed  of  most  of  the  points  of  this  ])resent 
essay,  is  the  appendix  of  Dextcr's  Congregational- 
ism: a  briefer  survey,  grouping  the  books  in  their 
relations,  is  in  Memorial  History  of  Poslon,  1.  172. 
See  a  later  page  under  "  Rhode  Island."  —  Ed.| 


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352 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


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in  1644,  relating  to  the  Antinomian  troubles  and  Mrs.  Hutchinson.  The  Rev.  Thomas 
Hooker,  of  Hartford,  entered  with  Cotton  into  tlie  church  controversy.  His  Sun/ey  of  the 
Siiinme  of  Church  Discipline,  etc.,  written  in  answer  to  Rutherford,  Hudson  and  Uaylie, 
Presbyterian  controversialists,  was  published  within  the  same  cover  with  Cotton's  book 
last  cited,  and  one  general  titlepage  covered  both,  with  the  imprint  of  London,  1648. 
Well  known  among  Cotton's  other  productions  is  his  Milk  for  Babes,  draum  out  of  the 
Breasts  of  both   Testaments,  chiefly  for  the  Spiritual  Nourishment  of  Boston  Babes  i* 


CA. 


NEW  ENGLAND. 


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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA. 


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either  England,  hut  may  be  of  like  Use  for  any  Chililren,  London,  1646,'  The  discussinn 
of  Cotton  and  others  having  confirmed  the  colony  in  its  church  polity,  —  '•  From  New 
England,"  says  n.iylie,  writing  in  London  in  1645,  "came  Independency  of  Churches 
hither,  which  hath  spre.id  over  all  parts  here,"  it  was  thought  best  to  embody  tlic 
system  in  a  platform.  So  a  synod  was  called  for  May,  1646,  which  by  sundry  niectings 
and  .idjoumments  completed  the  work  in  Augi-st,  1648.  The  result  was  the  famous 
'•  Cambridge  Platform,"  which  continued  the  rule  of  our  ecclesi.tstical  polity,  with  slight 
variations,  till  the  .adoption  of  the  constitution  of  1780.  It  was  printed  at  Cambridge, 
in  i64(>,  by  Samuel  (Jreen,  —  probably  his  first  book,  —  and  was  entitled  A  Platform 
of  Church  Discipline,  etc.  A  copy  of  the  printed  volume  was  sent  over  to  London  by 
John  Cotton  (who  probably  had  the  largest  agency  in  preparing  the  work)  '■*  to  Edward 
Winslow.  then  in  England,  who  procured  it  to  be  printed  in  1653,  with  an  explanatory 
preface  by  himself.* 

The  important  political  union  of  the  New  England  colonies,  or  a  portion  of  them, 
in  1643.  has  I)cen  already  referred  to.  The  Articles  of  Confederation  were  first  printed 
in  1656  in  London,  prefixed  to  Governor  Eaton's  code  of  laws  entitled  Xcw  IfaTcn's 
Settlint;  in  Xew  Enj^lattii,*  —  to  be  mentioned  further  on. 

The  trouble  of  Massachusetts  with  Samuel  (lorton  was  broi.^!'.t  about  by  the  unwar- 
rantable conduct  of  the  colony  towards  that  eccentric  person.  Ciorton  appealed  to  Eng- 
land, and  Edward  Winslow,  the  diplomatist  of  I'lymouth  and  Massachusetts,  was  sent 
over  to  defend  the  Bay  colony.  Gorton's  Sim/ilicitic't  Defence;  published  in  London  in 
1646.  was  answered  by  Winslow's  Hypocrasie  Unmasked,  issued  the  same  year.  This 
was  reissued  in  1649,  with  a  new  titlepage,  called  The  Dant^er  of  toleratint^  La'cllers 
in  a  Ci-'ill  State,  the  Dedication  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  in  the  former  issue,  being 
omitted.* 

Winslow  had  his  hands  full,  about  this  time,  in  defending  Massachusetts.  The 
colony  was  never  without  a  disturbing  element  in  its  own  population,  and  .about  the  time 
of  the  trouble  with  Gorton  a  number  of  influential  persons  who  held  Presbyterian  views 
o.  church  government  were  clamorous  for  the  right  of  suflfrage,  which  was  denied  them. 
The  controversy  of  the  Government  with  Dr.  Robert  Child,  Samuel  Maverick,  and  others, 
in  1646,  need  not  be  repeated  here.  An  appeal  was  made  to  England.  Child  and  some 
of  his  associates  went  thither,  and  published  a  book  in  1647,  in  London,  called  .\'ew 
England's  Jonas  cast  up  at  London,  edited  by  Child's  brother,  Major  John  Child,  whose 


>  This  is  the  earliest  edition  of  this  f.imous 
book ;  and  I  know  of  but  two  copies  of  it,  — 
one  iKfore  me.  and  one  in  the  Thoniason  Library 
in  the  liritish  Museum.  Mr.  Arthur  Ellis,  in  his 
History  o/  th(  First  Church  in  Boston,  has  given 
a  fic-simile  of  the  titlepage.  .\n  edition  was 
printed  at  Cambridge  in  1656,  of  which  a  copy  is 
in  the  libiary  of  the  late  George  Livcrmore. 

■^  V3\Ue\,A'c7v  England,  \\.  1S4. 

'  In  I7?5  the  Results  of  Three  Sy noils  .  .  .  of 
the  Churches  of  Massachusetts,  1648,  1662,  and 
1069,  was  reprinted  in  '?oston.  Cf.  Carter- 
Brecon  Cato.toi^ie,  iii.  no.  362. 

*  A  copy  of  the  rare  first  edition  is  in  the 
library-  oi  the  American  Antiquar  an  Society, 
from  which  twenty  copies  were  reprinted  by  Mr. 
Hoadly,  SecTetar>-  of  State  of  Connecticut,  in 
iSjJj.  The  im|>ortant  suliject  of  t'lis  confedera- 
tion is  sufficiently  illustrated  in  a  1  .-cture  by  John 
Quincy  .\dams,  in  1843,  published  in  3  Mass. 
Hist.  Coll.,  ix.  1S7.  [See  references  to  reprints 
of  the  articles,  and  notes  on  the  Confederacy  in 
Mi-moriiil  History  of  Boston,  i.  299.  —  Ed.] 


'  Copies  of  Winslow's  book  are  very  rare, 
and  are  worth  probably  one  hundred  dollars  or 
more,  I)cing  rarely  seen  in  the  market.  [There 
arc  copies  in  the  Carter-lUown  Library  (Cata- 
lot;ue,  ii.  600,  with  fac-simile  of  title),  and  in  Mr. 
Deanc's  collection.  The  second  edition  appears 
in  the  Brinley  Catalixue,  no.  6<)l.  —  Kn  )  Gor- 
ton's book,  also  rare,  has  l)cen  reprinted  by 
Jud^e  Staples,  with  learned  notes,  in  the  A'hode 
/stand  Historical  Society's  Collections,  vol.  ii.  [and 
is  also  in  Force's  Tracts,  vol.  iv.  There  arc 
copies  in  the  Prince,  Charles  Deane,  Carter- 
Hrown  {Cataloi^ue,  ii.  589,  with  a  long  note),  and 
Harvard  College  libraries.  Cf.  also  Sabin's  />/<- 
tionary,  vii.  352,  and  Brinley  Catalojfue,  no.  5"S. 
— El).]  While  writing  this  note  there  has  conic 
to  my  hand  no.  17  of  Mr.  S.  .S.  Rider's  A'hode 
Island  Historical  Tracts,  containing  "  A  He- 
fence  of  Samuel  Gorton  and  the  Settlers  of 
.Shawomct,"  by  George  A.  Rrayton.  Sec  other 
authorities  noted  in  the  Memorial  History  of 
Boston,  i.  171,  and  in  Bartlett's  Bil>lioi;ra/ihy  «• 
Rhode  Island. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


355 


name  appears  upon  the  titlepage.  A  postscript  comments  unfavorably  on  Winslow's 
HyPoirasie  Unmasked.  This  Ijook  was  replietl  to  l)y  Winslow  in  a  tract  called  Xetu 
Knglanifs  Salamandir  Disc(n<ered,  etc.,  London,  1647.  These  books  arc  important  as 
illustrating  Massachusetts  history  at  this  period.' 

During  this  visit  of  Winslow  to  England,  from  which  he  never  returned  to  New 
England,  he  performed  a  grateful  service  in  behalf  of  the  natives.  Hy  his  inHuuncc  a 
corporation  was  created  by  Parliament,  in  1649,  for  prop.igating  the  gospel  among  the 
Indian  tribes  in  New  England,  and  some  of  the  accounts  of  the  progress  of  the  missions, 
sent  over  from  the  colony,  were  published  in  London  by  the  corporation.  The  conversion 
of  the  natives  was  one  object  set  forth  in  the  .Massachusetts  charter  :  and  Roger  Williams 
had,  while  a  resident  of  Mass.ichusctts  and  Plymouth,  taken  a  dee|>  interest  in  them,  ami 
in  if>43,  while  on  a  voyage  to  England,  he  drew  up  ./  Key  unto  the  Lan^iiii\^e  of  America? 
published  that  year  in  London.  In  that  same  year  there  was  also  published  in  London 
a  small  tract  called  Xcw  Knglamfs  First- Fruits,  first  in  respect  to  tlie  college,  and 
second  in  res])ect  to  the  Indians.'  Some  hopeful  instances  of  conversion  among  the 
natives  were  briefly  given  in  this  tract.  In  1647  a  more  full  relation  of  Eliot's  labors  was 
sent  over  to  Winslow,  who  the  year  before  had  arrived  in  England  as  agent  of  Massa- 
chusetts, and  printed  under  the  title,  The  Day  breaking,  if  not  the  Sii/i  risiui;,  of  the 
Gospel  with  the  Indians  in  Xcw  En}^land.  In  the  following  year,  1648,  a  narrative  was 
|)ul)lished  in  London,  written  by  Thomas  Shepard,  called  The  Clear  Sunshine  of  tht 
Gospel  breakini;  forth  upon  the  Indi- 
ans, etc.,  and  this  in  1649  was  fol- 
lowed by  The  Glorious  Progress  of 
the  Gospel  amongst  the  Indians  in 
New  England,  setting  forth  the  labors 
of  Eliot  and  Mayhew.  The  Rev. 
Henry  Whitfield,  who  had  been  pastor 
of  a  church  in  Guilford,  Conn.,  returned 
to  England  in  1650  ;  and  in  the  follow- 
ing year  he  published  in  London  The 
Light  appearing  more  and  more  tow-  _, 
ards  the  Perfect  Day,  and  in  1652,  \J' 
Strength  out  of  Weakness,  lx>th  con- 
taining accounts,  written  chiefly  by 
I-;iiot,  of  the  progress  of  his  labors. 
This  last  tract  was  the  first  of  those  published  by  the  Corporation,  which  continued 
thenceforth,  for  several  years,  to  publish  the  record  of  the  missions  as  they  were  sent 
over  from  the  colony.  In  1653  a  tract  appeared  under  the  title  of  Tears  of  Repent- 
ance,  etc.;  in  1655,  A  late  and  further  Manifestation  of  the  Progress  of  the  Gospel,  etc.; 
in  1659,  A  further  Accompt,  etc.  ;  and  in  1660,  A  further  Account  still. «     Eliot's  literary 


fp    n^ 


i^flj^i^fny'^  ?  ^ 


SHEPARD  S   AirrORIOGRAPHY.'' 


'  Child's  book  was  reprinted  in  part  in  2 
.Uiiss.  Hist.  Coll.,  iv.  107.  It  was  reprinted  in 
1S69  by  William  Parsons  Lunt,  with  notes  by 
\V.  T.  R.  Marvin.  .\  copy  of  the  original  edi- 
tion is  in  the  library  of  the  Boston  Athenxum, 
^iml  in  that  of  John  Carter  Brown  {Cixlalogtie,  ii. 
(loS),  which  also  has  a  copy  of  Winslow's  Kno 
I-.ni;laiur s  Siilamander  (Catalogue,  ii.  623),  and 
there  is  another  in  Harvard  College  Library. 
This  is  also  reprinted  in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
ii.  no.  The  Remonstrance  and  Petition  of 
•  'hild  and  others,  a-id  the  Declaration  in  answer 
thereto,  may  be  seen  in  Hutchinson's  Papers, 
\i.  1 88  et  seq. 

^  (For  an  account  of  this  book  and  its  history, 


and  much  relating  to  the  embodiment  of  the 
Indian  speech  in  literary  form,  see  Dr.  J.  H. 
TrmnbuH's  c'.iapter  on  "The  Indian  Tongue  and 
the  Literature  fashioned  by  Kliot  and  others," 
in  Memorial  History  of  Hoston,  i.  465,  with  refer- 
ences there  noted.  —  Kn.] 

"  That  part  relating  to  the  college  was  pub- 
lished in  an  early  volume  of  the  Collections ol  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

*  [A  fac-simile  of  the  opening  of  the  little 
book,  which  cont.iins  Thomas  Shepard's  auto- 
biography, now  the  property  of  the  Shepard  Me- 
morial Church  in  Cambridge.  —  Ed.] 

'  The  originals  of  these  tracts,  with  one  ex- 
ception, are  in  the  possession  of  the  writer,  and 


(i» 


H 


356 


NAKRATlVli   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


il 


■:■  .     M 


::   I 


M.i\ 


i 


labors  in  behalf  of  the  Ma-ssachu-ietts  Indians  culminated  in  the  translation  of  the  Bible 
into  their  dialect,  and  its  piililicatidn  through  the  Cambridge  press.  The  Testament  was 
printed  in  i<V)i.  and  the  whole  Bible  in  1663;  and  second  editions  of  each  appeared.  —  the 
former  in  16S0,  anil  the  lattir  in  16H5.' 

Klidt  was  imbued  with  the  cntliu.siasm  of  the  time.  As  John  Cotton  had  deduced 
a  body  of  laws  from  the  .Scriptures,  which  he  offered  to  the  General  Court  for  the  colony, 
so  in  like  manner  Lliof  drew  from  t!  e  .Scriptures  a  frame  of  government  for  a  common- 
wealth. It  was  entitled  7'/ii'  Christian  Comtnopru'eall/i ;  or,  tht  CiTil  J'oHIy  of  t/w  A'isiiii^' 
Kingdom  0/  Jesus  Christ,  which  he  sent  to  England  during  the  interregnum,  and  com- 
mended to  the  people  there,  ile  hatl  drawn  up  a  siniil,--  form  for  his  Indian  communitv. 
and  had  put  it  in  practice.  His  maiuiscript,  after  slumbering  for  some  years,  was  printed 
in  London  in  lOjy.  and  some  copies  came  over  to  tiie  colony.     The  Restoration  soon  fol- 


thcy  arc  for  the  most  part  in  the  Ci.rtcr-llrown 
Library ;  i.iul  seven  of  them  arc  published  in 
3  Mills.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  iv.  (Kiirthcr  l)ililiugr.v 
phical  detail  can  be  found  in  Dr.  Dcxter's  Ci»i- 
(rei^iilhmiilism  :  Sabin,  Dictioiutry  j  Dr.  Trum- 
bull's liniilty  Ciitaloguc,  p.  52;  field's  Imliun 
liiltlwgrttf<hy;  Mrmoruil  History  of  lioslon,  i.  J65, 
etc. ;  and  more  ur  less  of  the  titles  appear  in  the 
Menzics  (nos.  1,475,  '>**'5>  >,Sl6,  2,124,  2,125), 
O'Callaghm  (nos.  853,  etc.),  and  Rich  (if 32,  nos. 
237.  261,  263,  273.  280,  287,  292,  304,  3  16,  355) 
catalogues.  Some  of  these  Eliot  tracts  wrc  used 
in  ciimpilinK  the  postscript  on  the  "  (iospcl's 
Good  Succcsse  in  New  England,"  appended  to 
a  I  ook  Of  the  Conversion  of  .  .  .  Iiuiians,  Lon- 
don, 1650  (Sabin,  xiii.  56,742).  Eliot's  own 
Brief e  Narrative  1 1 670)  of  his  Libors  has  been 
reprinted  in  Uoston,  and  in  the  appendix  of  the 
reprint  is  a  list  of  the  writers  on  the  subject. 
lx;tters  of  Eliot,  dated  1651-52,  on  his  labors, 
are  ii>  the  A'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneat.  Ke^.,  July, 
T882.  r-jr  an  alleged  portrait  of  Eliot  and  ref- 
erences, see  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  260, 


261.     A  better  engraving  has  since  ap|)earcd  in 
the  Century  .Mat;iizine,  18S3.  —  El).] 

'  [Some  copies  of  the  second  edition  ijave  a 
dedication  to  Robert  Uoyle  and  the  Company 
for  the  I'rop.tRation  of  the  Gospel  among  tic 
Indians,  signed  by  William  .Stoughton,  Jo.seph 
Dudley,  I'eter  Itulklcy,  and  Thomas  Hinckley. 
Eliot  was  assisted  in  this  second  edition  by  John 
Cotton, of  Plymouth,  son  of  the  Bo.ston  minister; 
and  the  type  w.as  in  part  set  for  both  editions 
by  James  I'rintcr,  an  Indian  taught  to  do  the 
work.  There  is  a  notice  of  Hoyle  by  C.  (). 
Thompson  in  the  Awe':  Antiij.  Soe.  Proe.,  April, 
1882,  p.  54;  and  one  of  the  buciety  for  Propa- 
gating the  Gospel,  by  G.  D.  Scull,  in  the  A'.  E. 
Hist.  eiHii  Genti'.l.  kef;.,  A^ril,  1882,  p.  157.  t'f. 
Sabin's  Dietioucry,  viii.  552.  A  portion  of  the 
original  manuscript  records  of  the  society  (1655- 
1685)  were  described  in  Stevens's  Bihhotheca 
Historica  (1870),  no.  1,399,  and  brought  in  the 
sale  $265.  The  bibliographical  history  of  the  In- 
dian Bible  is  given  in  Dr.  Trumbull's  c'lapter  in 
the  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  as  before  noted. 


^(rr-'JUni^iPL^J.^^  /Z       vLnAa-^n.  Jl^u^^cryL. 


ALTOGRACHS  CXNNECTED   WITH   THE   INDIAN   BIBLE. 


1^ 


Ni:V/    LNCLANU. 


357 


ce  ap|)earc(l  in 


nil's  c'lapter  in 
l>t:lore  noted. 


lowed.  Eliot  had  in  his  treatise  reflected  on  kindly  Kovcrnmcnt,  and  in  May,  if/ti,  the 
(lencral  Court  ordered  tiie  book  to  be  totally  .su|/p'i;sscd  ;  and  all  persons  hnvin);  c.ipieH 
of  it  were  commanded  either  to  cancel  or  deface  the  same,  or  deliver  them  to  the  next 
magistrate.  Kliot  acknowledj>cd  his  f.iult  under  his  own  hand,  iiayinj;  he  sent  the  manu- 
script  to  England  some  nine  or  ten  years  before.  Hutchinson,  commcntini;  on  thi.s  wh'ile 
proceeding,  says,  "  When  the  times  change,  men  i.;enerally  sulfer  their  opinions  to  change 
with  them,  so  far  at  least  as  is  necessary  ">  nvoid  danger."  I  low  many  copies  of  the  .xMik 
Were  destroyed  by  this  order  of  tin;  court,  we  cannot  tell.  .A  lew  years  .igo  the  only  copy 
known  was  owned  by  Colonel  Thomas  Aspinwall,  then  residing  in  London  ;  and  from  thiit 
copy  a  transcript  was  made,  and  it  was  printed  in  1X4(1  in  j  .Uiiss.  Hist.  Coll.,  ix.  I2<>' 

Eliot  was  not  the  only  distinguished  citizen  whose  .lok  came  under  the  ban  of  the 
Massachusetts  authorities.  William  I'ynchon.  of  .Spriiigfield,  wrote  a  Ixiok  which  was 
published  in  London  in  1650,  entitled  /'//»•  Moilorious  ftrict-  of  our  Riilcmption,  etc., 
tDpies  of  which  arrived  in  Boston  (hiring  the  session  of  the  (icneral  Court  in  October  of 
that  year.  The  Court  imminliatcly  condemned  it,  and  oidered  it  to  he  burned  the  next 
day  in  the  market-pl.-xcc,  which  was  done  ;  and  Mr.  Norton  was  a-sked  to  answer  it. 
Norton  obeyed,  and  the  book  he  wrote  was  ordered  to  be  sent  to  London  to  be  ])ublished. 
It  was  /•!  Diiciissi  m  of  t!-a>  Great  I'oint  in  Divinity,  tin  Siifferin^i  of  Christ,  etc.,  1^153. 
Fynchon  in  the  mean  time  was  brought  before  the  Court,  and  was  plied  by  several  ortho- 
dox divines.  He  admitted  that  some  points  in  his  book  were  overstated,  and  his  sentence 
was  post|X)ned.  Not  liking  his  treatment  here  he  went  back  to  England  in  1652.  and 
published  a  r  -ply  to  Norton  in  a  work  with  a  title  similar  to  that  which  \^a\'c  the  original 
offence,  London,  1655.  Pynchon  held  that  Christ  did  not  suffer  the  torments  of  hell  for 
mankind,  and  that  he  bore  not  our  sins  by  imputation.  A  more  full  answer  to  .Norton's 
book  was  published  by  him  in  1662,  called  the  CoTenant  of  Xature:^ 

John  Winthrop  died  March  26,  1649.  .No  man  in  the  colony  was  .so  well  qualified  as 
he,  either  from  opportunity  or  character,  to  write  its  history.  Yet  he  left  no  history.  Hut 
he  left  what  was  mori  precious,  —  a  journal  of  events,  recorded  in  chronological  order, 
from  the  time  of  his  depar'ure  from  England  in  the  ••  Arbella,"  to  within  two  months  of 
his  death.  This  Journal  may  be  called  the  materials  of  history  of  the  most  valuable 
character.  The  author  himself  calls  it  a  "History  of  New  England."  From  this,  for 
the  period  which  it  covers,  and  from  the  records  of  the  General  Court  for  the  same  period, 
a  history  of  the  colony  for  the  first  twenty  years  could  be  written.  For  over  one  hundred 
years  from  Winthrop's  death  no  mention  is  made  of  his  Journal.  Although  it  was  largely 
drawn  upon  by  Hubbard  in  his  History  (1680),  and  was  used  by  Cotton  Mather  in  his 
M.if^nalia,  it  was  cited  by  neither,  and  was  first  mentioned  by  Thonws  Prince  on  the  cover 
of  the  first  number  of  the  second  volume  of  his  Annals,  in  1755.  Among  his  list  of  au- 
thorities there  given,  he  mentions  '•  having  lately  received  "  this  Journal  of  Governor  Win- 
throp. Prince  made  but  little  use  of  this  manuscript,  as  the  three  numbers  only  which  he 
issued  of  his  second  volume  ended  wifh  Aug.  5,  1633.  Prince  probably  procured  the 
Journal  from  the  Winthrop  family  in  Connecticut.  It  was  in  three  volumes.  The  first 
and  .,  .cond  volumes  were  restored  to  the  family,  and  were  published  in  Hartford  in  1790, 
-n  one  volume,  edited  by  Noah  Webster.'  The  third  volume  was  found  in  the  Prince 
Library,  in  the  tower  of  the  Old  South  Church,  in  1816,  and  was  given  to  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society.  It  was  published,  together  with  volumes  one  and  two,  in  1825 
and  1826,  in  two  volumes,  edited  by  James  Savage.*    Volume  two  of  the  manuscript  was 


m 


iV* 


'  A  copy  is  ill  the  Cartel  Urown  Library,  and 
another  in  tfie  possession  of  the  writer. 

'■'  See  the  list  of  Norton's  and  Pynchon's 
publications  in  Sabin's  Dictionary. 

'  A  Journal  of  the  Transactions  and  Occur- 
rinces  in  the  Settlement  of  Massachusetts  and  the 
olh-r  Neto-England  Colonies, from  the  year  1630  /* 


1644.  .  .  .  Xo^o  first  published  from  a  correct  copy 
of  the  oriirinal  manuscript.     Hartford,  1790. 

<  The  History  of  Xejv  Enxland  from  1 630  to 
1649.  From  his  original  manuscripts.  IVilh 
Notes  to  illustrate  the  Crt'il  and  Ecclesiastical  con- 
cerns, the  Geography,  Settlement,  and  Institutions 
of  the  Country,  and  the  Lh'es  and  Manners  of  the 


35« 


NAKK.\ri\i;    AM)   CKinCAL   lllsroKV   OK    AMl.KICA. 


n; 


'Icstroyed  by  a  fire  wliicli,  Nov.  lo,  1825,  cunHumed  the  l>uil(lin({  in  Court  Street,  Boston, 
in  which  Mr.  Savajje  hat!  IiI.h  utlicc' 

The  eiirlicxt  piililiMlicd  narrative  —  we  can  liariily  call  it  a  history  —  relating  f;<^"i^raliv 

y^    /\  /)  '"  Ma.ssacliu.setts,  in  I'.ciward  JohnHon'.H  '•  U'on- 

L,  A-U/trt  >A    'Xi/Tm  C  -t^         <ier-\Vorl<iiij;    Providence   of    Sion's    Saviour   in 

CTMAXtA-AO.   janr^HiTX^    N,.,v  Kn^land,"  -  the  running  title  to  the  Ux.k. 

**  which  on  the  titlepaj-c  i<i  called  a  History  0/  .Wii' 

F.iif>laHd,  etc.,  London.  1654.  The  Imok  does  not  profess  to  jjive  an  orderly  account  of 
the  settlement  of  .New  Kn^land,  or  even  of  Mass.u  hu.selts.  to  wliich  it  wholly  relates,  luit 
descril)es  what  look  place  in  the  colony  under  his  own  observation  largely,  and  wli.it 
woulil  illustrate  "  the  )joo<lnesii  of  GotI  in  the  settlement  of  these  colonies."  The  br.ok  is 
supposed  to  have  been  written  two  or  three  years  only  before  it  was  .sent  to  ICngland  to  be 
publislicd  It  is  conjectured  that  the  titlepage  w.is  added  by  the  publisher.'  The  book 
has  a  value,  for  it  contains  many  facts,  but  its  coni|)osition  an<l  arrangement  are  bad.' 

The  Ouaker  episode  produced  an  abundant  literature.  .Several  Kluwle  Island  Baptists 
had  previously  received  rough  usajje  here  ;  and  Dr.  John  Clarke,  one  of  t'.e  foun<lerh  of 
Rhode  Island,  who  had  a  |>er.sonal  experience  to  relate,  published  in  London,  in  1652, — 
whither  he  had  j;one  with  Roger  Williams  the  year  before,  —  a  book  against  .the  colony, 
called  lU-.\'ewesJrom  iWui- Eiif^lttnii,  or  a  .\arrative  of  Xeiu-Enf^land' i  Perstcution,  etc. 4 

In  1654,  two  years  before  the  (Quakers  made  their  appearance,  the  colony  passed  a  law 
against  any  one  having  in  his  possession  the  books  of  Reeve  and  .Muggleton,  "  the  two 
Last  Witnesses  and  True  I'rophets  of  Jesus  Christ,"  as  they  called  themselves.  .Some  of 
the  books  of  these  fanatics  had  been  printed  in  London  in  1653,  and  had  made  their  way 
to  the  colony,  and  the  e.\ecutioner  was  ordered  to  burn  all  such  iMoks  in  the  marki't- 
place  on  the  next  Lecture  day.  In  1656  the  (Quakers  came  and  brought  their  Ixjoks,  which 
Were  at  once  seized  and  reserved  for  the  tire ;  while  sentence  of  banishment  was  |)as.sed 
against  those  who  brought  them.  The  (Quakers  continued  to  flock  to  the  colony  in  vio- 
lation of  the  law  now  passed  against  them.  They  were  imprisoned,  whipped,  and  two 
were  hanged  in  Boston  in  October,  1659,  one  in  June,  1660,  and  one  in  March,  1661. 
.Some  of  the  more  important  books  which  the  (juaker  controversy  brought  forth  must 
now  be  named.  An  account  of  the  reception  which  the  (Quakers  met  with  here  soon 
found  its  way  to  London,  and  to  the  hands  of  Francis  Howgill,  who  published  it  with 
the  title.  The  Popish  Inqiiisitioti  Newly  Erected  in  New  Eiif^land,  etc.,  London,  1^59. 
Another  tract  ajjpeared  there  the  same  year  as  The  Secret  Works  of  a  Cruel  People 
A  fade  Manifest.  In  the  following  year  appeared  A  Call  from  Death  to  Life,  letters 
written  "from  the  common  goal  of  Boston"  by  Stephenson  and  Robinson  (who  were 
shortly  after  executed)  ;  and  one  "  written  in  Plymouth  Prison  "  by  Peter  Pearson,  u  few 
weeks  later,  giving  an  account  of  the  execution  of  the  two  former. 

In  October.   1658,  John  Norton  h.id  been  apijointed  by  the  Court    7"  "**       jCvfht^ 
to  write  a  treatise  on  the  doctrines  of  the  Quakers,  which  he  did, 

ai  d  the  tract  was  printed  in  Cambridge  in  1659,  and  in  London  in  1660,  with  the  litk', 
The  Heart  of  Xew  England  Rent  at  the  Blasphemies  of  the  Present  Generation.     After 


firin(if<al  Planters.  By  James  Savage,  linston, 
1815-26.  2  vol.s.  New  ed.,  with  additions  and 
corrcctinns.     Boston,  1853.     2  vols. 

'  [For  other  details  and  references  see  Me- 
morial History  of  Boston,  i.  p.  xvii.  —  Kli.) 

'•*  K  curious  bibliographical  question  is  con- 
nected with  a  later  issue  of  the  volume  as  bound 
up  with  several  of  the  (ior^es  tracts,  for  the  dis- 
cussion of  which  .see  the  Introduction  to  Mr.  W. 
F.  Poole's  valuable  edition  of  Johnson's  book, 
Atuliivcr,  1S67,  pp.  li-vi  ;  with  which  cf.  North 
American  Kefiew,  January,  1868,  pp.  323-328;  and 


Mass.  Hist.  .Sof.  Proc,  June,  1881,  pp.  432-35. 
[Geo.  H.  Moore  printed  some  strictures  m\ 
Poole's  edition  in  IHstorical  .Magazine,  xiii.  S7. 
Cf.  Dcxter's  Congregalionalism  ;  Carter-Proivu 
Catalof^ue,  ii.  771,  851  ;  and  other  references  in 
Memorial  IHslory  of  lioston,  i.  463.  —  Kd.) 

"  It  was  republished  in  fragmentary  parts  in 
several  volumes  of  the  Massachusetts  Histor- 
ical Society's  Collections,  second  series. 

♦  It  is  reprinted  in  4  Mass.  I/ist.  Coll ,  vol 
ii.,  from  a  copy  of  the  rare  original  in  the  Car- 
ter-Brown Library. 


!l 


iH 


Street,  Boston, 


Ni;\V   ENGLAND. 


359 


three  Quakers  had  been  liangect,  the  colony,  under  date  of  Dec.  19,  1660,  iient  an  "  Mum- 


unto  the  High  and  Mighty  Prince 


8-0^ 


UAh-tf-Ua/O 


Me  Petition  and  Addrvxs  of  the  (jeneral  Court 
Charles  the  Second,"  defending  their  conduct. 
This  was  pre.sented  February  11,  and  printed,  and 
was  replied  to  by  Ed.vard  liurroughH  in  an  elabo- 
ralf  volume,  which  contains  a  full  account  of  the 
lirst  three  martyrs.  This  was  followed  this  year, 
iWit,  by  a  yet  more  im|)ortant  volume,  by  (leorgc  Bishope,  called  Nnv  KHjilainl  JuJt;td, 
in  which  the  story  of  the  Quaker  persecution  from  the  beginning  is  told.  liishope  lived  in 
i'ingland,  and  published  in  a  first  volume  the  accounts  and  letters  of  the  sufferers  sent 
liver  to  him.  A  second  volume  was  published  in  16C7,  continuing  the  narrative  of  the 
sufferings  and  of  the  hanging  of  William  Leddra,  in  March,  1661.  A  general  History  of 
the  (Quakers  was  written  by  William  Scwel,  a  Dutch  Quaker  of  Amsterdam,  published 
there  In  his  native  tongue,  in  1717,  folio.  Sewel's  grandfather  was  an  English  Urownist, 
who  emigrated  to  Holland.  The  book  was  translated  by  the  author  himself  into  English, 
and  published  in  London  in  1722.'  Joseph  Hesse's  XyooV.,  —  A  Colltction  of  the  Suffer- 
ini;s  of  the  People  <  tilted  Quakers,  for  the  TestiKwny  of  a  Good  Conscience,  1753,  —  contains 
a  mass  of  most  valuable  statistics  ,-ibout  the  Quakers.  Hutchinson's  History  of  Massa- 
ihii setts  Hay  has  an  excellent  summarized  account,  as  do  the  histories  of  Dr.  Palfrey  and 
Mr.  Harry.'' 

The  records  of  the  "olony,  as  I  have  frequently  had  occasion  to  observe,  afford  the 
richest  materials  for  the  colony's  history,  and  never  more  so  than  In  regard  to  the  trials 
wliicli  the  colony  experienced  from  the  period  following  the  Restoration  to  the  time  of  Dud- 
Icy  and  Andros.  The  story  of  the  visit  of  the  royal  commissioners  here  in  1665  is  no 
where  so  fully  told  as  there.  Indeed,  the  principal  source  of  the  history  of  .Maine  and  of 
.New  Hampshire  while  they  were  for  many  years  a  component  part  of  the  colony  of  Mass- 
achusetts is  told  in  the  records  of  the  old  Hay  State. 

During  the  trouble  w'th  the  Quakers  Mass.-ichusetts  was  afflicted  by  a  wordy  con- 
troversy, imported  from  Connecticut,  but  which  did  not  reach  its  culminating  point  till 
\(<(\2.  I  refer  to  the  "  Half-way  Covenant,"  for  the  discussion  of  which  a  council  of 
ministers  from  both  colonies  w.is  called  in  1657.  in  Boston,  which  pronounced  in  favor  of 
the  system  in  question.  A  synod  of  M.issachusetts  churches  in  1662  confirmed  the 
jiwigment  here  given,  and  the  Half-way  Covenant  system  prevailed  extensively  in  New 
i:iigland  for  more  than  a  century.  After  the  syno<l  was  dissolved,  and  the  result  was  pub- 
lished by  order  of  the  (lener.il  Court,  the  discussion  continued,  and  several  tracts  were 
issued  from  the  Cambridge  press,  pro  and  con,  in  1662.  1663,  and  \(/i^*  Of  Morton's  New 
liiii^laHifs  Memorial  mention  has  already  been  made  in  the  preceding  chapter,  as  it  con- 


'  Charles  Lamb  speaks  of  the  book  in  his 
Eliii  under  "  A  Quaker  Meeting." 

'•'  (The  literature  of  the  Quaker  controversy 
is  extensive   and  intricate  in  its  liearings.     It 

'•111  best  be  followed  in  Mr.  J.  Smith's  Catalogue 
'•t  Friends'  Hooks,  and  in  his  AntiQuakeriaua. 
l»r.  Dexter's  Congregationalism,  and  the  BrinUv 
■iii'l  CarUr-Iimun  Catalogues  will  assist  the  stu- 
'li^iit.  The  1703  edition  of  Bishope's  jVeu'  Eng- 
I '>i,t  Judged,  abridged  in  some  wavs  and  enlarged 
I"  "thers,  contains  also  John  Whiting's  Truth 
'■•"./  Imwcencey  Defended,  which  is  an  answer  in 
I'  in  to  portions  of  Cotton  Mather's  Magnalia  ;  of. 
*l^u  the  note  in  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  1.187. 


There  were  a  few  of  the  prominent  men  at  the 
time  who  dared  to  protest  boldly  against  the 
unwise  actions  of  the  magistrates ;  .nnd  of  such 
none  were  more  prominent  than  James  Ciid- 
worlh,  of  Plymouth  Col.my.  and  Robert  Pike,  of 
.Salisbury.  The  conduct  of  the  latter  h.is  been 
connnemoratetl  in  James  S.  Pike's  Ne;v  Puritan, 
Xew  York,  1.S79.  —  Ed.] 

•■•  For  their  titles  see  Thomas's  IHstory  of 
Printing,  2d  ed.  vol.  ii,  pp.  3i3-3t5;  the  biblio- 
graphical list  in  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter's  ConQregn- 
tionalism,  whose  work  may  alsr  .,e  consulted  for 
a  history  of  the  subject  itself;  Mather's  /I/./^./m- 
//<;.  V.  64  etse</. ;  Upham's  A'a/io  Disiflimi,  p.  223 ; 
Trumbull's  Connecticut,  chaps,  xiii.  .ind  xix.  of  vol. 
i. ;  Hutchinson,  i.  223-:?4  ;  Wisncr's  History  of 
the  Old  South  Church  in  Boston,  pp.  5-7 ;  Uacon's 
Discourses,  pp.  139-141. 


/* 


360 


NAKKATIVi;   AND   CKI  TIC  Al.   IIISIOKV    OK    AMKKICA. 


Ctnit  chictly  llic  I'lyMKUitli  Ciilony.  It  luntaiiiH,  howi-vcr,  many  thiiiKit  of  int«-re*l  almi.t 
MMtacluiHc-ltfi ;  recording  ihv  diaili  of  many  of  hvr  worthies,  and  rmUilmint;  their  memo 
rieit  In  veric.  It  eml»  with  the  year  t(/M,  with  i  notice  of  the  death  <if  Jonathan  Mitihil. 
the  niinlMtr  o(  Caml)ridj;e,  and  <il  that  of  John  Kiiot.  Jr  ,  the  son  of  the  a|M>iitle,  at  the  ajjp 
ot  tliirty-two  years.  There  are  five  unpaged  leave*  after  "  tinin,  '  containing  "A  llrief 
Chronological  Tahle." 

There  wan  printed  in  London  in  1674  .hi  AanuNt  <>/  Two  \'oy,iQet  to  Xtw  En^tami,  hy 
John  JosHilyn,  (lent.,  a  duiMlecimo  volume  of  .'7.;  pant.,.  r|,i.,  author  and  traveller  wa»  a 
brother  of  Henry  Jos.selyn.  of  lllack  I'oint,  or  Starliorounh,  in  Maine,  and  they  are  said  t'> 
luve  l)een  houh  of  Sir  Ihonus  Joi»»elyn,  of  Kent,  knight.  John  came  to  New  KnijIamI  in 
1638,  and  landed  at  No<ldle«  Inland,  and  was  a  jjuest  of  Samuel  .Maverick  ;  thence  he 
went  to  Scarborough,  stayed  with  bin  brother  till  the  end  of  if.yAand  then  relumed  home 
In  \^*^l  he  came  over  a^ain,  and  stayed  till  i<>7i  ;  ami  then  went  home  and  wrote  this 
l»<K)k.  Ills  own  observations  are  valuable,  but  his  history  ia  often  erroneous.  He  fn-- 
quently  cites  Johnson.  Al  ilie  end  of  his  Iwok  is  a  chronological  table  running;  back 
before  the  Christian  era.  His  AV?.' A«(,'/<*//</'j  AVi;///!!.  publisheil  in  1672.  givinR  an  ac- 
count of  the  fauna  and  flora  o(  the  country,  h.is  been  reprinted  with  notes  in  the  American 
Antiquarian  Society's  I'nwsiutions,  vol.  iv.,  edited  by  Edward  Tuckerman.' 

The  interest  of  John  0|L;ilby's  lar^e  folio  on  /hutriia  is  almost  solely  a  l>orrowcd  one, 
»o  far  as  concerns  New  England  history,  arisin|r  from  the  use  he  made  of  \Voo<l,  John- 
son, and  Ciornes.' 

The  modern  student  will  find  a  very  interesting;  series  of  successive  bulletins,  as  it 
were,  of  the  sensations  engendered  by  the  progress  of  the  Indian  outbre.ik  of  1675- 7f>. 
known  as  "  i'hilip's  War."  and  of  the  events  as  they  occurred,  in  a  numl)cr  of  tr.icts.  mostly 
of  few  pages,  which  one  or  more  persons  in  lloston  sent  to  London  to  l>e  printed.  They 
are  now  among  the  choicest  rarities  of  a  New  England  library.*     It  was  to  make  an  answer 


'  [Mr.  Tuckerman  revised  his  notes  ami  in- 
troductliin  in  a  reprint,  ptililishcil  by  Vta/lc  in 
Boston  in  |S()5.  The  l'i>v<igi:<,  which  had  Wxn 
reprinted  in  3  Moss,  llist.  Coll.,  iii.,  was  also 
reissued  in  1S65  In  a  companion  viilume  to  the 
Kiirilit-s,  the  text  liting  corrcctc<l  from  a  copy  of 
the  "second  .iddition,"  1675.  in  Harvard  I'ullcKc 
Library.  The  earlier  hook  usually  hrinjis  £},  or 
£^,  the  later  one  from  £^  to  j^io.  Iloth  are  in 
the  Ctirlerlirm^'ii  Caliiloi^iic,  ii.  I.oSo,  1,104.  Cf. 
Sabin,  i.\.  340;  .Menzies,  1,104,  1,105.  —  Kl>.] 

'■'  [It  is  further  characterized  in  Vol.  IV'., 
chap.  X.  —  ICii.) 

•''  There  are  at  least  eight  titles  in  this  inter- 
esting list :  — 

1.  Tlu  Prfsftit  SliiU  of  AVw'  /uii;liinJ  with 
respect  to  the  /n,/i,iii  ll'ii;  1675  (19  pages),  pur- 
porting to  l)c  by  a  merchant  of  Boston. 

2.  A  liricf,'  iiiiii  True  Xttmition  of  the  late 
IP'irs,  1675  (S  pages)  I  cf.  Sabin,  vol.  xiii.  nos. 
52,616,  52.638. 

3.  A  Coiiti/iiiiitioii  of  tAe  State  of  A'iw  £»{'liini/, 
1676  (20  pages). 

4.  .4  .\W('  iiH(/  Further  .Vnrrnthe  -.f  the  State 
of  Xeii'  Juii^tauil,  1676  ( 14  pages),  signed  N.  T. 

5.  .-/  '/'rue  .-leeount  at'  the  most  roiisideriihle 
Oeeurenees  that  have  hapiieii  in  the  War,  1676  (14 
pages). 

6.  Xitv  RiifflanJ's  Tears  for  her  present  Afiser- 
its,  1676  (14  pages). 

7.  .\'iit'.t  from  .\\-v  England,  1676  (6  pages). 


Sabin  only  records  one  copy ;  ami  of  a  sccoml 
edition,  l67(>,  there  are  copies  in  the  Britiah 
.Mu.seum  and  C'arter-Ilrown  liliraries. 

tS.  The  War  in  Xe;o  KnglanJ  visibly  T.nJ,J. 
1677  (6  pages),  containing  news  of  the  dcitli 
of  I'hilip.  hroiighl  byt'aleli  More,  master  of  a 
vessel  newly  arrived  from  Rhode  Island. 

[These  tracts  are  all  in  the  Carter-ltroion  Cafa- 
loi^ue,  vol.  ii.,  and  several  arc  in  Mr.  Dcanc's  col 
lection,  and  in  Harvard  College  Library.  Kich 
supposed  that  nos.  i,  3,  and  4  were  written  liy 
the  same  |)ersim.  Five  of  them  were  reprinted 
by  S.  (i.  Drake  in  his  Old  Indian  Chroniele  in 
1K36,  and  again  in  1867,  with  new  notes;  and 
no.  7  was  reprinted  in  1S50  by  Drake,  and  in 
l,S65  l)y  WocKlward.     Sabin,  xiii.  321,  322. 

These  tr.icts  are  priced  at  twelve  and  eighteen 
shillings,  and  at  similarly  iiigh  sums,  even  in 
Rich's  catalogues  of  fifty  years  ago.  Whenever 
they  have  occurred  in  sales  of  late  years  they 
have  ])roved  the  occasion  of  much  comiK-titinn 
and  unusual  prices.     Cf.  Stevens's  Hist.  Coll.,  i. 

1523.  I5-4- 

Another  contemporary  account  by  a  Rho<lc 
Island  Quaker,  as  it  is  thought,  John  Easton, 
was  printed  at  Albany  in  1S58,  as  a  Xarratrie  ej 
the  Causes  whieh  led  to  J'hilif's  War.  Cf.  Pal- 
frey, iii.  180;   Field, ///(//<;«  Bif>li(X>af'hy.  p.  47<> 

Mr.  Drake,  whose  name  is  closely  assotialcl 
with  our  Indian  history,  was  one  of  the  forcnii>-i 
of  American  antiquaries  for  many  years.     There 


\\ 


:a. 

intr*rc«t  atmi.t 
H  their  memo 
itlun  Mitilul. 
(tie,  at  the  it^r 
ling  "  A  llricf 

V  KMglanit,  liy 
travelliT  wan  .1 
lii-y  arc  s.iid  lo 
vw  Kn^lanil  in 
lW  ;  thcni'f  hi- 
'cturncd  home, 
ami  wrote  thin 
eous.  He  (re- 
running hack 
:,  RivinR  an  ar- 
i  the  American 
I 

lx)rrowc<l  one, 
i  Wood.  Joiin- 

hulletins.  an  it 
ak  of  if>75-7''. 
if  tracts,  mo^tly 
printed.  Tliey 
nakc  an  answer 

aixl  of  a  M-conil 
»  in  the  llrili-ii 
aric«. 

1/  visiNv  F.nJtd. 
KS  I  if  the  (Icilli 
ire,  master  of  a 
k-  Island. 
\rli-r-lirincn  i'lifii- 
Mr.  Dcanc's  col 
Library,     kich 

were  written  by 
n  were  reprinttil 
'/■;«   Chroniil,-  in 

new  notes ;  ami 
Drake,  and  in 

Ive  and  eiphlctn 

sums,  even  in 

ago.     Whenever 

l.itc  years  they 

nuh  comjtetition 

tis's  /list.  Col!.,  i. 

unt  by  a  Rhotle 
It,  John  Easton, 
IS  a  .Wirriitrtf  '7 

War.  Cf.  r.il- 
Hograf'hy,  p.  47" 
loscly  assoti.ili'l 

of  the  forcino-t 
V  vears.     There 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


36 « 


to  one  of  these  tract*  that  Incrca^  Mather  h»»tily  put  together  and  printed  in  l«o»ton,'  in 
167'!,  Iiin  ////</  Htstory  of  ikd  W<ir.  ahKh  wa»  re|>rinted  in  lainihin  in  the  »ame  year.'* 
Hie  year  after  (1677)  the  war  clo»ed,'  K«»»Ur.  the  new  Itoitton  printer,  .lUu  primed  William 
lluliliarir»  A'arralivt  0/  liu  rr<m^Ut  %/ilA  Ik*  /«<//.««/.  which  likcwine  came  (rtnn  the 
l.ondiin  preiiH  the  »ame  year  with  a  changctl  title.  ///<•  l'rt\tnl  Slain  cf  AVw  EhuUh,/, 
diiMt;  a  Xairativ,;  etc  ,  —a  book  not,  however.  c<»ntincil  to  I'hilip*  War,  liut  gi)\n\i  back, 
a»  the  Uoston  title  better  showed.  o»*r  the  whole  »crie»  of  the  contlicta  with  liic  natives.' 


i«  a  ineiiioir  of  'niiii  by  W.  II.  Tra*k  in  PMifr'i 
.Imiriiiui  Mi'ii/A/y,  V.  7i<);  ami  an«i«her  m  the 
,\'.  A'.  ///./.  .!«./  (»V«.ii/  AVc.  July,  l.Vi>  h\  J  II. 
Sheppard.  also  sv|>aralely  iMuctl-  In  lii;^  he 
printed  .\'arriiti7f  Ktmarks,  anwnTWX'utly.  em- 
liodyiiiK  simie  {lertonal  gricvaiwc*  and  m4c«  c^ 
hiH  career,  not  pleasantly  esprevacd.  For  hit 
piiblicnlions,  see  Sabln's  Duli^i^.y,  ».  jai^  and 
Field's  InJum  lliNii'griifkr,  p.  45J  —  tuj 


brought  out  an  annotated  edition  in  two  volume* 
in  1*15     t-(   ///»•.  ,1/iv,  i.  ^5-',  j4Hj  ii.  t)J. 

I'eihaps  the  most  popular  Imok  toueliin^  the 
events  of  ihe  vt.it  was  one  wlmli  was  not  pul>- 
lish<-d  till  171)1,  from  notes  of  Colonel  lletijainin 
Churih,  and  compiled  by  that  hero's  son,  Thonia* 
Churih,  and  calleil  J\HUt-fiiiiiini;  /'iii.tiii,vt  rf/iil- 
1H4,'  l><  I'hilif'i  War.  It  is  an  extremely  scarce 
book,  and   has  brought  %\Qa.      [UritiUy   Ciila- 


d 


'  John  poster  had  now  set  up  a  pma  in  Bo»» 
ton,  for  the  history  of  which  and  its  tuccTMors 
sec  Mfmorial  llisU>ry  of  lioston,  i.  45J. 

■I  fKieh  in  iSj-,  no.  j6S,  priced  it.  either  edi- 
tion, at  eighteen  shillings.  It  was  a  qoarto  «i 
51  pages,  t'f.  Ciirlfr-finmm  CaiuJ>>xtu,'u.  I.15O: 
Field's  liiMitn  HihliogmfMy,  tjo2t  ;  Brtnlty 
CiliiUxiif,  94S,  5,531.  It  has  o<  late  rear* 
brought  about  $Ko.  S.  G.  I>rakc  Hicluded  this 
and  the  .section  of  the  .l/<i;'-n<j//.i  on  the  war  in  hit 
J/iitoiy  of  Kiiit;  rhiltf'i  War,  1862.  Another 
liook  by  Mather,  ./  Kclatiou  of  Ihe  TrmUri 
w/iiili  /line  haf-iuJ  in  Xeu'  F.mglamJ.  etc,  wat 
.-kUo  printed  in  1676,  and  traces  the  Indian  wart 
from  1641,  including  the  cau.sc*  of  Philip's  War. 
I  >r.ikc  also  reprinted  this  in  1864,  a*  the  Ettriy 
J/iiloty  0/ .V<-!t>  /Cn\'/an,/.  —  Eli  ) 

•■'  jKing  I'hilip's  War,  which  was  Imt  the  be- 
)iinning  of  a  long  series  of  war*  which  dcvat- 
t.iled  the  frontiers,  may  be  said  properly  to  end 
with  the  treaty  of  Case.),  April  12,  167S.  which 
is  preserved  in  the  MussathtuMi  Ar,htvet ; 
lliiiiigh  a  continuation  of  hostilities  intcrvetaed 
till  tne  treaty  of  I'ortsmouth,  Sept.  8, 16S5.  Cf. 
liilkn.ip's  Xi-i<  Ifamf>skire,  p.  J4.S.  —  ED-J 

*  [Kich  priced  this  l>ook  in  1S32  (no.  575)  at 
jCi  \os.,  —  an  extraordinary  high  sani  for  ihote 
'l.iys.  I  have  seen  the  London  edition  priced 
acently  at  £2(1,  and  $75 ;  and  the  Boston  editior. 
Ml  the  Menzics  sale  (no.  990)  brought  $30c  It 
w.is  reprinted  in  New  England  at  least  *ix  limes 
(.ill  spurious  editions)  between  1775  and  1814 
\liriiiley  Ca/ii/oQUf,  5.523,  etc.  ;  Cartfr-Snaeii 
I ''itd/ox'ite,  ii.  1,107,1,168,1,170);  andS.C.DrAe 
VOL.  HI. —  46. 


/ixi".  no.  383;  S.abin,  /)ittioHtiry,  no.  12,996; 
.t/aii.  Itisl.  So(.  J'r,H.,  iii.  293. 1  A  second  edi- 
tion. Newport,  1772,  is  said  to  have  been  edited 
liy  Dr.  Stiles,  but  it  is  not  supposed  he  was  privy 
to  the  fraud  practised  in  that  edition  of  present- 
ing an  engraving  of  the  portrait  of  Charles 
Churchill,  the  English  poet,  with  the  addition 
of  a  (Mjwder-horn  slung  over  the  shoulder,  as  a 
likene**  of  Church,  (t'f.  Mass.  //ist.  .S'n,-.  /V<v., 
xix.  243;  also  iii.  293;  and  ///>/.  .1/.;;'.,  De- 
cember, i86S,  pp.  27,  271.)  Drake  first  re- 
issued it  in  1827,  and  made  stereotype  plates 
of  the  iKKik,  and  they  have  been  inurh  used 
since.  He  continued  to  use  the  spurious  por- 
trait as  late  as  1K57.  Sabin,  iv.  12,996;  llrin- 
ley,  no.  5,514.  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter  did  all  that 
is  necessary  for  the  te.xt  in  his  edition  (two 
volumes)  in  1865-67.  .Another  class  of  Inioks 
growing  out  of  the  war  during  its  long  continu- 
ance, particularly  at  the  eastward,  is  what  col- 
lectors know  .IS  "  captivities,"  the  most  famous 
of  which  is,  |>erhaps,  that  of  Mrs.  Kowlandson, 
of  Ijncaslcr,  printed  in  l6,S2.  The  lirinley  I'ala- 
logui,  nos.  4(^19,  5,540,  etc.,  groups  thcin,  and  they 
are  scattered  through  Field's  fiiilian  lUhlioif- 
rafhy.  The  Urinlty  Ciitalof;iif  also  groups  the 
works  on  the  Indian  wars  of  New  England  (nos. 
382.  etc.);  and  a  condensed  exposition  of  the 
authorities  on  I'hilip's  War  will  be  found  in  the 
Memoruil  History  of  Boston,  i.  327.  The  local 
aspects  of  the  war  involve  a  very  large  amount  of 
citation  and  reference.  What  are  known  as  the 
"  Narragansett  Townships  "  grew  out  of  the  war. 
Before  the  troops  marched  from  Dcdliam  Plain, 


362 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


In  the  year  1679  't  became  known  to  the  members  of  the  General  Court  that  the  Rev. 
William  Hubbard,  of  Ipswich,  had  compiled  a  History  of  New  England,  and  in  June  oi 

that  year  they  ordered  that  the  Governor  and  four 
AJO,  A  //  nn      (\    other  persons  be  a  committee  "to  peruse  the  same," 

/l/^ ^A4f>^  ylt^C^ {/,   and  make  return  of  their  opinion  thereof  by  the  next 

session,  in  onler  "  that  the  Court  may  then,  as  they 
shall  then  judge  meet,  take  order  for  the  impression  thereof."  Two  years  afterward,  in 
October,  the  Court  thankfully  acknowledged  the  services  of  Mr.  Hubbard  in  compiling 
his  Hisljry.  and  voted  him  tifty  pounds  in  money,  '•  he  transcribing  it  fairly  into  a  bool- 
that  it  may  be  the  more  easily  perused."  There  was  no  further  movement  made  for 
the  printing  of  the  volume.  The  transcript  made  agreeably  to  this  order  is  now  in  the 
Library  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society.  The  preface  and  some  leaves  of  the 
text  are  wanting.  This  was  by  far  the  most  important  history  of  New  England  whicli 
had  then  been  written.  The  compiler  had  the  benefit  of  Bradford's  History  and  Win- 
throp's  Journal,  though,  after  the  fashion  of  the  time,  he  makes  no  mention  of  them,  only 
acknowledging  in  a  general  way  his  indebtedness  to  "  the  original  manuscripts  of  such  as 
had  the  managing  of  those  ailairs  under  their  hands."  The  manuscript  was  first  printed 
in  1815  by  the  Massacliusetts  Historical  Society;  and  a  second  edition,  "  collated  with  the 
original  Mo.."  was  printed  in  1848.1 

The  history  of  the  struggles  of  the  colo.iy  to  maintain  its  charter  during  the  period 
immediately  preceding  the  loss  of  it  is  largely  told  in  the  pages  of  its  records,  and  in  a 
large  mass  of  documents  published  in  Hutchinson's  volume  of  Papers,  and  cited  in  Chal- 
mers' Annals  and  in  Palfrey's  New  England.  Reference  may  also  be  made  to  a  paper 
by  the  present  write  in  vol.  i.  of  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  on  this  stiuggle  to  main- 
tain the  charter. 

The  history  of  the  Dudley  and  Andros  administrations  may  be  gathe\<'d  from  nu- 
merous publications  which  crme  from  the  press  just  after  the  Revolution;  aid.  without 
mentioning  their  titles,  I  cannot  do  better  tlian  refer  to  them  as  published  in  three  vol- 
umes by  the  Prince  Society  of  Boston,  called  the  Andros  Tracts,  edited  with  abundant 
notes  by  William  H.  Whitmore.'''  Palfrey's  History  should  be  read  in  connection  with 
the.se  memorials.  The  original  papers  of  the  "Inter-charter  Period  "  are  largely  wanting, 
though  some  volumes  of  the  Massachusetts  Archives  are  so  entitled.' 

As  materials  for  the  history  of  the  State  it  should  be  remembered  that  there  are  many 
town  histories  which  contain  matter  of  more  than  mere  local  interest.  The  history  of  tiie 
town  of  Boston  is  in  a  great  degree  the  history  of  the  colony  and  State,  and  the  several 
histories  of  that  town,  notably  those  by  Caleb  H.  Snow  (to  1825)  and  Samuel  G.  Drake 
(to  1770),  and  the  Description  of  N.  H.  Shurtleff,^  may  be  specially  mentioned  ;  while  the 
recently  published  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  edited  by  Mr.  Justin  Win.sor,  is  indispen- 
sable to  any  student  who  wishes  to  know  a  large  part  of  the  story  of  Massachusetts.' 


Dec.  9,  1675,  they  were  promised  ".i  gratuity  of 
Kind  beside  their  wages,"  and  not  till  1737  were 
the  promises  fulfilled,  when  S40  claimants  or 
their  renrescntative.s  met  on  Boston  Common, 
and  dividing  themselves  into  seven  groups,  they 
toi>k  possession  of  sever,  townships  in  Maine, 
Massachusetts,  and  New  Hampshire,  granted 
by  the  (ieneral  Court.  .W-i.'  Kiit^laiul  Histor- 
ical and  Genealogical  Rtf^istcr,  1S62,  pp.  143, 
2  If).— En.] 

'  For  reference  to  the  recovery  of  the  ;i'"':ije 
and  other  missing  lines,  see  Mass.  Hist,  Soc. 
Proc,  xvi.  12,  38,  100;  also,  cf.  i.  243;  ii.  421  ; 
iii.  321.  Hubbard,  besides  the  above  aid,  had  a 
large  number  cf  official  documents  which  he  in- 
corporated into  his  History.     Cf.  Sabin,  Diction- 


ary, viii.   499;    Field,  Indian  Bibliography,  no. 

730- 

•^  [Mr.  Whitmore  also  epitomized  the  history 
with  references  in  the  Memorial  History  of  Bos- 
ton, ii.  chap.  i.  Cf.  also  Cartcr-Broxan  Cataloi^iic, 
ii.  1,351,  1,370,  1,372,  :,38.S,  1,398,  1,400,  1,403, 
1,40s,  1,420,  1,421.  —  Ed.] 

'  A  copy  of  Dudley's  commission  (Oct.  8, 
1685)  has  been  recently  printed  in  5  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Coll.,  i.\.  145. 

*  [Dr.  \.  1!.  .Shurtleff,  an  eager  Hoston  an- 
tiquary, died  in  that  city,  Oct.  17,  1S74,  and  hi.'- 
librarv  w.is  sold  at  auction,  Nov.  30,  1875,  etc. 
-En-l 

''  The  preface  of  the  Memorial  History  enu- 
merates the  sources  of  Boston's  history. 


iMioi;iti/>/iy,  no. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


363 


The  History  of  Salem,  by  Dr.  J.  B.  Felt,  gives  many  documents  of  the  first  importance 
relating  to  the  settlement  of  t'-  '  ancient  town,  where  the  colony  had  its  birth ;  and  the 
same  writer's  Customs  0/ A,'t'^^      nt^land,  Boston,  1853,  has  a  distinctive  value. 

The  Bibliography  of  the  Loaii  History  of  Massachusetts,  by  Jeremiah  Colburn,  Boston, 
1871,  a  volume  of  119  pages,  deserves  a  place  in  every  New  England  library,'  and  it  may 
be  supplemented  by  the  brief  titles  included  in  Mr.  F.  B.  Perkins's  Chdk  List  of  Amer- 
ican History.'^  There  is  a  good  list  of  local  histories  in  the  lirinley  Catalogue,  no.  1.558, 
etc.  The  Sketches  of  the  fudicial  History  of  Massachusetts,  by  the  late  Emory  Wash- 
burn, is  a  most  important  book  for  that  phase  of  the  subject. 

Maine." — The  documentary  history  of  Maine  properly  begins  with  the  grant  to  .Sir 
Ferdinando  Gorges.  The  previous  operations  under  the  Laconia  Company  were  partly, 
as  we  have  seen,  on  the  territory  of  Maine,  while  in  part  also  their  his'.ory  is  preserved  in 
the  archives  of  New  Hampshire.' 

The  patent  issued  to  Gorges  at  the  general  division,  in  (635,  of  the  territory  which 
he  named  "  New  Somersetshire,"  is  not  e-xtant.  An  organization,  as  we  iiave  alreatly 
said,  took  place  under  this  grant  and  a  few  records  are  extant  in  manuscript.^ 

The  royal  charter  of  Maine,  dated  April  3, 1639,  was  transcribti  into  a  book  of  records 
of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  and  Sessions  for  the  county  of  Yoik,  and,  with  the  com- 
missions to  the  officers,  has  been  printed  by  Sullivan  in  his  History  of  Maine,  Boston, 
'795.  Appendix  No.  i. 

The  first  government  organized  under  the  charter  *  was  in  1640,  and  the  manuscript 
records  are  also  at  Alfred  with  the  commissions  to  the  officers.  Extracts  from  the  records 
were  made  by  Folsom,  as  above,  pp.  53-57.  After  the  submission  of  Maine  to  Massa- 
chusetts in  1653,  courts  were  held  at  York  under  the  authority  of  the  latter.  Afterward, 
when  the  royal  commissioners  came  over  and  went  into  Maine,  a  portion  of  the  inhabit- 
ants were  encouraged  to  rebel  against  the  authority  of  Massachusetts,  and  courts  were 


1  [.\  la.v  was  placed  on  the  statute  book  of 
Massachusetts  in  1854,  by  which  towns  may  le- 
nally  appropriate  money  for  publishing  their 
histories.  The  authorities  on  the  town  system 
of  New  England  are  cited  in  W.  E.  Foster's 
Kferencc  Lists,  July,  1882.  —  ED.] 

*  [The  different  keys  to  the  genealogy  of 
New  England  are  indicated  in  Memorial  History 
of  liosloii,  ii.  Introduction.  —  Eli.] 

*  "  Maine  "  took  its  name  iirobably  from  the 
earlv  dcsignrition,  by  the  sailors  and  fishermen, 
<if  the  main  land  —  that  is,  "the  main," — in 
(listinctio;i  fiom  the  numerous  islands  on  the 
rnast.  See  Weymouth's  "  Voyage,"  in  ^  ALis: 
llisl.  Coll.,  viii.  132,  151;  Palfrey,  i.  525;  Amer. 
Aiilic/.  Soc.  r.  oc.,\.  371.  The  earliest  use  of  the 
name,  otV-cially  employed,  that  I  have  met  with, 
is  in  the  grant  to  Gorges  and  Mason  of  Aug. 
10,  1622,  which  recites  that  the  patentees,  "by 
consent  of  the  President  and  Coimcil,  intend  to 
iKinic  it  the  Prm-ince  of  Maine."  See  the  Popham 
.Mnnorial  I'olumc,  p.  122.  This  grant  was  never 
iiLulc  use  of,  but  the  name  was  inserted  in  the 
inval  charter  to  Gorges  of  April  3,  1639,  which 
Hcured  its  future  use.  Sullivan's  Maine,  Ap- 
|Kiuli.\,  309.  The  territory  had  been  previously 
iiuluded  in  the  European  designations  of  Bac- 
c.ilaos  and  Norumbega.     The  Indian  name  was 


Mavooshen.    See  Purchas,  iv.,  r873  i  Maine  Hist, 
Coll.,  i.  16,  17. 

*  These  manu.script.s  were  made  use  of  by 
Dr.  Belknap  in  writing  his  History  of  Xno 
Hampshire,  and  are  now  all  printed  in  the  Pro- 
vincial Papers  of  that  State,  vol.  i.,  1S67,  edited 
by  the  late  Nathaniel  Bouton.  The  grant  of 
Aug.  10,  1622,  is  printe(  in  Poor's  FerdinanJt 
Gorges,  irom  the  Colonial  Entry  Poot,  \i.  loi, 
no.  59.     An  account  of  the  voyage  of  the  l)arque 


"Warwick,"  in  1630,  which  brought  Captain 
Neal  to  be  governor  for  the  Company,  is  give< 
in  jV.  E.  J/ist.  ami  Gcneal.  Keg.,  1867,  p.  223. 

'  Citations  are  made  from  them  by  Folsom 
in  his  History  of  Saco  and  BiJdeforJ,  pp.  49-52. 
The  original  manuscript  is  among  the  old  county 
of  York  records  at  .Mfred.  The  commission  to 
Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  as  governor  of  New 
England,  1637,  is  printed  in  Poor's  Gorges,  p. 
127.  For  his  deed  to  Edgecombe,  1637,  see 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  ii.  74. 

'  See  Massachusetts  Archives,  Miscellanies, 
i.  130. 


'»  M 


f\ 


Hi      '         •  i 


364 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


temporarily  set  up  under  a  commission  from  Sir  Robert  Carr.      Some  records  of  tlieir 

doings  exist.' 

The  Records  of  Massacliusetts  for  the  years  1652-53  show  the  official  relations  which 

existed  between  the  two  colonies.    The  State-paper  offices  of  England  contain  a  large 

quantity  of  manuscripts  illustrating  the  claims  of  Ferdinando  Gorges,  the  grandson  of  the 

original  proprietor;  and  the  principal  part 
of  these  may  be  seen  either  in  abstracts, 
or  at  full  length  in  Folsom's  Catalogue  oj 
Original  Documents ''  relating  to  Maine 
(New  York,  1858),  preparer  by  the  late 
H.  G.  Somerby.'  Many  of  these  papers 
may  also  be  found  in  Chalmers'  Annals, 
1780,  who  had  great  facilities  for  consult- 
ing the  public  offices  in  England.* 


-==^^^^a^ 


Of  general  histories  of  Maine,  the 
earliest  was  that  of  James  Gullivan,  en- 
titled The  History  of  the  District  of  Maine, 
Best  n,  1795,  the  territory  having  been 
made  a  Federal  district  in  1779.  Judge 
/^       ^"j  Sullivan  was  too  busy  a  man  to  write  .so 

^m^^^/^'ih   §  ^ruA  <*  complicated  a  history  as  that  of  Maine  ; 

^'^--^.Jrf  I"  J^^^K^  ^"d  'ifi  ^^'1  '"*o  some  errors,  and  came 

short  of  what  would  be  expected  of  a 
writer  at  the  present  day.  He  was  one 
of  the  founders  and  at  that  time  president 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Societ)-, 
and  doubtless  felt  the  obligation  to  do 
some  such  work.  The  next  important  History  of  Maine  is  that  of  Judge  William  D. 
Williamson,  published  at  Hallowell,  1832,  in  two  volumes.  This  contains  a  vast  amount 
of  material  indispensable  to  the  student ;  but  there  are  serious  errors  in  the  work,  made 
known  by  the  discovery  of  new  matter  since  its  publication.  In  1830  there  was  published 
at  Saco,  Maine,  a  small  i2mo  volume,  by  George  Folsom,'  called  History  of  Saco  and  Bid- 


AUTOGRAPHS.^ 


1  These  old  Maine  records  have  all  been 
renoved  to  the  county  town  of  Alfred,  and  they 
have  lever  been  printed.  E.xtracts  from  time 
to  time  have  been  published,  as  by  Folsom 
above,  and  by  Willis  in  vol.  i.  of  his  History  of 
Portland,  who  gives  a  description,  from  Judge 
David  Sewall,  of  the  manner  in  which  the  origi- 
nal records  were  made  and  kept.  The  charter 
of  incorporation  of  Acomenticus  as  a  town, 
April  10,  1641,  and  the  charter  of  Gorgeana  as 
a  city,  March  i,  1642,  were  among  the  papers 
which  Hazard  found  at  old  York,  and  printed  in 
his  Collection,  vol.  i.  Cf.  "  .Sir  Robert  Carr  in 
Maine,"  in  Mns^azine  of  American  History,  Sep- 
tember, 1882,  p.  623  ;  and  a  pajier  on  Gorgeana 
in  ^'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1881,  p.  42. 

2  [Cf.  Historical  Magazine,  ii.  286,  and  Note  B 
to  chapter  vi.  of  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 

*  [Mr.  Somerby,  a  native  of  Massachusetts, 
who  died  in  London  in  1872,  did  much  during 
a  long  sojo  n  in  England  to  further  the  interests 
of  American  antiquaries  and  genealogists.    Cf. 


A'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg..  1874,  p.  340. 
Colonel  Joseph  L.  Chester  also  for  many  years 
filled  a  prominent  place  in  similar  work  in  Eng- 
land, till  his  de.tfh  in  1882.  A  portrait  and 
notice  of  him  by  John  T.  flatting  is  in  the  A'c-w 
York  Genealogical  ana'  Biographical  Record,  iSS:; 
also  issued  separately.  Cf.  A'.  E.  Hist,  and 
Geneal.  Reg.,  January,  1883,  p.  106.  —  Ed.] 

*  [The  deed  to  Ushtr  as  agent  of  M.issa- 
chusetts,  in  1677,  and  his  conveyance  to  Massa- 
chusetts are  at  the  State  House  in  Bo.ston.  Cf. 
Maine  Hist.  Coll.,  ii.  257;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  /'roc, 
xi.  201.  —  Ed.] 

*  [Mason  was  the  proprietor  of  New  Hani])- 
shire.  Mr.  C.  W.  Tuttle  was  engaged  at  his  dealh 
on  a  memoir  of  Mason,  upon  whom  he  delivered 
addresses,  reported  in  the  Boston  Advertiser,  June 
22,  1871,  and  Boston  Globe,  April  4,  1872.  Gaide 
was  the  mayor  of  Gorgeana.  Thomas  Gorges 
was  the  deputy-governor  of  ALiine. —  Ed  ] 

'  Mr.  Folsom,  a  graduate  of  Harvard  in 
1822,  was  at  this  time  living  in    Saco.     He 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


365 


•ecords  of  their 


deford,  with  Notices  of  other  Early  Settlements,  etc.  Although  a  history  of  two  compar- 
atively small  towns,  now  cities,  yet  they  were  early  settlements  ;  and  the  author,  who  had 
a  faculty  for  history,  made  his  work  the  occasion  of  writing  a  brief  but  authentic  sketch  of 
the  history  of  Maine  under  all  her  multiform  governments  and  varying  fortunes.  It  was 
the  best  town  history  then  written  in  New  England,  as  it  was  also  the  best  history  of  the 
Province  of  Maine. 

I  might  mention  a  volume  of  Sketches  of  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of  Maine  from  the 
Earliest  Period,  by  the  Rev.  Jonathan  Greenleaf  of  Wells,  published  at  Portsmouth,  1821. 

In  1831-33  William  Willis  published  his  History  of  Portland,  in  two  parts.  The  work 
embraced  also  sketches  of  several  other  towns,  and  it  was  prefaced  by  an  account  of  the 
early  patents  and  settlements  in  Maine;  while  the  second  edition,  issued  in  1865,  is  yet 
more  full  on  the  general  history  of  the  province. 

There  are  other  valuable  town  histories,  and  I  cannot  do  better  than  refer  the  reader 
to  Mr.  William  Willis's  "  Descriptive  Catalogue  of  Books  relating  to  Maine,"  in  Norton's 
Literary  Letter,  No.  4,  for  1859,  and  as  enlarged  in  Historical  Mai;aaine,  March,  1870.1 

The  Collections  of  the  Maine  Historical  Society,^  in  eight  volumes,  contain  a  large 
amount  of  material  which  illustrates  this  early  period.  The  first  volume  was  issued 
in  1831,  and  in  fact  forms  the  first  part  of  Willis's  History  of  Portland.  The  Collections 
of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society,  and  especially  vol.  vii.  of  the  fourth  series, 
should  be  cited  as  of  special  interest  here. 

The  Relation  of  the  Council  for  New  England,  the  narratives  in  Purchas,  Winthrop's 
Journal,  Hubbard's  Indian  Wars,  and  that  author's  History  of  New  England  and  the 
Two  Voyages  of  Josselyn,  have  already  been  referred  to,  and  they  should  be  again  noted  in 
this  place,  as  should  Dr.  Palfrey's  History  of  New  England  especially.  Gorges'  Briefe 
Narration,  1658,  is  most  valuable  as  coming  from  the  ^.riginal  proprietor  himself.  Its  value 
is  seriously  impaired  by  its  want  of  chronological  order  and  of  dates,  and  by  its  errors  in 
date.  In  what  condition  the  manuscript  was  left  by  its  author,  and  to  what  extent  the 
blemishes  of  the  work  are  attributable  to  the  editor  or  the  printer,  can  never  be  known. 
Sir  Ferdinando  died  in  May,  1647.  The  work  was  written  not  long  before  his  death,  and 
was  published  some  twelve  years  afterward,  with  two  compilations  by  his  grandson  and  the 
sheets  of  Johnson's  Wonder-Working  Providence?    Notwithstanding  its  blemishes,  the 


\i\ 


k^\ 


I'l 


H:ii 


subsequently  removed  to  New  York,  became 
an  active  member  of  the  New  York  Historical 
Society,  was  minister  at  the  Hague,  and  died  in 
Rome,  Italy,  in  1869. 

'  Special  mention  should  perhaps  be  made 
of  the  enumeration  of  Maine  titles  in  the  Brinley 
Cixtalogite  no.  2,571,  etc.,  and  of  several  town 
histories  published  since  Mr.  Willis  wrote  his 
Citalogue,  which  in  their  treatment  go  back  to 
the  early  period,  namely.  History  of  Aui^isln,  by 
James  W.  North ;  History  of  Briinnoick,  etc., 
by  G.  A.  Wheeler  and  H.  W.  Wheeler,  187S  ; 
History  of  dutine,  by  G.  A.  Wheeler,  Bangor, 
1.S75  ;  History  of  Bristol,  Bremen,  uttd  Pemaquid, 
by  John  Johnston,  Albany.  1873;  History  of  An- 
cient Sheepscot  and  Nrzu  Castle,  by  David  Q. 
Cushman,  Bath,  1882.  Most  of  the  local  histor- 
ical literature  can  be  picked  out  of  F.  B.  Per- 
kins's Check-List  of  American  Local  History. 

A  volume  entitled  Papers  relating  to  Pema- 
quid,  collected  from  the  archives  at  Albany  by 
Kranklin  B.  Hough,  was  printed  at  Albany  in 
1S56.  They  relate  to  the  condition  of  that 
part  of  the  country  when  under  the  colony  of 


New  York,  and  are  of  great  value.  Cf.  also  Mr. 
Hough's  contributions  in  the  Maine  Hist.  Coll., 
V.  and  vii.  127.  Pcniaquid  .is  a  centre  of  histori- 
cal interest  is  also  illustrated  in  J.  W.  Thorn- 
ton's Ancient  Pemai/nid ;  in  Johnston's  papers 
in  his  History  of  Bristol,  etc. ;  in  the  Popham 
Memorial  Volume,  )).  263;  in  Maine  Hist.  Coll., 
vol.  viii. ;  Yinton's  Giles  Memorial,  1S64  ;  His- 
torical Magazine,  i.  132  ;  X.  E.  Hist,  and  Geiieal. 
Reg.,  1S71,  p.  131.  [See  also  Yol.  IV.  of  this 
History.  —  En.] 

-  [The  early  history  of  this  society  is  told  by 
Mr.  Willis  in  an  address  printed  in  their  Collec- 
tions, vol.  iv.  Cf.  also  Note  B  at  the  end  of 
chapter  vi.  of  the  present  volume.  —  Kd.] 

••  This  collection,  entitled  America  painted  to 
the  Life,  passes  by  the  name  of  the  Gorges  Tracts. 
There  are  copies  in  Harvard  College  Library, 
and  noted  in  the  Carter-Brozon  Catalogue,  ii.  127; 
Brinley  Catalogue,  nos.  30S,  2,640  (§225.)  Cf. 
Sabin's  Dictionary,  vii.  348  ;  Rich's  Catalogue,  no. 
314;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xviii.  432,  and  xix. 
128;  Stevens's  Historical  Collections,  vol.  i.  no. 
247.   The  relations  of  Gorges  and  Chanipernoun 


366 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


tract  lias  great  value  ;  but  it  should  be  read  in  connection  with  other  works  which  furnish 
uncjucstioiinble  historical  data. 

The  Memorial  Volume  of  the  Popltam  Celebration.  Aug.  20,  1862  (i'urtland,  1862), 
contains  a  good  deal  of  historical  material  ;  but  a  large  part  of  it  was,  unfortunately,  pre- 
pared under  a  strong  theological  and  partisan  bias.  In  its  connection  with  the  settlement 
at  Sabino,  it  has  been  mentioned  in  an  earlier  chapter. 

A  valuable  historical  address  was  delivered  at  the  Centennial  Exhibition  at  Phila- 
delphia, Nov.  4,  1876,  by  Joshua  L.  Chamberlain,  President  of  Bowdoin  College,  entitled 
Maine,  Her  Place  in  History,  and  was  published  in  Augusta  in  1877. 

New  Hami'smire.  —  New  Hampshire  wa:  probably  first  settled  by  David  Thomson, 
in  the  .spring  of  1623.  The  original  sources  of  information  concerning  him  are  the 
Peconis  of  the  Council  for  New  England  ;  a  contemporaneous  indenture,  1622,  recently 
found  among  the  Winthrop  Papers,  ai.d  since  published;  Winslow's  Good  News,  London, 
1624,  p.  50;  Bradford's  Plymouth  Plantation,  p.  154;  Hubbard's  Acw  Enqlanti,  pp.  89, 
105,  214,  215  ;  Levett's  Voyage  '  to  New  England  in  1623  24  ;  Pratt's  Narrative,  in  4  iMass. 
Hist.  Coll.,  iv.  486,  and  Gorges'  Brief e  Narration,  p.  37.  All  these  authorities  are  sum- 
marized by  the  present  writer  in  a  note,  on  page  362  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  May, 
1876,  to  a  paper  on  "  David  Thomson  and  the  Settlement  of  New  Hampshire." 

For  the  settlement  of  the  Hiltons  on  Dover  Neck,  and  for  the  later  history  of  the 
town,  see  Records  'f  the  Council;  Hubbara  ;  a  Paper  on  David  Thom.son  in  .\fass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Proc,  as  above;  1  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  iii.  63;  Proinncial  Papers  of  New  Hampshire, 
i.  118,  and  the  authorities  (A.  H.  Quint  and  others)  there  cited;  cf.  Mr.  Hassam's  paper 
in  A'.  E.  Hist,  and  Gencal.  AVjf.,  January,  1882,  p.  40  ;  VVinthrop's  Journal,  i.  276. 

For  the  doings  of  the  Laconia  Company,  and  the  settlement  of  Portsmouth,  see 
Belknap's  A'eui  Hampshire,  who  errs  respecting  the  Laconia  patent  and  the  date  of  the 
operations  of  the  Company;  Hubbard  as  above;  Provincial  Papers,  where  the  extant 
Laconia  documents  are  printed  at  length  ;  Jenness's  Isles  of  Shoals,  2d  ed..  New  York, 
1875,  and  his  privately  printed  (1878)  Notes  on  the  First  Planting  of  New  Hampshire ; 
the  paper  on  David  Thomson,  as  above  ;  Adams's  Annals  of  Portsmouth ;  N.  E.  Hist, 
and  Geneal.  Reg.,  ii.  37. 

For  the  history  of  the  settlements  of  Exeter  and  Hampton  see  Belknap,  as  above ;  and 
cf.  Farmer's  edition,  who  holds  to  the  forgery  of  the  Wheelwright  deed  of  1629:  Pro- 
vincial Papers  as  above,  pp.  128-153.  For  a  discussion  of  the  genuineness  of  the  Wheel- 
wright deed,  it  will  be  sufficient,  perhaps,  to  refer  to  Mr.  Savage's  argument  against  it  in 
Winthrop's  Journal,  i.  Appendix,  which  the  present  writer  thinks  unanswerable,  and 
Governor  C.  H.  Bell's  able  defence  of  it  in  the  volume  of  the  Prince  Society  on  John 
Wheelwright."'' 


are  discussed  by  C.  W.  Tuttle  in  N.  E.  Ifist.  and 
Geneal.  Reg-^  '874,  p.  404.  See  further  on  Cham- 
pernoun  in  Ibid.,  1S73,  p.  147;  1874,  pp.75,  318, 
403.  There  is  an  account  of  Gorge.*'  tomb  at 
St.  Hordeaux  in  the  Magazine  of  American  His- 
tory, August,  1882 ;  and  notes  on  his  jiedigree,  in 
N.  E.  Hist,  ami  Geneal.  Reg,  1861,  ]).  17  ;  1864,  p. 
287;  1872, p.  381;  1877,  pp.42,  44,  112.  — Ed.) 

'  [Captain  Christopher  Levett.  His  account 
was  published  in  London  in  1628.  The  reprint 
in  3  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  viii.  164,  was  made  from  a 
copy  got  in  England  by  Sparks.  The  Maine 
Historical  Society  reprinted  it  in  their  Collec- 
tions, ii.  73  (1S47);  and  the  copy  in  the  New 
York  Historical  Society's  Library  was  then  con- 
sidered to  be  unique.     The  Hiith  Catalogue,  iii. 


S43,  and  Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  ii.  no.  338, 
show  original  copies.  —  Ed.] 

-  [The  principal  contestants  may  be  thus 
divided  :  — 

Pro,  —  Ne7v  Hampshire  Historical  Collections, 
i. ;  Bell's  Wheelwright ;  cf .  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Reg,  1869,  p.  65. 

Con,  —  Farmer's  Belknap  ;  Savage's  Win- 
throp ;  Palfrey's  New  England ;  and,  besides 
Mr.  Deane,  the  recorded  opinions  of  Dr.  Hou- 
ton,  Mr.  C.  W.  Tuttle,  Mr.  J.  A.  Vinton;  cf. 
N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg,  1S68,  p.  479;  1874, 
pp.  343,  477  ;  and  Historical  Magazine,  \.  57  ;  and 
also  a  letter  of  Colonel  Chester  in  the  Register, 
1868,  p.  350. 

The  deed  is  printed  in  the  Provincial  Papers, 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


367 


which  furnish 


s  above ;  .ind 


Concerning  the  several  patents  issued  by  the  Council  to  cover  the  territory  of  New 
Hampshire,  or  parts  of  it,  which  afterward  appeared  in  history,  one  was  made  to  John 
Mason,  of  Nov.  7,  1629,  of  territory  between  the  .Merrimac  and  I'iscataqua,  which,  "  with 
consent  of  the  Council,  he  intends  to  name  New  Hampshire"  (Mason  was  governor  of 
Portsmouth  co.  Hants).  This  grant*  was  printed  in  Hazard,  vol.  i.,  from  "New  Hamp- 
shire files,"  and  is  in  I'ro^'incial  Papers,  i.  21.  The  Laconia  grant  of  Nov.  17,  1629,  to 
Gorges  and  Mason,  was  tne  basis  of  a  trading  company,  .is  we  have  already  seen,  and 
those  associates  took  out  a  new  patent,  Nov.  3,  1631,  of  land  near  the  mouth  of  the 
I'iscataqua.  The  Laconia  patent  is  in  Massachusetts  Archives,  and  is  printed  in  /'>o- 
vincial  Papers,  i.  38.  The  second  grant  is  printed  in  Jenness's  Notes,  above  cited, 
.Appendix  ii.  Hilton's  patent  of  Dover  Neck,  or  wherever  it  may  have  extended,  of  March 
12.  i629'30,  is  cited  in  the  Council  Records,  and  is  printed  in  extenso  in  Jenness's  Xotes, 
.Appendix  i..  which  also  should  be  read  for  a  discussion  relative  to  its  boundaries.-  At  the 
grand  division  in  1635  Mason  liad  assigned  to  him  the  territory  between  Xaumkeag  and 
I'iscataqua,  dated  .April  22,  "all  which  lands,  with  the  consent  of  the  Counsell,  shall  from 
henceforth  be  called  New  Hampshire."  Hazard  (i.  384)  printed  the  grant  from  the  "  records 
of  the  Province  of  Maine,"  and  it  is  also  printed  in  Provincial  Papers,\. 11.  Mason  never 
improved  this  grant.  All  his  operations  in  New  Hampshire,  or  I'iscataqua,  as  the  place 
was  called,  was  as  a  member  of  the  unfortunate  Laconia  Company.  He  died  soon  after 
this  last  grant  was  i.ssued,  and  bequeathed  the  property  ultimately  to  his  grandchildren 
John  and  Robert  Tufton,  whose  claims  were  used  to  annoy  the  settlers  on  the  soil  who  had 
acquired  a  right  to  their  homesteads  by  long  undisputed  possession.^ 

After  the  union  of  the  New  Hampshire  towns  with  Massachusetts,  their  history  forms 
part  of  the  history  of  that  colony,  and  the  General  Court  Records  may  be  consulted  for 
information.  John  S.  Jenness's  Transcripts  of  Orij^iinal  Documents  in  the  English 
Archives  relating  to  A'ew  Hampshire,  privately  printed.  New  York,  1876,  is  a  volume  ot 
great  value.  An  early  map  of  Maine  and  New  Hampshire,  of  about  the  period  of  1655,  is 
prefixed  to  the  book.  The  Appendix  to  Belknap's  Neio  Hampshire  also  contains  docu- 
ments of  great  value.  The  Collections  of  the  Nev/  Hampshire  Historical  Society,  consist- 
ing of  eight  volumes,  1824-1866,  are  rich  in  material  relating  to  the  State ;  and  the  three 
volumes  of  Collections  published  by  Farmer  and  Moore,*  1822-1824,  in  semi-monthly  and 


i.  56.  Cotton  Mather's  original  letter  regarding 
it.  dated  March  3,  1708,  is  noted  in  the  BniiUy 
Cat<di'giie,  no.  1,329.  Belknap  has  printed  it, 
and  it  is  also  in  the  A'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg., 
1S62,  p.  349.  — Eu.) 

'  Masun  made  no  use  of  this  grant ;  and  no 
use  had  been  made  of  his  grant  of  Mariana,  of 
March  9,  1621/22,  and  that  to  him  and  Gorges 
lit  .Aug.  10,  1622 ;  Hubbard's  Xeio  England, 
p.  614. 

-  [Governor  Bell  discovered  in  1870  wh.it  is 
known  as  the  Hilton  or  Squamscott  patent,  of 
March  1 2, 1629,  and  it  is  printed  in  the  ^V.  E.  Hist. 
ii'ij  Geneal.  Reg.,  1870,  p.  264 ;  it  was  found  not  to 
aL;ree  as  to  its  ix>unds  with  Piscataqua  patent. 
Itimess,  in  his  Xotes,  contends  that  Wiggin  set 
up  the  title  of  Massachusetts  to  the  territory 
iiiuler  the  162S/29  charter.  It  was  the  conclusion 
"f  Mr.  C.  W.  Tuttk-  (a  studious  explorer  of 
New  Hampshire  history,  who  died  July  18, 1881  ; 
1 1.  .Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xix.  2,  11)  that  Bloody 
I'liint,  lieing  included  in  both  grants,  became 
the  cause  of  the  trouble  between  Neale  and 
Wifjgin,  as  told  by  Hubbard.  —  Ed.] 

^  Mxson's   will,  or  a  long  extract  from  it, 


may  be  seen  in  Hazard,  i.  397-399,  dated  Nov.  26, 
1635;  also  in  Prmincial  Papers.  These  pajiers 
last  named  are  a  publication  of  the  State.  The 
Rev.  Dr.  Nathaniel  Bouton,  between  1867  and 
1876,  completed  ten  volumes  of  Papers.  They 
contain  nothing  before  1631  ;  few  from  1631 
to  1686.  Most  of  the  original  papers  between 
1641  and  1679  are  in  the  Massachiisi-tts  Aniihrs. 
The  papers  of  interest  in  the  present  connection 
are  in  vols.  i.  and  ii.  The  series  li :\s  since  been 
resumed  under  another  editor,  wii  1  the  publici- 
tion  (1882)  of  the  first  part  (.\- to  F)  of  docu- 
ments relating  to  towns,  16S0-1S00.  Very  few 
of  the  papers,  however,  are  before  1700.  Colonel 
A.  II.  Iloyt's  "  Notes,  Historical  and  Biblio- 
graphical, on  the  Laws  of  N  Hampshire," 
are  in  Amer.  Aiilit/.  Soc.  Proc,  April,  1876.  Like 
most  of  the  patents  issued  at  the  grand  division, 
Mason's  grant  included  ten  thousand  acres  more 
of  land  on  the  southeast  part  of  Sagadahoc, 
"from  henceforth  to  be  called  by  the  name  of 
Massonia." 

<  [John  Farmer  (1789-1838)  and  Jacob  B. 
Moore  (1797-1853).  Each  did  much  for  New 
Hampshire  history.     For  an  account  of  Farmer, 


i  V 


1  k»< 


368 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMFRICA. 


then  in  monthly  numbers,  should  not  be  overlooked;  nor  should  the  CoHe,:l'ons  of  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society. 

Of  the  general  histories,  that  of  Dr.  Belknap  is  the  first  and  the  only  considerable  ///.r- 
torycf  Xe-^i  Hampshire,  Philadelphia  and  Hoston,  1 784-92,  3  vols.  The  work  early  acqisircd 
th'.-  name  of  "the  elegant  History  of  New  Hampshire,"  which  it  deserved.  As  a-.vriter.  Dr. 
Belknap's  style  was  simple  and  "elegant."  Perhaps  after  Franklin  he  was  the  best  writer 
of  English  prose  which  New  England  had  produced  ;  and  there  has  been  since  little  im- 
provement upon  him.  He  had  the  true  historical  spirit,  and  was  a  good  investigator.*  He 
fell  into  an  error  respecting  some  of  the  early  grants  of  New  Hampshire,  and  the  early  part 
of  his  History  needs  revision.  He  probably  never  doubted  the  genuineness  ot  the  Wheel- 
wright deed  :  but  John  F"armer,  the  editor  of  a  new  edition  (183")  of  his  work,  believed  that 
document  to  be  a  forgery,  and  made  his  book  to  conform  to  this  idea,  though  other  errors 
were  not  corrected.    Palfrey's  New  England  is  of  the  first  authority  here  after  Belknap. - 


•  I'tl- 


Connecticut.  —  '•  Quinni-tuk-ut,  'on  long  river,'  —  now  Connecticut, — was  the  name 
of  the  valley,  or  lands  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  In  one  early  deed  (1636)  I  find  the 
name  written  Quinttucquet ;  in  another  of  the  same  year,  Qncnticutt."^ 

The  name  "  Connecticut,"  as  designating  the  countr'  or  colony  on  the  river  of  that 
name,  was  used  by  Masi.achusetts  in  their  commission  of  March  3,  i635'36,*  and  it  was 
early  adopted  by  the  colonists.' 

Qiiinnipiac,  —  the  Indian  name  of  New  Haven,  written  variously,  and  by  President 
Stiles,  on  the  authority  of  an  Indian  of  East  Haven,  Qiiinncpyooghq ,  —  is  pt-obably  "  long- 
water  place."  *     The  name  New  Ha\  ?n  was  substituted  by  the  Court  Sept.  Si  if)40.' 

The  first  English  settlement  was  mav.>  by  the  Plymouth  people  at  Windsor  in  October, 
1633,  when  they  sent  out  a  barque  with  materials  for  a  trading-house,  and  set  it  up  tiiere 
against  the  remonstrances  of  the  Dutcii,  who  had  themselves  established  a  trading-house 
at  Hartford  some  time  before. ^    The  history  ot  this  business  is  well  told  by  Bradford 


see  X.  E.  Hist,  and  Cvncal.  Reg.,  i.  12,  15.  He 
published  a  first  volume  (Dover,  1831)  of  a  pro- 
jected new  edition  of  Iklknap's  History  of  Xczu 
Hamfisliin;  from  a  copy  "  having  the  author's 
last  corrections."  Moore  was  the  father  of  the 
well-known  historical  student.  Dr.  George  H. 
Moore,  of  the  Lenox  Library.  —  En.] 

'  [Cf.  C.  K.  Adams,  Maiitial  of  Historical  Lit- 
eratiirc,  p.  549.  Mention  has  been  made  else- 
where of  the  Belknap  Papers ;  cf.  Mass.  Hist. 
Soc.  Proc,  March,  1S58.  —  En.] 

*  [The  reports  of  the  Adjutant-General  of  the 
State,  1.S66  and  1868,  contained  s\x.  Chandler 
E.  Potter':  Military  History  of  A'<Ti'  Hampshire, 
from  1623  to  1861,  i.ssued  separately  at  Concord 
in  1869.  The  histories  by  Whiton  (1834)  and 
Barstow  (1S53)  are  of  minor  importance.]  There 
are  many  valuable  histories  of  separate  towns  in 
New  Hampshire,  and  I  cannot  do  better  than 
refer  to  the  "Bibliography  of  New  Hampshire," 
in  Norton's  Literary  Letter,  new  scries,  no  i.  pp. 
8-30,  by  S.  C.  P2astman.     [A  current  periidical, 

Tlie  Granite  Monllily,  is  devoting  much  apace 
to  New  Ham|).:'iire  history;  cf.  Sabin,  vol.  xiii. 
no.  37,486,  eit.  —  En.] 

*  J.  Hammond  Trumbull,  in  Conn.  Hist.  Soc. 
Coll.,  ii.  8.  [Dr.  Trumbull  has  compassed  a 
large  part  of  the  field  of  the  Indian  nomencla- 
ture  of    Connecticut   in   his  Indian  Names  of 


Places  :  .  .  in  Connecticut,  etc.,  Hartford,  1881. 
The  fortunes  of  the  natives  of  this  colony  have 
been  traced  iii  J.  W.  Dc  Forest's  History  of  the 
Indians  of  Connecticut  (with  a  map  of  1630),  of 
which  there  have  l)pen  successive  editions  in 
1850,  1853,  and  1871.  Of  Uncas,  the  \\w>\. 
famous  of  the  Mohegan  chiefs,  there  is  a  jjedi- 
gree,  as  made  out  in  1679,  recorded  in  the  Col- 
ony Records,  Deeds,  iii.  312,  and  i)rinted  in  N. 
E.  hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  1856,  \>.  227.  The  will 
ot  his  son  Joshua  is  in  Ibid.,  1859,  p.  235.  An 
agreement  which  Uncas  made  in  1681  with  the 
whites  is  in  the  Public  Records,  i.  309,  and  in 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  x.  16.  The  warfare  in 
1642  between  Uncas  and  Miantonomo,  the  chief 
of  the  Narriiganse;ts,  and  which  ended  with  the 
hitter's  death  in  captivity,  the  English  approv- 
ing, is  described  by  Winthro;-  and  Hubbaid; 
.'.Iso  in  Trumbull's  Connect/cut,  chap.  7  ;  Arnold','* 
Rhode  Island,  chap.  4 ;  Palfrey's  AVic  Englainl, 
vol.  ii.  cha]).  3  ;  and  it  was  the  subject  of  an  his- 
torical address  in  1S42  by  William  L.  Stone, 
called  Uncas  and  Miantonomo. —  F.n.] 

*  Massachusetts  Colonial  Records,  i.  170. 
°  See  Connecticut  Colonial  Records,  i.  4. 

*  J.  Hammond  Trumbull,  as  above,  ])•  15- 
"  A<T('  Haven  Records. 

*  [Block,  in  1614,  had  been  the  first  toc.vplore 
the  river  for  the  Dutch;  and  both  O'Callagh.iii 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


369 


olle<:i  ons  of  the 


(pp.  311-314),  with  whose  narrative  compare  Winthrop   (pp.   105,   tSi)  and  Hubbard 

(pp-  170,  30s ''•'i')- 

The  story  of  the  settlement  of  the  three  towns  on  the  Connecticut  River  by  emigrants 
from  Massachusetts  is  told  by  Winthrop,  passim,  and  by  Trumbull  ;  and  the  Records  of 
Massachusetts  jhow  the  orders  passed  in  relation  to  their  removal,  and  define  their  polit- 
ical status  during  the  first  year  of  the  settlement,  and  indeed  to  a  later  period.  The  Con- 
necticut Colonial  Records  give  abundant  information  as  to  their  political  relations  until  the 
arrival  of  the  Winthrop  charter  of  1662,  when,  after  some  demurring  on  the  part  of  New 
Haven,  the  two  small  jurisdictions  were  merged  into  one.'  A  spiritetl  letter  from  Mr. 
Hooker  to  Governor  Winthrop  of  Massachusetts,  written  in  1O38,  disclosing  liis  sup- 
pressed feelings  towards  some  in  the  Bay  Colony  for  alleged  factious  opposition  to  tlit 
emigration  to  Connecticut,  may  be  seen  in  Conn.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  i.  3-18.  What  is  called 
the  original  Constitution  of  Connecticut,  adopted  by  the  three  towns  Jan.  14,  1638  39,  may 
be  seen  in  the  printed  Colonial  Records,  i.  20-25.'- 

The  story  of  John  Winthrop's  second  arrival  from  England,  in  October,  1635,  with  a 
commission  from  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  and  Lord  Brook  and  others,  and  with  ^2,000  in 
money,  to  begin  an  independent  settlement  and  erect  a  fortification  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Connecticut  River,  and  to  be  governor  there  for  one  year,  is  told  in  Winthrop's  Journal 
(i.  170,  173) ;  and  is  r.'peated  in  full  by  Trumbull,  vol.  i.  Possession  was  taken  in  the 
following  month.  The  patent  to  Lord  Say  and  others,  which  was  the  basis  of  this  move- 
ment, is  known  as  the  "old  patent  of  Connecticut,"  and  may  be  seen,  with  Winthrop's 
commission,  in  Trumbull's  History,  vol.  i.,  both  editions.  It  purports  to  be  a  personal 
grant  from  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  then  the  President  of  the  Council  for  New  England, 
bearing  date  March  19,  1631  (1632  N.S.).  Although  the  authority  by  which  the  grant  is 
made  is  not  given  in  the  document  itself,  as  is  usually  the  case,  it  has  been  confidently 
asserted  fhat  the  Earl  of  Warwick  had  received  the  previous  year  a  patent  for  the  same 
territory  from  the  Council  for  New  England,  which  was  subsequently  confirmed  by  the 
King.*  The  grant  was  interpreted  to  convey  all  the  territory  lying  west  of  the  Narra- 
gansett  River,  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles  on  the  Sound,  thence  onward  to  the  South 
Sea.* 


(S'l-to  Netherland,  i.  169)  and  Brodhead  [Neio 
York,  i.  235)  set  forth  the  prior  right  of  the 
Dutch  ;  of.  N.  E.  Hist,  and  Cental.  Reg.,  vi.  368. 
—  Ed.] 

•  [Roger  Wolcott  celebrated  Winthrop's 
agency  in  London,  in  1662,  in  a  long  poem, 
which  was  printed  in  Wolcott's  Poetical  Medita- 
tions, London,  1725,  and  in  A/ass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colt. 
CI.  Carter-Brmun  Catalogue,  iii.  369 ;  Brinley  Cata- 
logue, no.  2,134.  —  Ed.] 

'  It  had  been  printed  by  Trumbull  in  1797,  in 
the  .\pi)endi.\  to  the  first  edition  of  his  History, 
i.  528-533;  and  is  repeated  in  the  second  edition, 
1S18 ;  cf.  Dr.  J.  H.  Trumbull's  Historical  Notes 
on  ',':'  Constitutions  of  Connecticut,  1639-1878, 
published  in  1873.  Hinman  published  a  collec- 
tion of  Letters  of  the  Kings  of  England  to  the 
Stucessive  Governors  (1635-1749). 

'  Douglass's  Summary,  ii.  160;  Neal's  New 
England,  2d  ed.,  i.  163;  Trumbull's  2d  ed.  18 18, 
i.  21 ;  Hubbard,  p.  ;     . 

<  Trumbull,  i.  28,  from  manuscripts  of  Presi- 
dent Clap.  This  old  Connecticut  patent  has 
always  been  a  mystery.  Some  of  the  colonists 
of  the  Winthrop  emigration  to  Massachusetts  in 
1630  were  unfavorably  impressed  on  their  arrival 
VOL.  III.  —47. 


with  the  place  selected  for  a  plantation.  The 
sad  mortality  of  the  preceding  winter  was  appall- 
ing, and  they  began  to  cast  their  thoughts  on  a 
more  southerly  spot  than  Massachusetts  Bay. 
In  a  letter  of  John  Ilumfrey,  written  from 
London,  Dec.  9,  1636,  in  reply  to  one  just  re- 
ceived from  his  brother-in-law,  Isaac  Johnson, 
from  the  colony,  he  says,  in  speaking  of  Mr. 
Downing :  "  He  is  the  only  m.in  for  Council 
that  is  heartily  ours  in  the  town ;  and  yet,  unless 
you  settle  upon  a  good  river  and  in  a  less  snowy 
and  cold  place,  I  c.in  see  no  great  edge  on  him  to 
come  unto  us."  Further  on  he  s.iys,  "  My  Lord 
of  Warwick  will  take  a  patent  of  that  place  you 
writ  of  for  himself,  and  so  we  may  be  bold  to  do 
there  as  if  it  were  our  own."  (4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll., 
vi.  3, 4.)  No  further  hint  is  given  as  to  the  loca- 
tion of  Warwick's  intended  grant,  and  we  have 
n„'  contemporaneous  record  of  any  patent  having 
been  taken  by  him  at  this  time  or  later.  The 
Earl  was  a  great  friend  of  the  Puritans.  It  was 
through  him  that  the  Massachusetts  patent  was 
obtained ;  and  the  patent  to  the  people  of  Plv- 
mouth  was  signed  by  him  alone,  but  in  the  name 
of  the  Council,  and  sealed  with  their  seal. 

The  title  to  Connecticut  was  contested.     On 


M 


370 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


Thf   hrst  and  second  agreements  with   Fenwick,  the  agent  of  tlic  pr.prietors,  dated 
Dec.  5,  r644,  and  Feb.  17,  1646,  were  first  printetl  by  Truml)ull.'     The  account  of  Fen- 


tht  nr.iml  division  of  ifij',,  James,  .Mar<|uis, 
nftcrw.iril  Oiikc,  of  llaniiltoii,  received  lor 
his  share  the  lerritorv  l)etween  the  lloniiecti- 
cut  and  Narragaiisett  livers,  and  a  copy  of  his 
feoffment  was  cited  by  Chalmers,  .is  on  record 
bearing  date  April  22,  I'ljs,  that  being  the  date 
wliich  all  the  grants  of  that  final  division  bore. 
From  a  copy  on  the  Connecticut  files  Mr.  K.  K 
Ilimnan,  .Secretary  of  Slate,  published  the  deed 
in  a  volume  of  .incient  documents,  at  Hartford, 
in  iSj6.  On  the  Restoration  ihe  heirs  ,)f  the 
Duke,  in  a  petition  to  the  King,  asked  to  "  lie 
restored  to  their  just  right,"  and  their  claim  was, 
in  16C4,  laid  by  the  King's  commissioners  before 
the  Connecticut  authoritici.  These  in  their  an- 
swer set  up,  in  the  llist  place,  the  prior  grant  of 
Lord  Say  and  Seh-  .ind  others,  which  Connec- 
ticut, as  they  allcm  d,  had  "  purchased  at  a  dear 
rate,"  and  which  li.id  been  recently  ratified  and 
confirmed  by  the  King  in  their  new  charter ;  then, 
secondly,  a  concpiest  from  the  natives ;  and, 
thirdly,  they  claimed  thirty  vcar.s'  peaceable  pos- 
session (Trumbull,  i.  524,  530).  At  a  period 
still  later,  the  Earl  of  Arran,  a  grandson,  applied 
to  King  William  for  a  hearing;  and  when  in  a 
formal  manner  several  patents  were  exhibited 
on  the  part  of  Connecticut,  the  Earl's  final  reply 
was,  "  that  when  they  produced  a  grant  from  the 
Plymouth  Council  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  it 
should  have  an  answer."  (Chalmers,  pp.  299 
301  ;  Trumbull,  i.  524.) 

Some  entries  in  the  recently  recovered  records 
of  the  Council  for  New  England  tend  to  deepen 
the  suspicion  that  the  Earl  of  Warwick  never  re- 
ceived the  alleged  grant  from  tliat  body.  It  is 
true  that  the  records  .is  preserved  are  not  entire, 
and  do  not  cover  the  year  1630,  and  for  ihe  year 
1631  they  begin  at  November  4.  But  some  later 
entries  are  verv  significant.  Under  date  of  June 
21,  i6j2,  which  is  three  months  after  the  date 
of  the  grant  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele  and  asso- 
ciates, is  this  entry  :  "  The  Secretary  is  to  bring, 
against  the  ne.xt  meeting,  a  rough  draft  in  paper 
of  a  patent  for  the  E.  of  Warwick,  from  the 
river  of  the  Narrigants  10  leagues  westward. 
Sir  Ferd.  Gorges  will  forthwith  give  particular 
directions  for  the  said  patent."  .'.t  the  next 
meeting,  June  26,  "  The  rough  draft  of  a  patent 
for  the  E.  of  Warwick  was  now  read.  His 
Lordship,  upon  hearing  the  same,  gave  order 
that  the  grant  should  be  untc  Rob.  Lord  Rich 
and  his  associates,  A,  B,  etc.  And  it  w,is  agreed 
by  the  Council  that  the  limits  of  the  said  patent 
should  be  30  English  miles  westward,  and  50 


miles  into  the  land  northward,  provided  th. '  it 
did  not  prejudice  any  other  patent  formerly 
granted."  i\  committee  was  appointed  to  lake 
further  ortler  respecting  this  patent,  and  there  is 
no  evidence  that  it  was  ever  pertectcd  or  issued. 
'I'his  proposed  grant,  it  will  lie  seen,  covered  in 
part  the  same  territory  previously  included  in 
the  grant  above  cited  to  Lord  Say,  Lor<l  llrook, 
l^ord  Rich,  and  others  by  the  Earl  of  Warwick 
himselt. 

Three  days  after'  ard  some  very  singular 
orders  were  adopted  b\  'he  Council,  indicating 
that  there  had  been  a  serious  dis.ngreement  with 
the  Earl,  or  that  a  feeling  akin  to  suspicion,  of 
which  the  Ka'l  w.is  the  object,  had  found  a  lodg- 
ment in  that  body.  The  Earl  l)cing  president, 
the  meetings  for  some  years  had  been  held  at 
"  Warwick  House  iii  Holborne."  At  a  meet- 
ing on  the  29th  of  June,  at  which  the  Earl  was 
not  present,  "  It  was  agreed  that  the  E.  of 
Warwick  should  be  entreated  to  direct  a  course 
for  finding  out  what  patents  have  been  granted 
for  New  England."  (Did  not  the  Council  keep 
a  record  of  their  grants  ?)  Also,  "  The  Lord 
Great  Chamberlain  and  the  rest  of  the  Council 
now  present  sent  their  clerk  unto  the  E.  of 
Warwick  for  the  Council's  great  seal,  it  being 
in  his  Lordsnip's  keeping."  Answer  was 
brought  that  as  soon  as  his  man  Williams 
came  in  he  would  send  it.  It  was  then  voted 
i.Sat  the  meetings  of  the  Council,  which  for 
so.ne  time,  as  I  have  already  said,  had  been 
held  at  Warwick  House,  should  hereafter  be 
held  at  Captain  Mason's  House,  in  Fenchurch 
Str-!et.  But  the  seal  was  not  then  sent,  and  dur- 
ing the  next  five  months  l>vo  other  formal  appli- 
cations were  made  for  it.  In  the  mean  time  and 
thence  after  the  records  indicate  the  EarlV  al> 
sence  from  the  meetings,  and  finally  Lord  Goigcs 
was  chosen  President  of  the  Council  in  his  place. 

The  patent  to  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  it  may  be 
added,  was  never  formally  tiinsferred  to  Con- 
necticut. In  the  agreement  of  iC.<4/45  Fenwick 
conveyed  the  fort  and  lands  on  the  river,  and 
promised  to  convey  the  jurisdiction  of  all  the 
lands  between  Narragansett  River  and  Saybrook 
Fort,  "  if  it  come  into  his  power,"  —  which  he 
seems  never  to  have  done,  though  the  author- 
ities of  Connecticut  claimed  that  they  h:.d  paid 
him  for  it.  For  a  long  time  the  Connecticut 
authorities  appear  to  have  had  no  copy  of  this 
patent,  for  they  were  often  challenged  to  exhibit 
it,  and  were  not  able  to  do  so ;  though  they  say 
that  a  copy  was   shown  to  the  commissioners 


1  First  edition,  vol.  i.  Appendix  v.  and  vi.     See  also  Ibid.,  i.  149,  507-510,  edition  of  1818,  with 
which  compare  Connecticut  Colonial  Records,  pp.  568,  573,  585. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


371 


wick's  arrival  in  the  colony,  in  1639,  with  liis  family,  and  his  settlement,  and  the  naming 
of  Saybrook,  may  be  seen  in  VVinthrop.' 

The  "Capital  Laws,"  established  by  Connecticut,  Dec.  I,  1642,  the  first  "Code  of 
l^ws,"  and  the  court  orders,  judgments,  and  sentences  of  the  General  and  Particular 
Courts,  from  1636  to  1662,  are  printed  in  CoHneclicut  Colonial  Records."^ 

The  contemporaneous  accounts  of  the  I'equot  War  have  already  been  mentioned 
under  "  Massachusetts."  What  relates  specially  to  Connecticut  is  largely  told  in  the 
Colonial  Records.  Mason's  narrative  is  by  far  the  best  of  the  original  accounts  which  have 
been  published.  The  dispute  with  Massachusetts  respecting  the  division  of  the  conquered 
territory  ;  the  allotments  of  the  same  to  the  soldiers ;  the  account  of  the  younger  Win- 
throp's  settlement  in  the  Pequot  country,  and  his  claim  to  the  Nehantick  country  by  an 
c.irly  gift  of  Sashions,  not  allowed  by  the  United  Colonies,  —  may  be  seen  in  the  records 
of  Massachusetts      d  Cannecticul,  and  in  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies.' 

The  account  of  the  settlement  of  New  Haven  by  emigrants  from  Masssachusetts  — 
indirectly  from  the  city  of  London,  —  in  1638;  of  their  purcha.ses  of  lands  from  the 
natives,  and  ot  the  formation  of  their  government,  —  church  and  civil,  —  may  be  seen  in 
Winthrop,"  and  in  Xew  Haven  Colonial  Records? 

The  Fundamental  Articles,  or  Original  Constitution,  of  the  Colony  of  New  Haven, 
June  4,  1639,  which  continued  in  force  till  1665,  was  printed  in  Trumbull's  History,  vol.  i., 
In  1797,  in  Appendix,  no.  iv.,  as  also  in  the  later  edivion,  and  in  the  Colonial  Records, 
i.  11-17,  in  which  volume  the  legislative  and  judicial  history  of  the  colony  is  recorded 
for  many  years.  The  orders  of  the  General  Court,  the  civil  and  criminal  trials  before 
the  Court  of  Magistrates,  with  the  evidence  spread  out  on  the  pages  of  the  record,  and 
the  sentences  following,  being,  in  criminal  cases,  based  on  the  Laws  of  Mo.ses,  furnish  an 
unpleasant  exhibition  ;  perhaps  not  more  so,  however,  than  other  primitive  colonies  would 
have  shown  if  their  record  of  crimes  had  been  as  well  preserved.  From  A|)ril,  1644,  to 
May,  (653,  the  Records  of  New  Haven  jurisdiction  are  lost. 

What  is  known  as  Governor  Eaton's  "  Code  of  Laws  was  sent  to  London  to  be  printed 
under  the  supervision  of  Governor  Hopkins,  who  had  returned  to  England  a  few  years 
before  ;  and  an  edition  of  five  hundred  copies  appeared  in  1656.  under  the  title  of  i\'ew 
Hu'i'en's  Settlini;  in  Xew  England,  etc.  The  code  was  first  reprinted  by  Mr.  Royal  R. 
Hinman,  n*  !iartford,  in  1838,  in  a  volume  entitled  The  Blue  Laws  0/ Xew  Haven  Colony, 


1  of  1818,  with 


ttlieii  the  confederation  of  the  colonies  was 
fiirmed,  —  then  of  course  in  the  possession  of 
Fcnwick;  and  in  1648  it  is  referred  to  as  hav- 
iiij5  l)een  recently  seen.  (Hazard,  ii.  120,  123.) 
A  transcript  of  this  patent  was  found  in  London 
l)y  John  Winthrop,  among  the  papers  of  Gover- 
niir  Hopkins,  who  died  there  in  1658.  See  Con- 
necticut  Colonial  Records,  pp.  268,  568,  573,  574. 

•  Vol.  i.  p.  306;  cf.  Trumbull,  i.  no;  Hutch- 
inson, i.  100,  101. 

••i  Vol.  i.  pp.  77-So,  509-563.  '-384-  The 
iwelve  Capital  Laws  of  the  Connecticut  Colony, 
otablished  in  1642,  were  taken  almost  literally 
fnini  the  Hody  of  Liberties  of  Massachusetts,  es- 
t.il)lishcd  in  1641.  The  preamble  to  the  code  of 
ifijO,  the  paragraph  following  it,  and  many,  if  not 
.ill,  of  the  laws  were  taken  from  the  Massachu- 
setts Book  of  Laws  published  in  1C49,  A  copy 
ol  the  constitution  of  1639  was  prefixed  to 
the  Code.  This  was  first  printed  in  a  small 
vilume  in  1822  at  Hartford,  by  Silas  Andrus, 
tilled  Tiw  Code  of  1650,  bciii);  a  Compitalioii  of 
tlh-  Eiirliist  Linvs  and  Orders  of  the  General  Court 
oj   Connecticut ;  cUo,  the   Constitution,  or  Ci'il 


Compact,  entered  into  and  adopted  l>y  the  To^vns 
of  Windsor,  Hartford, and  H'eathersfield,in  163S- 
39,  to  "which  is  added  some  Extracts  from  the 
Lau<s  end  Judicial  J'roceedini,'s  of  A'e^o  Haven 
Colony  commonly  called  Blue  Laxes.  There  was 
an  edition  at  Hartford  in  1S28,  1830,  1S3S,  from 
the  same  plates  ;  and  in  1S61  there  appeared  at 
Philadelphia  A  Collection  of  the  Earliest  Stat- 
utes, Edited  zoith  an  introduction,  by  Samuel  W. 
Smucker. 

"  Cf.  also  Trumbull,  i.  chap.  viii. ;  Caulkins, 
A\io  London,  pp.  27-50. 

■•  Vol.  i.  pp.  259,  260,  404,  405. 

^  Vol.  i.  I,  et  seq.;  cf.  Trumbull,  i.  chap.  vi. ; 
Hubbard,  chap.  xlii.  See  also  Davenport's  Dis- 
course  about  Civil  Government  in  a  Xe^v  Planta- 
tion, Cambridge,  1663,  probably  written  at  this 
early  period ;  Leonard  Bacon.  Thirteen  Historical 
Discourses,  New  Haven,  1839;  and  Professor 
J.  L.  Kingsley, ///j/or/Vi;//)/JC(>«rjt',  New  Haven, 
1S3S. 

"  [Of  Governor  Eaton,  the  first  governor  of 
New  Haven,  there  is  a  memoir  by  J.  B.  Moore 
in  2  X.  Y.  Hist.  Coll.,  ii.  467.  —  Eu.] 


'!  •) 


i*«r 


fi 


'7w'; 


372 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   IIISTURY   OF   AMKKICA. 


usually  calUtt  Hint  laws  of  CoHHtclUul,  Quaker  Laws  of  riymoniii  ami  MassachusfUi, 
etc.  J  and  ajjain.  in  1858,  at  ihc  tnci  of  the  second  volume  of  Xetu  Haven  Knonts,  from  a 
rare  copy  in  the  Libr;  r^  ->f  the  American  Antiquarian  Society.'     The  "Articles  of  Con 


'  A  copy  of  the  o  jtioii  is  also  in  the 

I.ibrarv  i.t  thr  lioMtim  A(hcn;v.'iun,  lu.t  <|iiilc  per- 
fect. Iwci  copies'  were  in  the  nale  ol  Mr.  Ilriii- 
lev's  lilirary  in  iS79,aiul  they  brought,  one  5,)'So, 
the  other,  not  pertecl,  5.}lo.  Dr.  J.  Ilannnond 
'rriinihiill.  III  his  learned  Introduction  to  his  edi- 
tion of  Tilt  Tnu-lUiu-  La-vs  of  CotiiKdkut  <iiii/ 
i\i7i'  llaveii,iinJ  Iht  I'iilic  BIik  Laws  InventiU  by 
the  Kiv.  Siiniiiil  /'<•/<;•.(, etc.,  Hartford,  1876,  says  : 
"Just  when  or  liy  whom  the  acts  and  proceedings 
of  New  liaven  I'olony  were  lirst  stigmatized 
as  nine  l.iiivs  cannot  now  l)e  ascertained.  The 
presumption,  however,  is  strong  that  the  name 
had  its  origin  in  New  York,  and  that  it  gained 
currency  in  Connecticut  .imong  Kpiscopalian  and 
other  dissenters  from  the  established  church, 
lictwccn  17JO  and  1750"  (p.  24).  He  thinks 
that  "blue  "  war  a  convenient  epithet  for  what- 
ever "in  colonial  laws  and  proceedings  looked 
over-strict,  or  (|uccr,  or  '  puritanic ' "  (pp.  24,  27). 

Mr.  I'etcrs,  of  course,  did  not  invent  the 
name.  I  le  says  of  these  laws :  "  They  consist  of 
a  vast  multitude,  .nul  were  very  properly  termed 
Hliii-  /,i;7i',r,  i.e.,  btooily  Itnos."  In  his  Ccmrnl 
History  of  Coniierliiiil,  London,  178 1,  I'eters 
gives  sonic  forty-f:vc  of  these  laws  as  a  sample  of 
the  whole,  "  denominated  hliw  Imos  by  the  ncigh- 
Ixjring  colonies,"  which  "were  never  suffered 
to  be  printed."  The  greater  part  of  these  prolv 
ably  never  had  an  existence  as  standing  laws  or 
otherwise.  The  archives  of  the  colony  fail  to 
reveal  such,  though  we  do  not  forget  that  the 
jurisdiction  records  for  nine  years  are  lost. 
I'eters'  laws  have  often  been  reprinted,  and  ap- 
pear in  Mr.  Trumbull's  volume  above  cited, 
along  with  authentic  documents  relating  to  the 
foundatitm  of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  colo- 
nies, already  referred  to  in  this  paper.  (See 
Peters'  Coninrtiiiit,  pp.  63,  66;  the  Xno-Eiig- 
hindi-r,  April,  187 1,  art.  "  Hlue  Laws;"  and 
Methodist  Quarterly  A'<77>r.i,  January,  1878.) 

It  might  I)e  inferred  from  the  conclusion  of 
the  titlepage  (cited  above)  of  the  small  volume 
published  by  Silas  .\ndrus,  at  Hartford,  in  1822, 
on  bluish  pa|)er,  bound  in  blue  covers,  with 
a  frontispiece  representing  a  constable  seizing 
a  tobacco  taker,  which  was  stereotyped  and 
subsequently  is.sued  at  different  dates,  that  the 
book  contained  the  Peters'  laws ;  but  what  re- 
lated to  New  ILaven  here  were  simply  extracts 
of  a  few  laws  and  court  orders  from  the  rec- 
ords. The  Hlue  Laws  of  Peters  were  rcjirinted 
by  J.  W.  Barber,  in  his  History  ami  Antiquities 
of  A'ero  Ha-en,  1S31,  with  a  note  in  which  the 
old  story  is  repeated,  that  the  term  blue  origi- 
nated from  the  color  of  the  paper  in  which  the 
(irst  printed  laws  were  stitched.    They  were  also 


printed  by  N!r.  Hinman,  forn-crly  Secretary  of 
the  State  of  Connecticut,  in  1S38,  in  a  volume 
already  citeil,  along  with  other  valuable  docu- 
ments relating  to  the  colony,  and  willi  what  he 
called  the  llliie  Laws  of  Virginia,  of  Harbadocs. 
of  Maryland,  New  York,  South  Carolina,  Massa- 
chiisetts,  and  Plymouth. 

Peters'  Conneituut  (1781)  is  now  a  scarie 
book.  The  copy  in  the  Menzies  sale,  no.  1,51^, 
brought  5125.  Cf.  liriiiley  Cataloi;ue,  no.  2,088, 
etc.  The  interest  in  this  apocrvphal  history  of 
Connecticut  and  in  Peters'  llliie  L.1WR  was  re- 
vived in  modern  times  bv  the  publication  in 
1839  of  a  new  cditicm  of  Peters'  History,  in 
l2mo.,  at  New  Haven,  with  a  preface  and  eighty- 
seven  pages  of  supplementary  notes.  The  anon- 
ymous editor  of  the  new  edition  was  .Sherman 
Croswcll,  son  of  the  Rev.  Harry  Croswell,  —  a 
recent  graduate  of  Yale  College,  who  furnished 
the  supplementary  notes.  Nearly  all  the  tvpe  of 
this  edition  was  set  by  the  late  Joel  Munsell, 
then  a  young  man  just  twenty-one  years  of  age. 
Mr.  Croswell  subse(|uently  went  to  Albany  as 
co-editor  with  his  cousin,  Kdwin  Croswell,  of 
the  Albany  Argus.  (Joel  Munsell,  Manuuripl 
Xote ;  f)ctober,  1871.)  Professor  Franklin  H 
Dexter,  of  Yale  College,  writes  me  under  date 
of  I'"eb.  20,  1883,  respecting  the  enterprise  of 
publishing  the  new  edition  of  Peters'  History: 
"  I  have  heard  that  the  publisher,  Dorus  Clarke, 
used  to  say  that  he  lost  52,000  by  the  public.i- 
tion.  Sherman  Croswell  w.as  a  young  lawyer 
then  living  here,  a  son  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  Harry 
Croswell,  and  brother  and  classmate  (Yale  Col- 
lege, 1822)  of  the  more  gifted  Rev.  William 
Croswell,  of  the  Church  of  the  Advent  in 
Boston.  Sherman  was  born  Nov.  10,  1802 ;  re- 
moved to  Albany  in  i83i,and  became  an  editor 
of  the  Argus  with  his  cousin,  Edwin  Croswell ; 
returned  to  New  Haven  in  1855,  and  died  here 
March  4,  1859.  I  have  repeatedly  heard  that  he 
edited  this  publication,  though  my  authority  has 
never  been  a  very  definite  one.  Munsell's  note  I 
should  not  hesitate  to  accept  as  far  as  this  fact 
is  concerned."  Munsell  inadvertently  cills  Sher- 
man Croswell  a  brother  of  Edwin.  A  spurious 
edition  of  this  bonk  was  published  in  New  York 
in  1S77,  edited  by  a  descendant  of  the  author, 
S.  J.  McCormick.  Cf.  Amer.  Autii/.  Soe.  /'roe., 
Oct.  22,  1877,  and  A'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geiieal.  Keg., 
1877,  p.  238. 

But  New  Haven  was  not  the  only  New  Eng- 
land colony  whose  laws  were  satirized  or  bur- 
lesqued by  those  who  did  not  .sympathize  with 
the  strict  ways  of  the  Puritan.  John  Jossclyn, 
who  visited  the  Massachusetts  Colony  twice,  in 
his  account   of  the  country  published  in  1674 


,  .    ■' 


NEW   KNliLAND. 


373 


federation"  of  the  I'nitcd  Colonien  i)f  if)43,  whone  record*  are  a  mine  of  history  in  them- 
!selvuH,  were  prefixed  to  this  code,  and  were  here  printed  lor  tlic  first  time.  'I'lie  Rtcords 
were  first  printed  l)y  Hazard  in  I7<>4.  '''""1  the  I'lymoutli  copy,  and  tliey  liavc  more  re- 
cently l)een  reprinted  l)y  the  State  of  Massachusetts  in  a  volume  of  the  I'lymoiilh  Recorils, 
Kacli  colony  had  a  copy  of  those  records,  liut  the  only  ones  preserved  are  tliosc  of  I'ly- 
mouth  and  of  Connecticut.  The  latter,  containinj;  some  entries  wanting  in  the  former,  are 
printed  at  tlie  end  of  vol.  Hi.  of  the  CoHnectUul  Colonial  Kaonis. 

The  Quakers  gave  little  disturbance  to  either  of  these  colonies.  While  the  people 
in  Connecticut  were  divided  with  the  "  Half-Way  Covenant "  controversy,  tlic  Qu.ikers, 
ill  July,  1656,  made  their  a|>pcarance  in  Itoston.  The  I'nited  Colonies  recommended  the 
several  jiirisdictiims  to  pass  laws  prohibiting  their  coming,  and  banishing  those  who 
should  come.  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  took  the  al.irm,  .ind  acted  upon  the  advice 
^iven.  New  Haven  subse(|uently  increased  the  penalties  at  first  prescril)ed,  yet  falling 
short  in  severity  of  the  legislation  of  Massachusetts.' 

The  territori.il  dis|)utes  of  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  with  the  Dutch  at  Man- 
hados,  which  l)egan  early  and  were  of  long  continuance,  find  abundant  illustration  in 
Trumbull's  History  of  Connecticut,  and  in  Brodhead's  History  of  Xcxv  Vork\  and  in  the 
documentary  history,  of  which  the  materials  were  procured  by  Brodhead,  but  arranged  by 
O'Callaghan.'' 

The  records  of  the  two  colonies  show  the  ample  provision  made  for  public  schools, 
and  indicate  a  project  entertained  by  New  Haven  as  early  as  1C48  to  found  a  college,  —  a 
scheme  not  cc^summated,  however,  till  a  later  i)eriod. 

The  Winthrop  charter  of  1662,  which  united  the  two  colonies,  is  in  Hazard,  ii.  597, 
taken  from  a  printed  volume  of  Charters,  l^ondon,  1766.  It  had  been  printed  at  New 
London  in  1750,  in  a  volume  of  Acts  and  Laws,  and  is  in  a  volume  by  Samuel  Lucas, 
London,  1850.  The  charter  bears  date  April  23,  1662.  In  an  almanac  of  John  Winthrop, 
the  younger,  for  the  year  ififia.  once  temporarily  in  my  possession,  and  now  belonging  to 
tlie  Hon.  Robert  C.  Winthrop,  I  noticed  this  manuscript  note  of  the  former  owner,  which 
I  copied  :  "  Tliis  day.  May  10,  in  the  afternoon,  the  Patent  for  Connecticut  was  sealed." 
The  orders,  instructions,  and  correspondence  relat'  to  the  procuring  of  this  charter 
are  printed  in  die  Colonial  RccoriL,  text  and  Apf)e.  dix,  and  in  Trumbull,  vol.  i.,  text 
and  Appendix.* 


professes  to  give  some  of  the  laws  of  that  colony. 
Some  of  those  cited  by  him  are  true,  and  some 
are  false.  Some  were  court  orders  or  sentences 
for  crimes.  One  is  similar  to  a  law  in  Peters' 
code  :  "  For  kissing  a  woman  in  the  street,  though 
ill  the  way  of  civil  salute,  whipping  or  a  fine  " 
(p.  17S).  Of  course  there  were  at  an  early  period 
in  the  colony  instances  of  ridiculous  punishments 
awarded  at  the  sole  discretion  of  the  magistrate, 
of  which  the  record  in  al.'  ca  les  may  not  be  pre- 
served, and  it  is  hazardous  to  deny,  for  that 
reason,  that  they  ever  took  place.  The  exist- 
ence of  standing  laws  arc  more  easily  ascer- 
tained. Josselyn  (p.  179)  refers  the  reader  to 
"  their  Laws  in  print."  During  his  second  visit 
to  Massachusetts  (1663-1671)  he  could  have 
seen  the  digest  of  1649,  and  that  of  1660.  C)f 
the  first  no  copy  is  now  extant,  but  the  Con- 
necticut code  of  1650,  first  printed  in  1822,  was 
Iierhaps  substantially  a  transcript  of  it.  3  Mass. 
Hist.  Colt.  viii.  214.  Josselyn  probablv  never 
examined  either  of  the  Massachusetts  digests. 

The  notorious  Edward  Ward  jmblishcd.  in 
1699  a  folio  of  sixteen  pages,  entitled  A   Trip 


to  A'eto  Engloml,  etc.  (Cartcr-Hrown,  ii.  1580.) 
A  large  part  of  it,  where  he  speaks  of  "  Boston 
and  the  Inhabitants,"  is  abusive  and  scandalous. 
Me  enlarges  upon  Josselyn  in  the  instance  cited, 
whose  book  he  had  seen.  Mr.  Drake  and  Dr. 
Shurtleff,  in  their  histories  of  Hoston,  both  (|uote 
from  it.  No  one  would  think  ol  believing  "  Xed 
Ward,"  the  editor  of  the  London  Sfy,  who  was 
sentenced  more  than  once  to  stand  in  the  pillory 
for  his  scurrility;  yet  for  all  this  he  jirobably 
was  as  truthful,  if  not  as  pious,  as  Parson  Peters 
of  a  later  generation. 

'  See  Trumbull,  i.  297  ;  New  Haven  Colonial 
Reeortts,  ii.  2 1 7,  238,  363;  Connecticut  Colonial 
Reconis,  ii.  2S3,  303,  308,  324. 

-  [See  chap.  x.  of  the  present  volume,  and 
chap.  ix.  of  Vol.  IV.— Ed.] 

'  See  also  Winthrop's  letter  in  Connecticut 
Historical  Society's  Collections,  i.  52,  and  Secre- 
tary Clarke's  in  .Vass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  xi.  344. 
The  earnest  protest  of  New  Haven  against  the 
union,  till  the  time  i'  really  took  place,  may  be 
seen  in  the  records  of  that  colony  from  1662  to 
1665. 


I.i'i 


>*^! 


374 


NAKKATIVK   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OK   AMtRICA. 


The   RcKtoralion  l)rnuKlit  Its  anxieties  an  well  m  Iih  hlesainx*.      The  story  of  thr 

shelter  afTordc-d  to  the  regicides  Whalley  and  Goffc,  by  New  Haven,  in  an  interesting 

^^/  episode.      Dr.  Stites's  volume,  A  Hiilory  of 

j/^  f     P  ^-^  Ml-  /'Ar/^  yWx«  Mncludin«  Colonel  Dlxweli 

f^         n»  An    ,  )tt£^  "/  '^'"'V  <->i'"^'*^  /•.  e«»^    (Hartlord,  17.M).  is  a 

'       \y  v.^  minute  collection  of  facts,  though  not  always 

carefully  weighed  and  analyzed.' 

{'^ )/0        / £  f  ^^^  Krarting  of  the  royal  charter  of  i66j, 

^"^y^Z^j-j  '  Qj/k-nnj^htL^  which   was    followed    next    year    by   that   t«) 

^^^^^^^C(/Ci/1i^ Wf^jH^^'^^^^  Rhode    Island,  brought  on  the   long  contro- 

^<C^„^fi^^  versy  with  that  colony  as  to  the  eastern  Imun* 

dary  of  Connecticut  ;    and  the  revival  of  the 

claim  of  the  heirs  of  the  Duke  of    Hamilton 

—  a  claim  more  ea.sily  di»p<)»c«l  of —  added  to 

the  annoyances.     The  pajxirs  relating  to  these 

contruver.sies  maybe  seen  in  the  t'ohnial  Rtc- 

onli  of  Connecticut,  ii.  526-554,  and  of  Rhode 

Island,  ii.  70-75.  128.^ 

After  the  union,  the  earliest  printed  Hook 
of  General  Laws  for  the  People  luilhin  the 
Juriuiiction  of  Conneiluiit  was  in  1673,  —  the 
code  establi.nhed  the  year  before.  It  w;i-> 
printed  at  Cambridge.' 

The  authorities  for  the  history  of  Philip's 

War  —  so  di!tasirous  to  Massachusetts,  I'lym- 

yf ^^P  .II.,   >  outh,    and     Khotle    Island,    but    from    which 

>^-V^'^^^    cy^ftijUyt^  "  Connecticut,"  .s.iys  Trumbull,  "had  suffered 

\^  r~>3'  nothing  in  comparison  with   her  sister  colo- 

'^*^-^^  nies"  —  have   already   been   given    under  the 

COLONIAL  SF.CRF.TARIES.*  head    of    "  Massachusetts."      Without    citing 

special  documents,  it  may  be  said  that  Trum- 
bull's History  of  Connecticut  and  Palfrey's  Xeui  Enf^laiut  furnish  abundant  authority 
from  this  time  down  to  the  conclusion  of  the  ;;overnment  of  New  England  under  Andros, 
and  the  narrative  of  eacli  may  be  referred  to  as  tilting,  ample,  and  trustworthy.  Trumbull's 
History,  as  an  original  authority,  may  well  compare  for  Connecticut  with  Hutchinson's 
History  ioT  Massachusetts.  The  first  volume  (1630-1713)  was  published  in  1797;  and, 
although  the  titlepage  to  it  reads  "Vol.  I.,"  the  author  says  in  the  Preface  to  vol.  ii., 
first  printed  in  1.S18  (1713-1764),  that  he  never  had  any  design  of  publishing  another 
volume.     The  first  volume  was  reprinted  in   1818  as  a  companion  to  vol.  ii.* 


'  .See  also  liutchinson,  i.  213-220;  the  lec- 
ture on  The  Ki\'iiiites  shillercJ  in  A\iu  England, 
Feb.  5,  1S69,  by  Dr.  Chandler  Robbins,  who 
used  the  new  materials  published  in  a  volume 
of  "  Mather  Papers "  in  4  Massachiisi-lts  His- 
loricil  Soiiely's  Collcclions.,  vol.  viii. ;  J.  \V. 
Harbcr's  History  anj  Antiijuities  i'/  .Wtc  Hnven, 
etc.,  1831. 

'^  C"f.  Trumbull,  History,  i.  524,  526,  362, 
363 ;  Arnold's  RhoJe  fsltiud,  vol.  i.,  passim  ; 
I'aifrcy,  A'eii)  Eni^UinJ,  vol.  ii.  [An  elaborate 
nioiiograjih  of  the  Boundary  Dispntcs  of  Con- 
nrrlhiit,  by  C.  \V.  Howen,  Itoston,  1S82,  covers 
the  original  claims  to  the  soil,  and  the  disputes 
with  Rhode  Island,  Massachusetts,  and  New 
York.      It   is  illustrated  with  the   Dutch  map 


of  1616,  an  Indian  map  of  1630,  and  variou!> 
others.  —  ICd.] 

»  Copies  arc  rare.  A  copy  sold  in  the  Brin- 
ley  sale  (no.  2,001)  for  $300.  Mr.  Hrinley  is- 
sued a  private  reprint  of  it,  following  this  copy, 
in  which  he  gave  a  fac-simile  of  the  title  and 
an  historical  introduction. 

■•  [These  secretaries  held  office  consccii- 
fivclv :  Steele,  1636-39;  Hopkins,  i63<;-40; 
Welis,  1640-48;  Cullick,  1648-58;  Clark,  165S- 
63;  Allyn,  1663-^5.  — Ed.) 

'  [Cf.  C.  K.  Adams's  Manual  of  Historical  Lit- 
erature, p.  552.  The  author  was  the  Rev.  Ben- 
jamin Trumbull,  D.D.  (b.  1735;  d.  1820).  The 
papers  of  Governor  Jonathan  Trumbull  (b.  1710; 
d.  1785),  bound  in  twenty-three  volumes,  are  in 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


I7S 


The  Ktionts  o(  Connectictit  (or  the  |irriod  cmbncecl  in  this  chapter  are  abundant,  and 
arr  admirably  i-diled.  with  rzpUiutor)  note*,  by  l>r.  j.  Ilammonil  Iriimliuii,  of  l(artf<)r<l, 
wlin  liait  done  ho  much  to  illustrate  the  history  o(  hit  Statu,  and  indued  ol'  Nuw  Kn^laiid.' 
I  mi>{lit  add  that  Dr.  Palfrey,  in  writinK  the  History  of  \tw  t'.Hj^lanii,  often  had  the 
benuttt  of  Dr.  Trumbull's  learning  in  illustrating;  many  obicure  jiointH  in  Connecticut 
history." 

Tliu  Xnv  llav*n  Ci>tonr  Rewrds  einl,  of  course,  with  the  absorption  of  that  colony 
by  Connecticut.  These  are  well  edited,  in  two  volumes  (I'l.i.S  to  ifi4<j,  and  |fi5J  to  I'/ij), 
with  abtinilant  illustrations  in  the  Appendix,  by  Charles  J.  Iluadly,  M.A.,  and  were  pu1>- 
lishud  at  Hartford  in  iH5;-$«. 

The  ColUitioHi  of  the  Connecticut  Historical  ScKiety  have  already  been  referred  to.* 

The  New  Haven  Colony  Historical  Society  is  a  separate  body,  devoted  to  preserving 
the  memorials  of  that  colony.      It  has  issued  three  volumes  of  Papers.* 

Amon>{  the  ((eneral  histories  of  Connecticut  was  one  by  Theodore  Dwij^ht,  Jr.,  in 
Harpur's  Family  Library,  t84o;  also  another  by  G.  H.  Ilollister,  2  vols.,  1855,  an'' 
eiil.irj;ed  in  1S57.  A  condensed  History  of  th*  Colony  of  A'tio  Haven,  bifort  and 
after  the  Cnion,  by  E.  R.  Lambert,  wu  published  at  New  Haven  in  1838;  and  a 
more  extensive  History  of  the  Colony  of  Xew  Ha-.'en  to  its  Absorptinn  into  Con- 
necticut, by  K.  E.  Atwater,  was  published  in  New  Haven  in  1881.'  There  are  some 
town  histories  which,  for  the  early  period,  have  almost  the  character  of  histories  of 
tiie  State,  —  like  Caulkins's  Atfrmr/IA  (originally  1845:  enlarged  1866,  and  a^ain  in 
1874)  and  New  LohJoh  (1852):  Orcutt  and  Headsley's  Derby  (1642-1880);  William 
t'othren's  Ancient  W'ootlbnry,  3  vols.,  publishe<l  in  1854-79;  H.  R.  Stiles's  Ancient 
Windsor,  2  vols.,  1859-63.  Barber's  ConnettiiUt  /listorical  Collections  is  a  convenient 
manual  for  ready  reference.* 


'^ 


H 


:  II 


{O,  and  various 


tlic  lil>rary  of  the  Mx<tsachu«ctts  Historical  So- 
titty  ;  and  the  writer  of  the  prnent  chapter  is 
tlic  ch.iirman  of  .1  commuice  preparing  ihcm  for 
piil)lication.  Their  chief  importance,  however, 
is  for  the  Kcvoliitionary  period.  The  papers 
were  procured  in  1795,  by  I>r.  Belknap,  from  the 
f.iiiiily  of  the  Governor.  f>ne  volume  (iglhl  was 
l>nrni'(l  in  1825.  .\f,iss.  Hist.  Sat.  /Var,  L  85,  393. 
-Kl.) 

'  [Dr.  Trumbull's  labors  ceased,  with  the 
second  voUim''  .tftcr  the  union:  when,  beginning 
with  1689,  the  editorial  charge  was  taken  by 
Mr.  Moadly.— El>.| 

■•'  Reference  may  here  be  made  to  a  valuable 
note  on  the  .illcged  incident,  as  related  by  Dr. 
Iteiijamin  Trumbull  in  1797,  which  has  for  so 
many  years  invested  "The  Charter  Oak  "with 
so  much  interest.  See  Palfrey,  iii.  54J-544. 
Vol.  iii.  of  the  Colonial  Kaordi  contains  a  val- 
ual>lc  official  correspondence  relating  to  this 
period,  and  also  the  "  Ijws  enacted  by  Gov- 
ernor .Xndros  and  his  Council,"  for  the  colony, 
in  ifxS7. 

"  The  first  volume  (i860)  has  reprints  of 
Gcrshom  lUilkeley's  The  PettpUs  Right  to  Eiee- 
lion  .  .  .  itrgiiej,  etc..  1869,  following  a  rare  tract 
of  Mr.  Brinley  on  Tieir  Ma/ettiej'  Ci4<mr  of  Con- 
lU'iticuf  in  Xtiv  England  Cindiaittd,  1694.  A 
second  volume  of  CoHectioHS  was  i*soed  in  1870. 

*  [The  first,  in  1865,  contained  a  history  of 
the  colony,  by  Henry  White;  an  essay  on  its 


civil  government,  by  Leonard  Bacon ;  and  others 
on  the  currency  of  the  colony,  etc.  In  the  sec- 
ond is  a  valuable  sketch  of  the  life  and  writings 
of  Davcnjiort,  by  V.  II.  Dexicr,  and  some  notes 
on  (joffe  and  Whalley  from  the  same  source. 
The  third  includes  J.  K.  Trowbridge,  Jr.,  i>n 
"The  Ancient  Maritime  Interests  of  New  Ha- 
ven ;  "  Dr.  Henry  Hronson  on  "  The  early  (iov- 
ernmcnt  of  Connecticut  and  the  Constitution  of 
1639;"  ami  V.  H.  De.xtcron  "The  Karly  Rela- 
tions Iietwecn  New  Ncthcrlaiul  and  New  Eng- 
land."—  El>.) 

*  It  has  a  map  of  New  Haven  in  ifi4i. 

•  [There  is  no  considerable  C"onnccticut  bib- 
liography of  local  history ;  and  F.  It.  Perkins's 
ChecklJst  of  Ameriiiin  Local  History  must  l)e 
chiefly  depended  on  ;  but  the  Brinley  Ciiliih\'iif, 
nos.  2,001-2.340,  is  very  rich  in  this  department. 
So  also  is  S.nbin's  Dictionnry,  iv.  395,  etc.,  for 
official  and  anonymous  publications.  There  are 
various  miscellaneous  references  in  Poole's  In- 
dex, p.  292.  E.  H.  Ciillctt  has  a  long  paper  on 
"Civil  Liberty  in  Connecticut  "  in  the  Historidd 
Mai^iizine,  July,  1S68.  Mr.  R.  R,  llinman's  Early 
Puritan  Settlers  of  Connecticut  was  first  Lssued  in 
1S46-4S  (366  pages),  and  reissued  (884  pages)  in 
1852-56.  Cf.  .\'.  E.  Hist,  and  Gcncal.  Ret;.,  1870, 
p.  84.  Savage's  Cenealxical  Dictionary  of  the 
First  Settlers  of  Ne^v  E>if;land,  however,  is  the 
chief  source  of  genealogical  information  for 
the  earliest  comers.  — Ed.] 


'i    ';  '■> 


376 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Rhode  Island.*  —  The  first  published  history  of  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island  and 
Providence  Plantations  was  an  Historical  Discourse,  delivered  at  Newport  in  1738,  on  the 
centennial  of  the  settlement  of  Aquedneck,  by  John  Callender,  minister  of  that  place,  and 
printed  at  Boston  the  next  year.- 

Twenty-seven  years  afterward,  —  that  is,  in  1765,  —  there  appeared  in  seven  numbers 
of  a  newspaper  (the  Providence  Gazette),  from  January  12  to  March  30,  "An  Historical 
Account  of  the  Planting  and  Growth  of  Providence."  This  sketch,  written  by  the  ven- 
erable Stephen  Hopkins,  then  governor  of  the  State,  interrupted  by  the  disastrous  occur- 
rences of  the  times,  comes  down  only  to  1645,  and  remains  a  fragment.' 

A  Gazeteer  of  the  States  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island,  with  maps  of  each  State, 
was  published  at  Hartford  in  18 19,  in  8vo,  compiled  by  John  C.  Pease  and  John  M.  Niles. 
It  furnished  for  the  time  a  large  amount  of  statistical  and  historical  material.  The  work 
gives  a  geographical  sketch  of  each  county,  with  details  of  each  town,  and  "  embraces 
notices  of  population,  business,  etc.,  together  with  biographical  sketches  of  eminent  men." 

"  Memoirs  of  Rhode  Isla.id "  were  written  by  the  Kite  Henry  Bull,  of  Newport,  in 
1832,  and  published  in  the  Rhode  Island  Republican  {news^A^r)  of  that  year.*  A  Dis- 
course embracing  the  Civil  and  Religious  History  (f  Rhode  Island,  delivered  at  Newport, 
April  4,  1838,  by  Arthur  A.  Ross,  pastor  of  a  Baptist  church  at  Newport,  was  published 
at  Providence  in  the  same  year,  and  is  full  on  the  history  of  Newport. 

In  1853  there  was  published  in  New  York  an  octavo  volume  of  370  pages,  entitled 
History  of  Rhode  Island,  by  the  Rev.  Edward  Peterson.  "  This  book  abounds  in  errors, 
and  is  of  no  historical  value.  It  is  not  a  continuous  history,  but  is  made  up  of  scraps, 
without  chronological  arrangement."  * 

In  1859  '^"'^  '8*^  was  published  the  History  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  and  Prov- 
idence Plantations,  by  Samuel  Greene  Arnold,  in  two  volumes,*  —  a  work  honorable  alike 
to  its  author  and  to  the  State.  While  Mr.  Arnold  was  writing  this  history.  Dr.  Palfrey 
was  engaged  upon  his  masterly  History  of  New  England.  These  writers  differed  some- 
what in  their  interpretation  of  historical  events  and  in  their  estimate  of  historic.il 
personages,  and  the  student  of  New  England  history  should  read  them  both.  The 
value  of  these  works  consists  not  only  in  the  text  or  narrative  parts,  but  also  in  the  notes, 
which  for  the  student,  particularly  in  Dr.  Palfrey's  book,  contain  valuable  information,  in 
a  small  compass,  upon  the  authorities  on  which  the  narrative  rests. 

The  late  George  Washington  Greene  prepared  A  Short  History  of  Rhode  Island,  pub- 
lished in  1877,  in  348  pages,  which  formed  an  excellent  compendium,  much  needed.  It  is 
compiled  largely  from  Mr.  Arnold's  work. 

"  The  Early  History  of  Narragansett,"  by  Elisha  R.  Potter,  was  published  as  vol.  iii. 
of  the  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  in  1835.  It  is  a  valuable  collection  of  events,  arranged  in 
chronological  order,  and  illustrated  by  original  documents  in  an  appendix. 


1  The  offici.il  name  of  this  State  since  1663 
is  "  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations." 
The  Island  of  "  Aquedneck,"  its  Indi.in  name, 
spelled  in  various  ways,  was  so  called  till  1644, 
when  the  Court  ordered  that  henceforth  it  he 
"called  the  Isle  of  Rhodes,  or  Rhode  Isl.and." 
It  is  said  that  Block,  the  Dutch  navigator,  in 
1614,  gave  the  island  the  name  of  "  Koodt 
Eylandt,"  from  the  prevalence  of  red  clay  in 
some  portions  of  its  shores.  There  are  tradi- 
tions connecting  the  name  with  Verrazano  and 
the  Isle  of  Rhodes  in  Asia  Minor,  which  require 
no  further  mention.  Sec  Arnold's  Rhode  Ishtui, 
i.  70;  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Rirords,  i.  IJ7; 
Verrazano  in  2  N.  V.  Hist.  Coll.,  i.  46 ;  lirod- 
hcad's  N'nv  York,  i.  57,  58 ;   Amer.  Antiq.  Soc. 


Proc,  i.  367  ;  J.  G.  Kohl,  in  Magazine  of  Amer- 
ican History,  February,  1883. 

'^  In  183S  it  was  republished  as  vol.  iv.  of 
Rhode  Island  Historical  Society's  Collections,  qA- 
ited  by  Professor  Romeo  Elton,  with  notes,  and  a 
memoir  of  the  author,  and  reissued  in  Boston  in 
1843;  cf-  Carter-iinru'ii  Cataloi;ue,  iii.  600. 

"  It  was  reprinted  in  2  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  i.\. 
166-203.    It  is  called  "  inaccurate  "  by  Bancroft. 

<  Cited  by  S.  CJ.  Arnold,  History  0/  Rhode 
Island,  i.  1 24. 

'"  Bartlett's  Bibliography  of  Rhode  Island,  p. 
204. 

"  [A  second  edition  was  published  in  1S74; 
cf.  C.  K.  Adams's  Manual  of  Historical  Liter- 
ature, ]).  552.  —  Ed.] 


:a. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


377 


le  Island  and 
n  1738,  on  the 
hat  place,  and 

even  numbers 
An  Historical 
:n  by  the  ven- 
astrous  occur- 

of  each  State, 
ohn  M.  Niles. 
al.  The  work 
nd  "embraces 
minent  men." 
f  Newport,  in 
^rear.*  A  Dis- 
d  at  Newport, 
was  published 

pages,  entitled 
unds  in  errors, 
e  up  of  scraps, 

ind  and  Prov- 
honorable  alike 
ry.  Dr.  Palfrey 
differed  some- 
e  of  historical 
1  both.  The 
50  in  the  notes, 
information,  in 

ie  Island,  pub- 
needed.     It  is 

hed  as  vol.  iii. 
ts,  arranged  in 


i'iji/«('  (/  Anur- 

A  .IS  vol.  iv.  of 
s  Collections,  cd- 
ith  notes,  and  a 
led  in  Boston  in 
•,  iii.  600. 
(.  llisl.  Coll.,  ix. 
■  "  l)v  Bancroft. 
'istory  of  Rhode 

\hode  Islaiui.  p. 

Wished  in  1S74; 
\Iistorical  Liter- 


"The  Annals  of  the  Town  of  Providence  from  its  First  Settlement,"  etc.,  to  the  year 
1 832,  by  William  R.  Staples,  was  published,  in  1834,  .is  vol.  v.  of  the  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll. 
The  author  says  that  the  work  does  not  assume  to  be  a  "  history ;  "  but  it  is  a  valuable 
and  authentic  record  of  events  from  the  time  of  Roger  Williams's  settlement  on  the  banks 
of  the  Moosh.iusic,  in  1636,  to  the  year  1832.  illustr.ited  by  original  documents,  the  whole 
making  670  p.iges. 

I  ought  not  to  omit  the  mention  of  several  addresses  and  discviurses  delivered  before 
the  Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  some  of  which  h.ave  considerable  historical  interest,  as 
illustrating  the  principles  on  which  it  is  claimed  that  Rhode  Island  Wiis  founded.  Special 
mention  may  be  made  of  the  Discourse  of  Judge  Pitman,  that  of  Chief  Justice  Dutfee, 
.iiul  tliat  of  the  late  Z.ichariah  Allen.* 

As  Roger  Williams  is  properly  held  to  be  the  founder  of  the  State  of  Rhode  Island; 
,-ind  as  many  of  his  writings  had  become  quite  rare,  a  society  was  formed  in  1865,  called 
the  "  Narr.igansett  Club,"  for  the  purpose  of  republishing  all  his  known  writings.  Vol.  i., 
containing  Williams's  Key  to  the  Indian  Languages  of  Ameriia,  editeil  by  Dr.  J.  Ham- 
mond Trumbull,'^  was  issued  in  1866;  and  vol.  vi.,  the  concluding  volume,  in  which  are 
collected  all  the  known  letters  of  Williams,  in  1874.  The  volumes  were  published  in 
quarto  form,  in  antique  style,  and  edited  by  well-known  historical  scholars,  and  .ire  a 
valuable  contribution  to  the  personal  history  of  Roger  Williams  and  to  the  history  of 
the  controversy  on  religious  liberty,  of  which  he  was  the  great  advocate.* 

The  earliest  publication  of  any  of  Williams's  letters  w.is  by  Isaac  Backus,  in  his 
History  of  New  England,  etc.,  1777,  1784,  1796,  in  three  volumes,  written  with  particular 
reference  to  the  Baptists.  It  treats  largely  of  Rhode  Island  history,  and  is  a  most 
authentic  work.^ 

A  series  of  Rhode  Island  Historical  Tracts,  beginning  in  1878,  has  been  issued  by 
Sidney  S.  Rider,  of  Providence,  each  being  a  monograph  on  some  subject  of  Rhode 
Island  history.  No.  4,  on  William  Coddington  in  Rhode  Island  Colonial  Affairs,  is  an 
unfavorable  criticism  on  the  conduct  of  Coddington  in  the  episode  known  as  "  the  Usur- 
pation," by  Dr.  Henry  E.  Turner.^  No.  15,  issued  in  1882,  is  a  tract  of  267  pages,  on 
The  Planting  and  Growth  of  Pro^ndence,  by  Henry  C.  Dorr.  It  is  a  valuable  monograph, 
and  would  have  been  more  valuable  if  authorities  had  been  more  freely  cited. 

One  valuable  source  of  the  history  of  Rhode  Island  is  the  Records  of  the  colony,  and 
these  have  been  made  available  for  use  by  publication,  under  the  efficient  editorship  of  the 
Hon.  John  Russell  Bartlett,  for  a  number  of  years  Secretary  of  State.  To  make  up 
for  the  meagreness  of  the  records  in  some  places,  the  editor  has  introduced  from  exterior 
sources  many  official  papers,  which  make  good  the  deficiencies  and  abundantly  illustrate 
the  iiistory  of  the  times.  The  first  volume  was  issued  in  1856,  and  begins  with  the  "  Rec- 
ords of  the  Settlements  at  Providence,  Portsmouth,  Newport,  and  Warwick,  from  their 
commencement  to  their  union  under  the  Colony  Charter,  1636  to  1647." 

The  early  history  of  Providence  is  so  intimately  interwoven  with  the  life  of  its  founder, 
that  some  of  the  excellent  memoirs  of  Roger  Williams  may  be  read  with  profit  as  histor- 


'  John  Pitman's  Discourse  was  delivered  in 
.'Viijiust,  1S36;  Job  Diirfce's  in  January,  1847; 
.md  Zachariah  Allen's  in  April,  1876 ;  and  an- 
ntlicr,  by  Mr.  .Mien,  on  "  The  Founding  of  Rhode 
Island,"' ii;  iSSl. 

-  The  original  edition  of  the  Key  was  issued 
in  London  in  1643.  Brinlty  Catalot^iie,  no.  2,^^. 
It  is  also  reprinted  in  the  K.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll., 
vol.  i.     See  an  earlier  p.age  under  "  Massachu- 

S(.llS." 

■■  It  w.is  .It  first  intended  to  republish  also 

Miili  of    the  writings  of   John  Cotton,  George 

l''o.\,  and  John  Clarke  .is  were  connected  with 

Koj;or  Williams,  to  be  followed  by  the  writings 

VOL.    III. — 48. 


of  Samuel  tiorton  and  Governor  Coddington; 
but  with  the  exception  of  two  pieces  by  Cotton, 
edited  l)v  R.  -V.  Guild,  the  publications  of  the  Club 
have  been  limited  to  the  writings  of  Williams. 

*  He  published  an  abridgment  in  1S04,  which 
was  reprinted  in  PhiUulelphia,  in  1844,  with 
a  nicinoir  of  the  autho--,  under  the  title  of 
Church  History  of  A't-w  Fnx^ltuij,  from  1620 
to  1S04.  Backus  w.is  bom  in  1724,  and  died 
in  1806. 

I*  [Dr.  Turner  also  read  a  paper  —  Settlers  of 
Aqtieiiticck  nnd  Liberty  of  Conscience  — before  the 
Historical  .Society,  in  February,  1S80,  which  w.is 
published  at  Newport  the  same  year. —  Fd.J 


■• 


378 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ical  works.  A  Memoir  of  Williams,  by  Professor  James  D.  Knowles,  was  published  in 
1834,  and  is  a  minute  and  conscientious  biography  of  the  man;  but  it  is  written  with 
a  strong  bias  in  favor  of  Williams  where  he  comes  in  collision  with  the  authorities  of 
Massachusetts. 

A  very  pleasant  memoir  of  Williams,  by  Professor  William  Gammell,  based  on  that 
of  Knowles,  was  published  in  1845,  •'^  Sparks's  American  Biography,  reissued  the  next 
year  in  a  volume  by  itself.  This  memoir  was  followed  in  1852  by  A  Life  of  Roger 
Williams,  by  Professor  Romeo  Elton,  published  in  England,  where  the  author  tlien 
lived,  and  in  Providence  the  next  year.  This  is  largely  based  on  Knowles's  memoir, 
but  contains  some  new  matter,  notably  the  Sadlier  Correspondence. 

The  original  authorities  for  Williams's  career  in  Massachusetts  and  Plymouth  are 
Winthrop  and  Bradford  and  the  controversial  tracts  of  Cotton  and  Williams,  from  whicii 
bits  of  history  may  be  culled.  For  a  full  presentation  and  discussion  of  the  facts  and 
principles  involved  in  Williams's  banishment  from  Massachusetts,  and  his  alleged  ofTence 
to  the  authorities  there,  see  the  late  Professor  Diman's  Editorial  Preface  to  Cotton's 
Reply  to  Williams,  in  the  second  volume  of  the  Narragansett  Club,  above  cited ;  Dr. 
George  E.  Ellis's  Lecture  on  "The  Treatment  of  Intruders  and  Dissentients  by  the 
Founders  of  Massachusetts,"  in  Lowell  Lectures.  Boston.  Jan.  12,  1869;  Dr.  Henry 
Martyn  Dexter's  As  to  Roger  Williams,  etc.,  Boston,  1876;!  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  for 
February,  1873,  PP-  34i~3S8  ;  North  American  Review  for  January,  1858,  art.  xiii.  p.  673. 

In  Dr.  John  Clarke's  III  News  from  New  England,  London,  1653,'  being  a  personal 
narrative  of  the  treatment,  the  year  before,  by  the  authorities  of  the  Bay  Colony,  of  Oba- 
diah  Holmes,  John  Crandall,  and  John  Clarke,  and  an  account  of  the  laws  and  ecclesi- 
astical polity  of  that  colony,  is  a  brief  account  of  the  settlement  of  Providence  and  of 
the  island  of  Rhode  Island. 

An  important  episode  in  the  early  history  of  Rhode  Island  was  the  career  of  Samuel 
Gorton,  who  settled  the  town  of  Warwick.  I  have  already  mentioned,  under  the  head 
of  Massachusetts,  the  original  books  in  which  the  story  for  and  against  him  is  told, — 
Simplicitic's  Defence,  written  by  Gorton,  and  Hypocracie  Unmasked,  by  Edward  Winslow. 
The  former  was  republished  in  the  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vol.  ii.,in  1835,  edited  by  W.  R. 
Staples,  with  a  preface,  notes,  and  appendix  of  original  papers.  Winslow's  book,  now 
very  rare,  has  never  been  reprinted.  A  "  Life  of  Samuel  Gorton,"  by  John  M.  Mackie, 
was  published  in  1845  in  Sparks's  American  Biography.  After  Nathaniel  Morton  pub- 
lished his  New  England's  Memorial,  in  1669,  containing  some  reflections  on  Gorton,  the 
latter  wrote  a  letter  to  Morton,  dated  "  Warwick,  June  30,  1669,"  in  his  own  defence. 
Hutchinson  had  the  letter,  and  printed  an  abridgment  of  it  in  the  Appendix  to  his  first 


■  '»i 


*  [Dr.  Dexter  a  few  years  since  recovered 
a  lost  tract  by  Williams,  C/irislciiiii^^s  make  not 
Christians,  1645,  which  he  found  in  the  British 
Museum,  and  edited  for  Kidur's  Historical  Tracts, 
no.  14,  in  1881,  adding  cert.iin  of  Williams's  let- 
ters. Willi.ims's  letter  to  George  Fo.x,  1672,  in 
his  controversy  with  the  Quakers,  is  printed  in 
the  Historical  Magazine,  ii.  56.  —  El).] 

^  [Sabin's  Dictionary,  iv.  ro6;  .)/cnzies  Cata- 
Iqi^iic,  no.  392;  Carter-ffnKon  Catalogue,  vol.  ii. 
no.  729.  It  was  reprinted  in  4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  ii. 
pp.  1-113.  Thoms-s.  Cohh^tVs,  Civil  Mafiistratcs' 
Po7vcr  in  Afatters  of  Religion  tnodcstly  debated, 
London,  1653,  was  in  part  an  answer  to  this 
"  slanderous  ijamjihlet  "  (Prince  Catalogue,  no. 
97-54).  The  character  of  Clarke  and  the  influ- 
ence of  his  mission  to  England,  wherein  he 
procured  the  revocation  of  William  Codding- 
ton's  commission  as  governor,  gave  rise  to  a  con- 


troversy between  George  Bancroft  and  Josi.ih 
Quincy  in  relation  to  the  misapprehension  uf 
Grahame  on  the  subject  in  his  History  of  the 
United  States ;  cf.  Historical  Magazine,  August, 
1865  (i.\.  233),  and  the  references  noted  in  the 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  ii.  339.  Coddington  (uf 
whom  there  is  an  alleged  portrait  in  the  Council 
Chamber  at  Newport,  — JV.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal. 
Reg.,  1873,  p.  241 )  also  had  his  controversy  with 
the  M.issachusetts  authorities,  and  his  side  of 
the  question  is  given  in  his  Demonstration  of 
True  Loi'e  unto  .  .  .  the  rulers  of  the  Massachusetts, 
.  .  .  by  one  7i<ho  was  once  in  authority  with  them, 
but  always  testified  against  their  persecuting  spirit, 
which  was  printed  in  1674.  Menzies  Catalogue, 
no.  422  (S36) ;  Carter-Brmvn  Catalogue,  vol.  ii. 
no.  1,101.  See  Magazine  of  American  History, 
iii.  642;  A'.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  Ii\ix'\\ 
1882,  p.  138.  — Ed.] 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


379 


published  in 
i  written  with 
authorities  of 

jased  on  that 
iued  the  next 
Life  of  Roi;cr 
;  author  then 
'les's  memoir, 

Plymouth  are 
IS,  from  whicii 

the  facts  and 
dleged  offence 
:e  to  Cotton's 
ve  cited  ;  Dr. 
itients  by  the 
i;  Dr.  Henry 
Soc.  Proc,  for 
rt.  xiii.  p.  673. 
ing  a  personal 
olony,  of  Oba- 
irs  and  ecclesi- 
ndence  and  of 

reer  of  Samuel 
nder  the  head 
him  is  told,  — 

t'ard  Winslow. 
ited  by  W.  R. 
s  book,  now 
M.  Mackie, 
Morton  pub- 
on  Gorton,  the 
own  defence, 
iix  to  his  first 

roft  and  Josiali 
pprehension  of 

History  of  tlu- 
igazine,  August, 
:s  noted  in  the 
Coddingtoii  (uf 

in  the  Council 
list,  and  Cental, 
:ontrovcrsy  with 
ind  his  side  of 
)emonstiation  of 
he  Massaclntsells, 
irity  with  tliem, 
crseaitin^i;  spirit, 
nzies  Cata/oi^iie, 
jtalogue,  vol.  ii. 
urican  History, 
111.  Reg.,   April, 


volume.  Some  forty  years  ago  or  less,  the  original  letter  came  into  the  possession  of  the 
late  Edward  A.  Crowninshield,  of  Boston,  and  he  allowed  Peter  Force  to  print  it,  and  it 
appears  entire  in  vol.  iv.  of  Force's  Historical  Tracts,  1846. 

The  early  settlers  of  Rhode  I.sland  had  no  patent-claim  to  lands  on  which  they  planted. 
The  consent  of  the  natives  only  was  obtained.  Williams's  deed,  so  called,  from  the 
Indians,  may  be  seen  in  vols.  iv.  and  v.  R.  I,  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.;  and  that  to  Coddington  and 
his  friends,  of  Aquedneck,  is  also  in  the  Appendix  to  vol.  iv.  The  parchment  charter 
which  Williams  obtained  from  the  Parliamentary  Commissioners,  dated  March  14,  1643,  is 
lost,  but  it  had  been  copied  several  times,  and  is  printed  in  vols,  ii.,  iii.,  and  iv.,  R.  I.  Hist, 
Soc.  Coll.  Some  copies  are  dated  erroneously  March  17.  See  Arnold's  Rhode  Island, 
i.  1 14,  note. 

For  a  discussion  of  the  "  Narragansett  Patent,"  so  called,  issued  to  Massachusetts, 
dated  Dec.  10,  1643,  see  Arnold,  i.  118-120;  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc.  for  February,  1862, 
pp.  401-406;  and  June,  1862,  pp.  41-77.^ 

The  original  charter  of  Charles  II.,  dated  July  8,  1663,  is  extant.  It  was  first  printed 
as  prefixed  to  the  earliest  digest  of  laws  (Boston,  1719),  and  has  been  often  reprinted. 

The  incorporation  of  Providence  plantations  under  the  charter  of  1643  44  was  delayed 
for  several  years,  and  took  place  in  1647,  when  a  code  of  laws  was  adopted.  This  code  was 
first  printed  in  1847,  edited  by  Judge  William  R.  Staples,  in  a  volume  entitled  The  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  First  General  Assembly  of  "  the  Incorporation  of  Providence  Plantations" 
and  the  Code  of  Laws  adopted  by  that  Assembly  in  1647,  -with  Notes,  Historical  and 
Explanatory  (64  pages).  The  original  manuscript  of  these  laws  is  in  a  volume  of  the 
early  records  in  the  Secretary  of  State's  office. 

The  earliest  printed  digest  uf  laws,  entitled  Acts  and  Laws,  was  in  1719,  — printed  at 
Boston  "for  John  Allen  and  Nicholas  Boone."*  In  this,  the  following  clause  appears 
as  part  of  a  law  purporting  to  have  been  enacted  in  March,  1663-64 :  "  And  that  all  men 
professing  Christianity,  and  of  competent  estates  and  of  civil  conversation,  who  acknowl- 
edge and  are  obedient  to  the  civil  magistrate,  though  of  different  judgments  in  religious 
affairs  (^Roman  Catholics  only  excepted),  shall  be  admitted  freemen,  and  shall  have  liberty 
to  choose  and  be  chosen  officers  in  the  colony,  both  military  and  civil."  This  same  clause 
appears  in  the  four  following  printed  digests  named  above,  and  it  remained  a  law  of  the 
colony  till  February,  1783,  when  the  General  Assembly  formally  repealed  so  much  of  it  as 
related  to  Roman  Catholics.  Rhode  Island  writers  consider  it  a  serious  reflection  upon 
the  character  of  the  founders  of  the  colony  to  assert  that  this  clause  was  enacted  at  the 
time  indicated;  and  one  writer  (Judge  Eddy,  in  Walsh's  Appeal,  2d  ed..  p.  433)  thinks  it 
possible  that  the  clause  was  inserted  in  a  manuscript  copy  of  the  laws  sent  over  to  Eng- 
land in  1699,  without,  of  course,  being  enacted  into  a  law.  The  clause,  it  is  said,  does  not 
e.vist  in  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  the  colony,  and  is  not  in  the  manuscript  digest  of 
1708,  though  Mr.  Arnold,  History,  ii.  492,  inadvertently  says  it  is  there.  If  the  clause 
was  originally  smuggled  in  among  the  statutes  of  Rnode  Island  at  a  later  period  than 
the  date  assigned  to  it  (see  R.  I.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  1872-73,  p.  64),  it  was  five  times  for- 
mally re-enacted  when  the  several  digests  named  above  were  submitted  by  their  revising 
committees,  and  passed  the  General  Assembly  ;  and  it  remained  a  law  till  1783. 

In  1762,  two  persons  professing  the  Jewish  religion  petitioned  the  Superior  "'urt  of 
the  colony  to  be  made  citizens.  Their  prayer  was  rejected.  The  concluding  pai ,  ->i  the 
opinion  of  the  court  is  as  follows :  "  Further,  by  the  charter  granted  to  this  jolony  it 
appears  that  the  free  and  quiet  enjoyment  of  the  Christian  religion  and  a  desire  of 
propagating  the  same  were  the  principal  views  with  which  this  colony  was  settled,  and  by 


y^i 


'  [A  copy  of  the  charter  is  in  the  Massachu- 
setts Archives  (Miscellaneous,  i.  135),  and  it  is 
printed  in  the  N.  E.  Hist.  andCeneal.  Keg,,  1857, 
p.  41.  The  discussion  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 
J'roc,  was  by  Mr.  Deane  and  Colonel  Thomas 


Aspinwall.  The  latter's  contribution  was  also 
issued  in  Providence  (2d  ed.)  in  1S65,  as  Remarks 
on  the  A'arragansett  Patent,  —  En.] 

2  Other  digests  followed  in  1730,  1745,  1752, 
and  1767. 


•Ir     1 
1     t 


380 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


'i 


a  law  made  and  passed  in  the  year  1663,  no  person  who  does  not  profess  the  Christian 
religion  can  be  admitted  free  of  this  colony.  This  Court,  therefore,  unanimously  dismiss 
this  petition,  as  wholly  inconsistent  with  the  first  principles  upon  which  the  colony  was 
founded  and  a  law  of  the  same  now  in  force  "  (Arnold,  History,  ii.  492-495).  Arnold  says 
that  previous  to  this  decision  several  Jews  and  Roman  Catholics  had  been  naturalized  as 
citizens  by  special  acts  of  the  General  Assembly. 

Has  there  not  been  a  misapprehension  as  to  the  bearing  of  this  law  or  clause  dis- 
franchising or  refusing  to  admit  to  the  franchise  Roman  Catholics  and  persons  not  Chris- 
tians, and  as  to  Roger  Williams's  doctrine  of  religious  liberty?  The  charter  of  Rhode 
Island  declared  that  no  one  should  be  ''molested  ...  or  called  in  question  for  any 
differences  of  opinion  in  matters  of  religion."  The  law  in  question  does  not  relate  to 
religious  liberty,  but  to  the  franchise.  Rhode  Island  has  always  granted  liberty  to  persons 
of  every  religious  opinion,  but  has  placed  a  hedge  about  the  franchise ;  and  this  clause 
does  it.  Was  it  not  natural  for  the  founders  of  Rhode  Island  to  keep  the  government  in 
the  hands  of  its  friends  while  working  out  their  experiment,  rather  than  to  put  it  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemies  of  religious  liberty  ?  How  many  shiploads  of  Roman  Catholics 
would  it  have  taken  to  swamp  the  little  colony  in  the  days  of  its  weakness  ?  Chalmers 
(Annals,  p.  276)  copied  his  extract  of  the  law  in  question  from  the  digest  of  1730,  as  per 
minutes  formerly  belonging  to  him  in  my  possession.  As  an  historian  where  could  he 
seek  for  higher  autliority .'  Indeed,  the  clause  had  already  been  cited  by  Douglass  in  his 
Summary,  ii.  83,  Boston,  1751  ;  and  by  the  authors  of  the  History  of  the  British  Domin- 
ions in  North  Ametica,  part  i.  p.  232,  London.  1773.  The  latter  as  well  as  Chalmers 
omitted  the  phrase  "professing  Christianity."  But  Chalmers  was  entirely  wrong  in  his 
comments  upon  tlie  clause  where  he  says  that  "a  persecution  was  immediately  commenced 
against  the  Roman  Catholics."  * 


EDITORIAL    NOTES. 


A.  Bibliographical.  —  Rhode  Island  has 
been  fortunate  in  its  bibliographer.  Mr.  John 
Russell  Bartlett,  the  editor  of  the  State's  early 
Records,  issued  at  Providence,  in  1864,  his  Bib- 
liography of  Rhode  Island,  with  Notes,  Historical, 
Biographical,  and  Critici  -  ('5°  copies  jirinted). 
Mr.  Bartlett  began  a  "Naval  History  of  Rhode 
Island "  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  January, 
1S70.  As  the  adviser  of  the  late  Mr.  John 
Carter  Brown  in  the  forming  of  what  is  now  so 
widely  known  as  the  Carter-Brown  library,  and 
as  the  cataloguer  of  its  almost  unex.impled 
treasures,  not  only  of  Rhode  Island,  but  of  all 


American  history,  Mr.  Bartlett  has  also  conferred 
upon  the  student  of  /.  nerican  history  benefits 
equalled  in  the  labors  of  few  other  scholars  in 
this  department.  Mr.  Brown  erected  fur  himself 
in  his  Library  a  splendid  monument.  There  may 
e-tist  in  the  Lcno.x  Library  a  rival  in  some  de- 
l)artments  of  Amcricina,  but  Mr.  Bartlett's  Cat- 
alogue of  the  Providence  Collection  makes  its 
richness  better  known.  Mr.  Brown  began  his 
collections  early,  and  was  enabled  to  buy  from 
the  catalogues  of  Rich  and  Ternau.x.  The  Li- 
brary is  now  so  complete,  antl  its  desiderata  are 
so  few  and  so  scarce,  that  it  grows  at  present 


1  [Cf.  Thomas  T.  Stone  on  Roger  Williams  the  Prophetic  Legislator,  Providence,  1S72.  —  Ed.] 


:a. 


THE    VVINTHROP    MAP    {Circa  1633). 


the  Christian 
lously  dismiss 
le  colony  was 
Arnold  says 
naturalized  as 

or  clause  dis- 
)ns  not  Chris- 
rter  of  Rhode 
;stion  for  any 
,  not  relate  to 
;rty  to  persons 
nd  this  clause 
government  in 
put  it  into  the 
man  Catholics 
>s  ?  Chalmers 
af  1730,  as  per 
'here  could  he 
Jouglass  in  his 
British  Doinin- 
I  as  Chalmers 
^  wrong  in  his 
jly  commenced 


k 


nt 


also  conferred 
history  benefits 
her  scholars  in 
:ted  for  himself 
There  may 
al  in  some  tlo- 
Uartlett's  Cat- 
:tion  makes  its 
own  began  his 
:d  to  buy  from 
aux.  Tlie  Li- 
desiderata  are 
uws  at  present 

:.  — Ed.] 


AMOMG  the  Sloane  manuscripts  in  the 
British  Museum  is  one  numbered 
'•  Add:  5.415,  G.  3,"  whose  peculiar  interest 
to  the  American  antiquary  escaped  notice 
till  Mr.  ll'^nry  F.  Waters  sent  piiotographs 
of  it  to  the  Public  Liijrary  in  Boston  in 
1S84,  when  one  of  them  was  laid  before  the 
.Massachusetts  Ilistoric.il  Society  by  Judge 
Chamberlain,  of  tliat  Library  (^I'roceeiiun^s, 
1884.  p.  211).  It  was  of  tlie  size  of  the 
oriijinal,  .somewhat  obscure,  and  a  little  defi- 
cient on  the  line  where  its  two  parts  joined. 
At  tiie  Editor's  request,  Mr.  Richard  Gar- 
nett,  of  the  British  Museum,  procured  a 
negative  on  a  single  glass ;  and  tliough  some- 
what reduced,  tlie  result,  as  shown  in  tlie 
accompanying  facsimile,  is  more  distinct, 
am'  no  part  is  lost. 

1  !ie  map  is  without  date.  The  topog- 
raphy corresponds  in  the  main  with  that  of 
the  map  which  William  Wood  added  to  his 
tXiw  England's  Prospect  (London,  1634),  so 
far  as  its  smaller  field  corresponds,  and  sug- 
gests the  common  use  of  an  earlier  survey  by 
the  two  map  makers,  —  if,  indeed.  Wood  did 
not  depend  in  part  on  this  present  survey. 
That  its  observations  were  the  best  then 
made  would  seem  clear  from  the  fact  that 
(iovernor  Winthrop  explained  it  by  a  margi- 
nal kej',  and  added  in  some  places  a  further 
description  to  that  given  by  the  draughts- 
man (as  a  change  in  the  handwriting  would 
seem  to  show,  —  for  instance,  in  the  legend 
on  the  Merriraac  River),  if  indeed  all  is  not 
Winthrop's.  Who  the  draughtsman  was  is 
not  known.  There  had  been  ii  the  colony 
a  man  experienced  in  surveying,  —  Thomas 
iJraves,  —  who  laid  out  Charlestown,  before 
Winthrop's  arrival ;  but  he  is  not  known  to 
have  remained  'ill  the  period  of  tha  present 
survey,  which,  if  there  has  been  nothing  added 
to  the  original  draught,  was  seemingly  made 
as  e.arly  as  that  given  by  Wood.  This  last 
travelle'r  left  New  England,  Aug.  15,  1633; 
and  his  description  of  the  plantations  about 
Boston  at  that  time,  which  he  prjfesses  to 
make  complete,  is  almost  identical  with  the 
enumeration  on  this  map,  though  he  gives  a 
few  more  local  names.  Wood's  map  is 
d.ited  1634;  but  it  seems  certain  that  he 
carried  it  with  him  in  August.  1633,  —  a  dale 
as  late  apparently  as  can  be  attached  to  the 
present  draught. 

The  key  added  by  Winthrop  to  the  north 
corner  of  the  map  reads  as  follows  :  — 

A:  an  Hand  contlatning]  too  acres, 
where  the  Gouven''  liathe  an  orchard  &•  a 
vinevarde. 

B .  Mr  Hum/ryes  ferme  \J'arni\  house 
at  Sagtis  \_Saugus\ 

fenhills:  the  Goucrn'^  ferme  [/arm] 
home. 

Meadford:  Mk  Cradock  ferme  ^Jarin] 
house. 

C:  the  Wyndmill  \.  p^,.,„ 

H-.thefforte  \<'t  Boston. 

B:  the  Weere 


So  far  as  the  rivers  are  laid  thus '  shaded?^, 
they  are  navii^alfle  a/''  the  '1  idc. 

[Scalk] 

Stale  of  10:  llitlian  viiUs 

320  pclus  \_pcrchis\  to  the  mile, 

not  taken  by  Instnimiiit,  but  l>y  estimate. 

In  the  north  the  Merrimac  is  shown  to 
be  navigable  to  a  fall.  The  stream  itself  is 
ms.tktA  .Ue rim ack  river j  it  ritnnes  xoo  miles 
up  into  the  Country,  andfallcs  out  ofapoiide 
10  miles  broad.  It  receives  the  .Musketa- 
(/uit  ;•/««/•  [Conqdrd]  just  south  of  tiie  scale. 
The  long  island  near  its  mouth  is  Plum  Is- 
land, but  it  is  not  named.  The  village  of 
Aga^tiam  [Ipswich]  is  connected  by  roads 
[clotted  lines]  with  Sa^i^us  [Sau;;us],  Salem, 
IVinesemett,  and  Mea'd/ord,  which  is  called 
'•  Misticke  "  in  Wood  s  text,  but  "  Mrad- 
ford  "  in  his  map.  On  Cape  Anne  pc  '  >  da 
.Inasquom  is  marked.  Tiie  bay  I  .veen 
Marblehead  and  Marblehead  Neck  is  called 
Marble  Harbour,  as  by  Wood  in  his  map. 
Nahant  is  marked,  as  are  also  Pulln  Point, 
Deere  /.,  Hogg  /.,  .Xottles  I.  Governor's 
Island  is  marlsed  //.,  referri-ig  to  the  key. 
Charlestown  is  called  Char:toiune.  Spolt 
Ponde  flows  properly  tiiiough  Maiden  River, 
not  named,  into  the  Mystic ;  and  Mistick 
river  takes  the  water  of  a  number  of  ponds. 
The  modern  Horn  Pond  in  Woburn  is  not 
shown.  The  three  small  ponds  near  a  hill 
appear  to  be  Wedge  Pond  and  others  in 
Winchester ;  the  main  water  is  Mistick  pond, 
60  fathoms  dcepc;  horn ponde\&  the  modern 
Spy  Pond ;  Fresli  Pond  is  called  a,o  fathom 
deepe.  Tiieir  watershed  is  separated  by  the 
Belmont  hills,  not  named,  from  the  valley  of 
the  Concord.  The  villages  of  Waterton 
and  Neivtowiie  [Camliridge]  are  marked  on 
the  Charls  River.  The  peninsula  of  Jlos- 
ton  shows  Beacon  Hill,  not  named,  while  C 
and  D  are  explained  in  the  key.  Muddy 
river  [Muddy  Brook  in  Brookline]  and 
Stoiiv  river  [Stony  Brook  in  Roxbury]  are 
correctly  placed.  Pocksbiiry  and  Dorchester 
appear  as  villages.  Hillr,  are  shown  on 
Dorchester  Neck,  or  South  Boston.  Aapon- 
ictt  river  is  placed  with  toleral)le  correct- 
ness. The  islands  in  Boston  Harbor  are 
all  represented  as  wooded.  The  waye  to 
Plimouth,  beginning  at  Dorchester,  crosses 
the  Weymouth  rivers  abo\e  Wessaguscus 
[Wessagussett].  Trees  and  eminences 
are  marked  on  Nataskette  [HuUl.  and  Co- 
hasset  is  called  Coiiyhassett.  The  same 
sign  stands  for  rocks  in  the  Bay  and  for 
Indian  villages  on  the  land. 

It  may  be  well  further  to  notice  that 
since  the  printing  of  this  volume  //  Driefe 
Discriplion  of  A'ew  Kni^land,  1660.  by  Sam- 
uel Maverick,  has  likewise  been  discovered 
in  the  British  Museum  Ity  M  r.  Waters,  and  is 
printed  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Massachu- 
setts Historical  Society,  Octoljer.  iSS.^,  and 
in  the  A^ew  England  Historiial  and  Genea- 
logical Register,  January,  ^885.  —  Eo. 


f, 


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■-■-„^iS,-!iJ.^ 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


381 


me,  17CX5-1800,  in  a  first  ^ 

been   distributed,   and  y^ 

Library's  best  history  ;  C^'Lt 

t   fortunate   enough   to  ^^3^ 

them  will  find  arcounts  ^ 


but  slowly.  Mr.  Brown,  a  son  of  Nichol.\s 
Drown,  from  whom  the  university  in  I'rovidenio 
received  its  name,  was  born  in  1797,  and  died 
June  10,  1874.  Hut  fifty  copies  of  the  two  sumjv 
tuous  vohimcs  (1482-1700)  constituting  the  re- 
vised edition  of  the  catalogue  (there 
is  a  third  volume,  1700-1800,  in  a  first 
edition)  have 
they  are  the 
but   those   not 

have  access  to  them  will  find  accounts 
of  it  in  the  liihliotheca  Siicra,  April, 
1876;  Rogers's  Libraries ef  Profidence ; 
N.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Reg.,  April,   1876; 
Ameriiiiii  Journal  of  Education,  xxvii.  237  ; 
American  Bihliopolist,  vi.  77  ,  vii.  91,  228. 

The  several  volumes  of  the  Rhode  Island 
Historical  Society,  so  far  as  they  relate  to  the 
period  under  examination,  are  noted  in  the  pre- 
ceding text ;  but  the  Society  has  also  issued  a 
volume  of  Proceedings  for  the  years  1872-1879. 
Two  supplemental  publications  of  the  Rhode 
Island  antiquaries  have  been  begun  lately,  — 
the  iVavport  Historical  Afagazine,  July,  18S0,  and 
the  A^arragansclt  Historical  Register,  July,  188?, 
James  N.  Arnold,  editor,  both  devoted  to  south- 
ern Rhode  Island. 


B.  Early  Maps  of  New  E.noland.  —  The 
cartography  of  New  England  in  the  seventeenth 
century  began  with  the  map  of  Captain  John 
Smith  in  1614  (given  in  chap,  vi.),  for  we  must 
discard  as  of  little  value  the  earlier  maps  of 
Lescarbot  and  Champlain.  The  Dutch  were  on 
the  coast  at  about  the  same  time,  and  the  best 
development  of  their  work  is  what  is  known  as 
the  "Figurative  Map  "of  1614,  which  was  first 
made  known  in  the  Documents  relating  to  the 
Colonial  History  of  A'c^n  York,  i.  13,  and  in 
O'Callaghan's  A'ezv  A'et/ierland.  The  part  show- 
ing New  England  is  figured  in  the  Memorial 
History  of  Boston,  i.  57.  It  had  certain  features 
which  long  remained  on  the  maps,  and  its  names 
became  in  later  maps  curiously  mi.\ed  with  those 
derived  from  Smith's  map.  It  gave  the  Cape  Cod 
peninsula  (here,  however,  made  an  island)  a  pccul- 
i.ir  triangular  shape  ;  it  exaggerated  Plymouth's 
hnrbor;  it  ran  Martha's  Vineyard  and  Nantucket 
into  one,  and  divided  Long  Island  into  several 
parts.  The  marked  feature  of  the  interior  was 
the  bringing  c  the  Iroquois  (Champlain)  Lake 
close  down  to  the  salt  water,  as  Champlain  had 
done  in  his  map  of  161 2,  and  as  he  continued  to 
do  in  his  larger  map  of  1632.  Blaeu,  in  his 
Alhs  of  1635,  while  he  copied  the  Figurative 
M.ip  pretty  closely,  closed  the  channel  which 
m.ulc  Cape  Cod  an  island,  and  gave  the  "  Lacus 
IrocDciensis "  a  prolongation  in  the  direction 
of  N'arragansett  Hay.  De  Laet,  in  1630,  had 
Worked  on  much  better  information  in  several 
respects.      Cape  Cod  is  much  more  nearly  its 


proper  shape  ;  and  he  had  got  such  information 
from  the  Dutch  settlements  up  the  Hudson  as 
enabled  him  to  place  Lake  Champlain  with  fair 
accuracy.  A  fac-simile  of  Dc  l-tet's  map  is  given 
in  Vol.  IV.  chap.  ix.    Meanwhile  the  English  had 


OA/^i^ 


/r7/. 


enlarged  Smith's  plot,  as  the  map  given  on  an 
earlier  page  from  -Mexander  and  Purchas  (/"//- 
grimes,  iii.  853)  shows.  Champlain's  plotting  in 
1632  of  the  gre.at  river  of  Canada  could  not, 
of  course,  have  been  known  to  this  map-maker 
of  1624,  while  Lescarbot 's  wa.s. 

Pure  loc.il  work  came  in  with  the  map  which 
acconip.Ti\ied  Wood's  New  England's  Prospect, 
which  is  called  "  The  south  part  of  New  Eng- 
land as  it  is  planted  this  yeare,  1634."  It  only 
shows  the  coast  from  N'arragansett  Hay  to 
"  .\comenticus,"  on  the  Maine  shure,  with  a 
corresponding  inland  delineation.  Buzzard's 
Hay  is  greatly  misshapen  ;  Cai>e  Cod  has  some- 
thing of  the  contemporary  Dutch  drawing;  and, 
in  a  rude  way,  the  watercourses  lie  like  huge 
snakes  in  contortions  upon  the  land.  There  are 
fac-similes  of  the  map  in  Palfrey,  i.  360;  Young's 
Chronicles  of  Massachusetts,  p.  389,  and  in  other 
places  noted  in  the  Afcmorial  History  of  Boston, 
i.  524.  Two  years  later  (1636),  in  Saltonstall's 
English  version  of  the  atlas  of  Mcrcator  and 
Mondius,  the  English  public  practically  got  De 
Laet's  map ;  and  indeed  so  late  as  1670,  the 
map  *  Novi  Belgii  et  Nova;  Angliae  Dclineatio," 
which  is  given  alike  in  Montanus's  De  A'ieuwe 
en  Onhekendc  IVeereld  and  in  Ogilby's  America, 
hardlv  embodied  more  exact  information.  The 
He.xham  English  version  of  the  Mercator-IIon- 
dius  Atlas,  intended  for  the  English  market,  but 
published  in  Amsterdam  by  Hondius  and  Jann- 
son  in  1636  (of  which  there  is  a  fine  copy  in  the 
libr.iry  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society), 
in  its  map  of  "  Nova  Anglia,"  etc.,  kept  up  the 
commingling  of  Smith's  plot  and  names  with 
the  present  Dutch  ones.  Blaeu's  of '  1635  was 
the  prototype  of  the  chart  in  Dudley's  Arcano 
del  A/are  (1646),  of  which  a  fac-simile  is  given 
in  the  preceding  chapter.  For  the  next  twenty 
years  the  Dutch  plotting  was  the  one  in  vogue. 


,■    ,1 


li,  jil 


\    \    k^^ 


\ 


:      V 


V 


oi 


382 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


''i ; 


NEW   ENGLAND,    165O.* 


''■  y'.-M- 


Visscher,  in  1652,  disjoined  the  two  principal  is- 
lands south  of  Cape  Cod,  and  gave  a  better  shape 
to  that  peninsula ;  but  Crane  Bay  (Plymouth)  con- 
tinued to  be  more  prominent  than  Boston.  The 
French  map  of  Sanson  ( 1656)  so  far  followed  the 
Dutch  as  to  recognize-  the  claims  of  "  Nouveau 
Pays  Bas  "  to  stretch  through  Connecticut,  Rhode 
Island,  and  Plymouth  Colony,  as  shown  in  the 
sketch  in  chap.  xi.  The  old  Dutch  mistakes 
and  the  Dutch  names  characterize  Hendrick 
Doncker's  Paskaert,  in  1659,  and  other  of  the 
Hollanders'  sea-charts  of  this  time.  In  1660, 
Fran9ois  du  Creux's  (Creuxius)  Historia  Cana- 
densis converts  into  a  Latin  nomenclature,  in  a 


curious  jumble,  the  names  of  the  English,  Dutch, 
and  French.  This  map  is  given  in  fac-simile  in 
Shea's  Mississippi,  p.  50,  and  also  in  Vol.  IV.  of 
the  present  work.  The  next  year  (i66i)  Van 
Loon's  Pascaerte  was  based  on  Blaeu  and  De 
Laet,  and  his  Zee-Atlas,  though  not  recognizcvl 
by  Asher,  represents  the  best  knowledge  of 
the  time.  There  is  a  copy  in  Harvard  College 
Library.  There  are  other  maps  of  Visscher  of 
about  this  same  time,  in  which  Cape  Cod  bo- 
comes  as  excessively  attenuated  as  it  had  been 
too  large  before.  Of  the  later  Dutch  charts  or 
maps,  the  chief  place  must  be  given  to  that  in 
Roggeveen's  Sea-Atlas,  which  is  called  in  the 


'  This  is  a  reduction  of  a  sketch  of  a  part  of  a  manuscript  Map  of  North  America,  dated  1650,  of  which  a 
drawing  is  given  in  the  Massachusetts  Archives;  Documents  Collected  in  France,  ii.  61.  The  key  is  as 
fellows  :  — 


I.  Sauvages  Hurons.  plain]. 

2   Lac  des  Iroquois  [Lake  Cham- 
j.  Sauvages  Iroquois. 

4.  Sauvages  Malectites. 

5.  Sauvages  Etechemins. 

6.  Pemlcuit  [Pemaquid]. 

7.  Pentagouet. 


S.  Isle  des  Monts  Deserts. 
9.  Baye  de  Kinibcqui. 

10.  Sauvages  Kanibas. 

11.  Caskob^  [Casco  Bay]. 

12.  Pescadou^  [Piscataqua]. 

13.  Selem  [Salem] 

14.  Baston  [Boston], 


15.  Nova  Anglia. 

16.  Sauvages  Pequatis  [Pequods]. 

17.  Plymuth. 

18.  Cap  Malabar. 

ig.  Sauvages  Narhicans  [Narragansetts]. 

20.  Isle  de  Blojiue  [Block  Island]. 

21.  Isle  de  Nantochyte  [Nantucket]. 


CA. 


Y-:-. 


■■'■      i     •• 


j'tl 


English,  Dutch, 
in  fac-simile  in 
in  Vol.  IV.  of 
car  (1661)  Van 
Blaeu  and  Ue 
not  recognize.  I 
knowledge    of 
larvard  College 
of  Visscher  of 
Cape  Cod  be- 
as  it  had  been 
Dutch  charts  or 
iven  to  that  in 
s  called  in  the 

1650,  of  which  a 
The  key  is  as 


'equods]. 


Narragansetts]. 
Island]. 
Nantucket]. 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


383 


NEW  ENGLAND,    1 680.' 

English  version  TAe  Burning  Fen,  and  which  of  Jannson's  of  about  the  same  date,  in  which 
still  insists  in  calling  the  Cape  Cod  peninsula  in  Smith's  names  survive  marvellously  when  those 
1675  a  part  of   "  Nieuw  Holland,"  as  does  one     of  other    towns   had  long   taken   their  places. 

'  This  follows  a  manuscript  French  map  preserved  in  the  Depot  des  Carte'  ct  Plans  at  Paris,  as  shown  in  a 
sketch  by  Mr.  Poore  in  the  Maisachusetts  Archives ;  Documents  Collected  ir  France,  iii.  11. 


^ 


Um 


384 


NARKATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


A  iii.i|),  /,(»  S'ow<lU  fltlifiiiut,  cnvtring  «Uo  New 
Kn){l>iiul,  aiul  fuKliioncd  un  one  of  Jannxon'H,  i« 
annexed  \\>  an  article,  "  I'ne  Colonic  Neerland- 
alne,"  by  Colonel  II.  Wauwcrniann,  in  the  //«/• 
Ulin  dt  III  SiHiM  <jht;riif>hiijut  J'Anvtri,  iv. 
17J.  The  lllacu  map,  "  Nova  llelK^ca  et  Anglia 
Nova,"  (iiiiiul  III  llic  AthiH  of  i(i.S5,  xlill  , (re- 
serves nio^tt  of  the  oUlcr  Dutch  faNllies;  and 
that  ijedgraphcr  inailc  no  one  of  these  error* 
Ko  conspicuous  as  he  did  in  making  still  nearer 
than  litfure  the  approach  of  "  I  jcus  Irococi- 
eiisis "  to  Narr.igaiisetl  Hay.  A  short  dolled 
Ixiundary-line  is  made  to  connect  them,  and  he 
dispelled  the  old  Dutch  claim  to  itouth-castcrn 
New  Kngland,  by  putting  "Nicu  Kngclland" 
ea.st  of  this  line,  and  "  Nicu  Nedcrlandt "  west 
of  it.  This  map  was  sub.stantially  followed  in 
Allard's  Minor  Atlas,  of  a  few  year.s  later.  A 
new  Kn^lish  cartography  sprang  up  when  there 
cainv  .1  demand  for  geographical  knowledge,  as 
the  events  of  I'hilip's  War  engageil  general  at- 
teiilion.  The  royal  geographer  .Speed  issued 
in  i070amapof  New  Kngland  and  New  York 
in  his  J'rosfi-cl :  but  he  seems  to  have  followed 
Visscher  and  the  other  Dutch  authorities  impli- 
citly, as  did  Coronelli  and  Tillenion  in  the  New 
Kngland  parts  of  their  map  of  Canada  issued 
in  1688.  Stevens,  in  his  /iil'liolhira  (jivgrii/i/i- 
icii,  p.  239,  notes  an  Knglish  map  of  New  Kng- 
land and  New  York,  which  he  supposes  to  Ih.- 
long  to  |6<X),  "sold  by  T.  liassett,  in  Fleet 
Street,"  which  is  seemingly  enlarged  from  so 
early  a  Dutch  map  .is  De  Laet's  of  1625.  The 
te.\t  of  Josselyn's  /  ',[yiii,vs  was  used  as  the  basis  of 
A  Desiri/<tion  of  Xno  Eiii^Utiul,  which  accompa- 
nied in  folio  a  folded  plate,  entitled  "Mappof 
New  Kngland,  by  John  .Seller,  Hydrographer  t.( 
the  King."  It  is  without  date,  but  is  mentioiK.I 
in  the  London  Gozclte  in  1676,  and  could  not  have 
appeared  earlier  than  1674,  when  Josselyn's  book 
was  printed.  There  is  a  copy  n  Harvard  Col- 
lege Library;  and  it  shows  the  coast  from  Casco 
Hay  to  New  York,  with  a  corresponding  interior. 
These  are  precisely  the  bouiids  in  the  map  which 


ii  given  in  Mather's  Atagnalia  in  1701,  and  which 
xeemi,  in  parts  at  least,  to  have  been  drawn  from 
.Seller's.  Sabin  (Duliomtry,  vol.  xiii.  no.  %l,U»)\ 
givc»  A  DtKrifhon  of  \ao  EnnliiHil  in gtnftal, 
with  a  lUuriflion  of  Iht  7'invH  of  /IomIoh  in  f^ir^ 
tuuliir,  I.<indon,  John  Seller,  16S2,  4to.  Seller  i^ 
also  known  to  have  issued  a  imall  sketch  map  in 
his  Xfto  Eni^tiinii AlmiiHitt,  i&Sj  (copy  in  I  larvaril 
(College  Library);  and  still  another,  of  which  a 
facsimile  is  given  in  I'alfrcy's  A>r«  KngUin,!,  iii. 
4H9.  There  is  a  map  (5  x  4'^  inches)  of  .New 
Kngland  by  Kol)ert  Morden  in  K.  Illomc's  I'm- 
tnt  Stiitt  of  hit  Miijtsly'i  Islet  ami  Ttrriloritt  m 
Annriiii,  16H7,  p.  210,  which  is  based  on  .Seller's, 
and  which  has  iK-en  reproduced  by  the  llrad- 
ford  Club  in  their  I'liptrt  (omfrniu^  the  Attiuk 
on  llaljidd  and  Dtfrfeld,  New  York,  1859.  A 
different  map,  extending  to  New  France  and 
(ireenland,  is  given  in  the  Amsterdam  editions 
cf  lllonie,  i6<S8  and  1715.  Hubbard's  map,  ac- 
companying his  jVarralrft  of  Iht  TroiibUi  in 
A'l-iv  lin^lai'  ',  1677,  a  rude  wcMidcut,  —  the  tirst 
attempt  at  ;..ich  work  in  the  colony,  —  extends 
only  to  the  Connecticut  westerly;  but  northcrh 
it  goes  far  enough  to  take  in  the  While  Hills, 
which  in  the  London  reissue  of  the  map  arc 
called  "  Wine  Hills."  This  is  also  given  by  Pal- 
frey, iii.  I  55,  after  tho  London  plate,  and  further 
notes  u|)on  it  will  l«  found  in  the  Memorial 
History  of  Jioston,  i.  328.  There  is  also  a  de- 
tailed delineation  of  the  New  Kngland  coast  in 
John  Thorntr)n's  Atlas  Maritinius,  1701-21. 

In  this  enumeration  of  the  maps  or  charts 
which  give  New  Kngland,  or  any  considerable 
part  of  it,  on  a  scale  sufficient  for  detail,  it  is 
thought  that  every  significant  draft  is  men- 
tioned, though  some  repetitions,  particularly  by 
the  Dutch,  have  lieen  purposely  omitted. 

Modern  maps  of  New  Kngland,  which  indi- 
cate the  condition  of  this  period,  will  be  found 
in  Palfrey's  JVew  Eni;land,  vol.  i.,  showing  the 
geography  of  1644,  and  in  vol.  iii.  that  of  i6,S9; 
and  in  L'hden's  GeschiehU  dtr  Congregational- 
islen,  Leipsic,  184a 


^N 


CHAPTER   X. 


THE  ENGLISH   IN  NEW  YORK.    1664-1689. 


BY  JOIIX  AUSTIN   STEVENS. 


THE  trading  spirit  is  not  of  itself  sufficient  to  establish  successful  settle- 
ment, and  monopolies  cannot  safely  be  intrusted  witii  the  ^{overn- 
ment  of  colonies.  The  experience  of  the  Dutcii  in  the  New  Netherland 
established  this  truth,  which  later  experience  has  fully  confirmed. 

Toward  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  Holland  controlled  the 
carryin{^  trade  of  the  world.  Nearly  one  half  of  the  tonna{^e  of  Europe 
was  under  her  flajj.  Java  was  the  centre  of  her  East  Indian  enterprise, 
Hra/.il  the  seat  of  her  West  Indian  possessions ;  and  the  seas  between,  over 
which  were  wafted  her  fleets,  freighted  with  the  rich  products  of  these  trop- 
ical lands,  were  patrolled  by  a  navy  hardy  and  brave.  Vet  it  was  at  the 
very  zenith  of  her  power  that  her  North  American  colony,  which  proudly 
bore  the  name  of  the  Fatherland,  was  stripped  from  the  home  government 
at  one  trenchant  blow. 

The  cause  of  this  misfortune  may  be  found  in  the  weakness  of  the  Dutch 
settlement  compared  with  the  more  populous  New  England  communities, 
which  pressed,  threatening  and  aggressive,  on  its  eastern  borders.  Un- 
der the  Dutch  rule.  New  Netherland  was  never  in  a  true  sense  a  colony. 
Begun  as  a  trading-post  in  162 1,  and  managed  by  the  Dutch  West  India 
Company,  it  cannot  be  said  ever  to  have  got  beyond  leading-strings,  and 
at  the  time  when  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English  its  entire  population 
did  not  exceed  seven  thousand  souls,  while  the  English  on  its  borders 
numbered  not  less  than  fifteen  times  as  many. 

Xor  did  the  West  India  Company  seem  ever  to  comprehend  that  their 
hold  upon  the  new  continent  could  be  maintained  only  by  well-ordered  and 
continuous  colonization.  Rapidly  enriched  by  their  intercourse  with  the 
natives  of  the  sunny  climes  in  which  they  established  their  strong  posts  for 
trade,  they  seem  to  have  looked  for  no  more  from  their  posts  on  the  North 
American  coast,  or  to  have  had  further  ambition  than  to  secure  their  share 
of  the  trade  in  furs,  in  which  they  were  met  by  the  active  rivalry  and  greater 
enterprise  of  the  French  settlers  on  the  Canadian  frontier. 
VOL.  HI.  —  49. 


Itl 


il 


If 


H 


"31 


386 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   GF   AMERICA. 


I'i 


t :  1 


Yet  the  territory  of  New  Netherland  was  by  natural  configuration  the 
key  of  the  northern  frontier  of  the  American  colonies,  and  indeed,  it  may 
be  said,  of  the  continent.  The  courses  of  the  Hudson  and  Mohawk  form 
the  sides  of  a  natural  strategic  triangle,  and  with  the  system  of  northern 
lakes  and  streams  connect  the  several  parts  of  the  broad  surface  which 
stretches  from  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  on  the  Atlantic  to  the  head- 
waters of  the  Columbia  at  the  continental  divide.  This  vantage-ground 
at  the  head  of  the  great  valleys  through  which  water-ways  give  access  to 
the  regions  on  the  slope  below,  was  the  chosen  site  of  the  formidable 
confederacy  of  the  Iroquois,  the  acknowledged  masters  of  the  native 
tribes. 

The  English  jealousy  of  the  Dutch  did  not  spring  from  national  antip- 
athy, but  from  the  rivalry  of  trade.  The  insular  position  of  England 
forced  her  to  protect  herse'f  abroad,  and  when  Protestant  Holland,  by 
enterprise  and  skill,  drew  to  herself  the  commerce  of  both  the  Indies,  her 
success  aroused  in  England  the  same  spirit  of  opposition,  the  same  ani- 
mosity, which  had,  the  century  before,  been  awakened  by  the  aggrandize- 
ment of  Catholic  Spain.  It  was  the  Protestant  Commonwealth  of  England 
which  passed  the  Navigation  Act  of  1660,  especially  directed  against  the 
foreign  trade  of  her  growing  rival  of  the  same  religious  faith.  In  this  act 
may  be  found  the  germ  of  the  policy  of  England  not  only  toward  her 
neighbors,  but  also  toward  her  colonies.  This  act  was  maintained  in  active 
force  after  the  restoration  of  Charles  II.  to  the  throne.  Strictly  enforced 
at  home,  it  was  openly  or  secretly  evaded  only  in  the  British  American  col- 
onies and  plantations.  The  arm  of  England  was  long,  but  her  hand  lay 
lightly  on  the  American  continent.  The  extent  of  coast  and  frontier  was 
too  great  to  be  successfully  watched,  and  the  necessities  of  the  colonies  too 
many  and  imperious  for  them  to  resist  the  temptation  to  a  trade  which, 
though  illicit,  was  hardly  held  immoral  except  by  the  strictest  construc- 
tionists of  statute  law;  and  it  was  with  the  Dutch  that  this  trade  was 
actively  continued  by  their  English  neighbors  of  Maryland  and  Virginia, 
as  well  as  by  those  of  New  England.  In  1663  the  losses  to  the  revenue 
were  so  extensive  that  the  farmers  of  the  customs,  who,  after  the  fashion  of 
the  period,  enjoyed  a  monopoly  from  the  King  at  a  large  annual  personal 
cost,  complained  of  the  great  abuses  which,  they  claimed,  defrauded  the 
revenue  of  ten  thousand  pounds  a  year.  The  interest  of  the  kingdom  was 
at  stake,  and  the  conquest  of  the  New  Netherland  was  resolved  upon. 

This  was  no  new  policy.  It  had  been  that  of  Cromwell,  the  most  saga- 
cious of  English  rulers,  and  was  only  abandoned  by  him  because  of  the  more 
immediate  advantages  secured  by  his  treaty  with  the  Grand  Pensionary,  a 
statesman  only  second  to  Oliver  himself.  The  expedition  which  Cromwell 
had  ordered  was  countermanded,  and  the  Dutch  title  to  the  New  Nether- 
land was  formally  recognized  by  the  treaty  of  1654.  It  seems  rational 
to  suppose  that  the  English  Protector  foresaw  the  inevitable  future  fall  of 
the  Dutch-American  settlement,  hemmed  in  by  growing  English  colonies 


■Ull 


s  ! 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


387 


fostered  by  religious  zeal,  and  that  he  was  willing  to  wait  till  the  fruit  was 
ripe  and  of  easy  grasp  to  England. 

It  is  the  fashion  of  historians  to  ascribe  the  seizure  of  the  New  Netherland 
to  the  perfidy  oi'  Charles;  but  the  policy  of  kingdoms  through  successive 
administrations  is  more  homogeneous  than  appears  on  the  surface.     The 
diplomacy  of  ministers  is  usually  traditional ;  the  opportunity  which  seems 
to  mark  a  change  is  often  but  an  incident  in  the  chain.     That  which  pre- 
sented itself  to  Clarendon,  Charles's  Lord  Chancellor,  was  the  demand  made 
by  the  States-General  that  the  boundary  line  should  be  established  between 
tile  Dutch  and  English  possessions  in  America.      Consent  on  the  part  of 
Charles  would  have  been  a  ratification  of  Cromwell's  recognition  of  1654. 
This  demand  of  the  Dutch  Government,  made  in  January,  1664,  close  upon 
the  petition  of  the  farmers  of  the  customs  of  December,  1663,  precipitated 
the  crisis.      The  seizure  of  New  Amsterdam  and  the  reduction  of  New 
Netherland   was  resolved  upon.     Three   Americans  who  happened  to  be 
in   London,  —  Scott,  Baker,  and  Maverick,  —  were  summoned   before  the 
Council  Board,  when  they  presented  a  statement  of  the  title  of  the  King, 
the  intrusion  of  the  Dutch,  and  of  the  condition  of  the  settlement.     The 
Chancellor  held  their  arguments  to  be  well  grounded,  and  on  the  29th  of 
February  an   expedition  was   ordered    "  against  the  Dutch   in   America." 
The  demand  of  the  Holland  Government  was  no  doubt  stimulated  by  the 
intrigues  of  Sir  George  Downing,  who  had  been  Cromwell's  ambassador  at 
the  Hague,  and  was  retained  by  Charles  as  an  adroit  servant.     A  nephew 
of  the  elder  Winthrop  and  a  graduate  from  Harvard,   Downing  appears 
to  have  determined  upon  the  acquisition  by  England  of  the  Dutch  prov- 
inces, which  were  held  by  the  New  England  party  to  be  a  thorn  in  the 
side  of  English  American  colonization.     The  expedition  determined  upon, 
Scott  was  sent  back  to  New  England  with  a  royal  commission  to  enforce 
the  Navigation  Laws.     The  next  concern  of  the  Chancellor  was  to  secure 
to  the   Crown    the   full   benefit   of  the  proposed  conquest.      He  was   as 
little  satisfied  with  the  self-rule  of  the  New  England  colonies  as  with  the 
presence  of  Dutch  sovereignty  on  American  soil ;   and  in  the  conquest  of 
the  foreigner  he  found  the  means  to  bring  the  English  subject  into  closer 
dependence  on  the  King. 

James  Duke  of  York,  Lord  High  Admiral,  was  the  heir  to  the  crown. 
Ho  had  married  the  daughter  of  Edward  Hyde,  the  Chancellor  of  the 
kingdom,  who  now  controlled  its  foreign  policy.  A  patent  to  James  as 
presumptive  heir  to  the  crown,  fr  m  the  King  his  brother,  would  merge 
in  the  crown ;  and  a  central  authority  strongly  established  over  the  terri- 
tmy  covered  by  it  might  well,  under  favorable  circumstances,  be  extended 
over  the  colonies  on  either  side  which  were  governed  under  limitations  and 
with  privileges  directly  secured  by  charter  from  the  King.  In  this  adroit 
scheme  may  be  found  the  beginning  in  America  of  that  policy  of  personal 
rule,  which,  begun  under  the  Catholic  Stuart,  culminated  under  the  Prot- 
estant Hanoverian,  a  century  later,  in  the  oppression  which  aroused  the 


■V 


i 


388 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


American  Revolution.  The  first  step  taken  by  Clarendon  was  the  purchase 
of  the  title  conveyed  to  the  Earl  of  Stirling  in  1635  by  the  grantees  of  the 
New  England  patent.  This  covered  the  territory  of  Pemaquid,  between  tiie 
Saint  Croix  and  the  Kennebec,  in  Maine,  and  the  Island  of  Matowack,  or  Long 
Island.  The  Stirling  claim  had  been  opposed  and  resisted  by  the  Dutch ; 
but  Stuyvesant,  the  Director  of  New  Netherland,  had  in  1650  formally  sur- 
rendered to  the  English  all  the  territory  south  of  Oyster  Bay  on  Long  Island 
and  east  of  Greenwich  on  the  continent.  A  title  being  thus  acquired  by  the 
adroitness  of  Clarendon,  a  patent  was,  on  the  12th  of  March,  1664,  issued  by 
Charles  II.  to  the  Duke  of  York,  granting  him  the  Maine  territory  of  Pem- 
aquid, all  the  islands  between  Cape  Cod  and  the  Narrows,  the  Hudson  River, 
and  all  the  lands  from  the  west  side  of  the  Connecticut  to  the  east  side  of 
Delaware  Bay,  together  with  the  islands  of  Martha's  Vineyard  and  Nantucket. 
The  inland  boundary  was  "  a  line  from  the  head  of  Connecticut  River  to 
the  source  of  Hudson  River,  thence  to  the  head  of  the  Mohawk  branch  of 
Hudson  River,  and  thence  to  the  east  side  of  Delaware  Bay."  The  patent 
gave  to  the  Duke  of  York,  his  heirs,  deputies,  and  assigns,  "  absolute  power 
to  govern  wi<:hin  this  domain  according  to  his  own  rules  and  discretions  con- 
sistent with  the  statutes  of  England."  In  this  patent  the  charter  granted 
by  the  King  to  the  younger  John  Winthrop  in  1662  for  Connecticut,  in 
which  it  was  stipulated  that  commissioners  should  be  sent  to  New  England 
to  settle  the  boundaries  of  each  colony,  was  entirely  disregarded.  The 
idea  of  commissioners  for  boundaries  now  developed  with  larger  scope,  and 
the  King  established  a  royal  commission,  consisting  of  four  persons  recom- 
mended by  the  Duke  of  York,  whose  private  instructions  were  to  reduce  the 
Dutch  to  submission  and  to  increase  the  prerogatives  of  the  Crown  in  the 
New  England  colonies,  which  Clarendon  considered  to  be  "  already  well- 
nigh  ripened  to  a  commonwealth." 

Three  of  these  commissioners  were  officers  in  the  Royal  army,  —  Col- 
onel Richard  NicoUs,  Sir  Robert  Carr,  Colonel  George  Cartwright.     The 
^-7-k    ,        £  yf       »  ^i  fourth    was    Samuel 


Maverick,  an  earnest 
adherent  of  the 
Church  of  England 
and  a  bitter  enemy 
of  Massachusetts,  in 
which  colony  he  had 
passed  his  early  man- 
hood. These  com- 
missioners,    or    any 

'  /7  x«-  *j<t  ^  iO  n  ^'^^'^■^  °''  t^^°  °^  them, 
MArXYj  CF<Jlj  _Nicolls  always  in- 
cluded,— were  invested  with  full  power  in  all  matters,  military  and  civil, 
in  the  New  England  colonies.  To  Colonel  Nicolls  the  Duke  of  York  en- 
trusted the  charge  of  taking  possession  of  and  governing  the  vast  territory 


'I ; 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW  YORK. 


389 


covered  by  the  King's  patent.  To  one  more  capable  and  worthy  the  deli- 
cate trust  could  not  have  been  confided.  He  was  in  the  fortieth  year  of  a 
life  full  of  experience,  of  a  good  Bedfordshire  family,  his  father  a  barrister 
of  the  Middle  Temple.  He  had  received  an  excellent  education.  When, 
at  the  age  of  nineteen,  the  Civil  War  broke  out,  he  at  once  joined  the 
King's  forces,  and,  obtaining  command  of  a  troop  of  horse,  clung  persist- 
ently to  the  Royal  cause.  Later,  he  served  on  the  Continent  with  the 
Duke  of  York  in  the  army  of  Turenne.  At  the  Restoration  he  was  re- 
warded for  his  fidelity  with  the  post  of  Groom  of  the  Bedchamber  to  the 
Duke,  to  whose  interests  he  devoted  himself  with  loyalty,  prudence,  and 
untiring  energy.  His  title  under  the  new  commission  was  that  of  Deputy- 
Governor;  the  tenure  of  his  office,  the  Duke's  pleasure.' 

The  English  Government  has  never  been  scrupulous  as  to  method  in  the 
attainment  of  its  purposes,  justification  being  a  secondary  matter.  When 
the  news  of  the  gathering  of  the  fleet  reached  the  Hague,  and  explana- 
tion was  demanded  of  Downing  as  to  the  truth  of  the  reports  that  it  was 
intended  for  the  reduction  of  the  New  Netherland,  he  boldly  insisted  on 
the  English  right  to  the  territory  by  first  possession.  To  a  claim  so  flimsy 
and  impudent  only  one  response  was  possible,  —  a  declaration  of  war.  But 
the  Dutch  people  at  large  had  little  interest  in  the  remote  settlement,  which 
was  held  to  be  a  trading-post  rather  than  a  colony,  and  not  a  profitable 
post  at  best.  The  West  India  Company  saw  the  danger  of  the  situation, 
but  its  appeals  for  assistance  were  disregarded.  Its  own  resources  and 
credit  were  unequal  to  the  task  of  defence.  Meanwhile  the  English  fleet, 
composed  of  one  ship  of  thirty-six,  one  of  thirty,  a  third  of  sixteen,  and 
a  transport  of  ten  guns,  with  three  full  companies  of  the  King's  veterans,  — 
in  all  four  hundred  and  fifty  men,  commanded  by  Colonels  Nicolls,  Carr,  and 
Cartwright,  —  sailed  from  Portsmouth  for  Gardiner's  Bay  on  the  15th  of 
May.  On  the  23d  of  July  Nicolls  and  Cartwright  reached  Boston,  where 
they  demanded  military  aid  from  the  Governor  and  Council  of  the  Colony. 
Calling  upon  Winthrop  for  the  assistance  of  Connecticut,  and  appointing  a 
rendezvous  at  the  west  end  of  Long  Island,  Nicolls  set  sail  with  his  ships  and 
anchored  in  New  Utrecht  Bay,  just  outside  of  Coney  Island,  a  spot  since  his- 
torical as  the  landing-place  of  Lord  Howe's  troops  in  1776.  Here  Nicolls 
was  joined  by  militia  from  New  Haven  and  Long  Island.  The  city  of  New 
Amsterdam  was  at  once  cut  off  from  all  communication  with  the  shores 
opposite,  and  a  proclamation  was  issued  by  the  commissioners  guarantee- 
ing the  inhabitants  in  their  possessions  on  condition  of  submission.  The 
Hudson  being  in  the  control  of  the  English  vessels,  the  little  city  was  de- 
fenceless. The  Director,  Stuyvesant,  heard  of  the  approach  of  the  English 
at  Fort  Orange  (Albany),  whither  he  had  gone  to  quell  disturbances  with 
the  Indians.  Returning  in  haste,  he  summoned  his  council  together. 
The  folly  of  resistance  was  apparent  to  all,  and  after  delays,  by  which  the 
Director-General  sought  to  save  something  of  his  dignity,  a  commission  for 

1  [Cf.  Mr,  Whitehead's  chapter  in  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.) 


iiiiffii^i 


390 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AiMERICA. 


a  surrender  was  agreed  upon  between  the  Dutch  authorities  and  Colonel 
Nicolls.  The  capitulation  confirmed  the  inhabitants  in  the  possession  of 
their  property,  the  exercise  of  their  religion,  and  their  freedom  as  citizens. 
The  municipal  officers  were  continued  in  their  rule.  On  the  29th  of  August, 
1664,  the  articles  were  ratified,  and  Stuyvesant  marched  out  from  P^ort 
Amsterdam,  at  the  head  of  his  little  band  with  the  honors  of  war,  and 
embarked  the  troops  on  one  of  the  West  India  Company's  ships  for  Hol- 
land. Stuyvesant  himself  remained  for  a  time  in  the  city.  The  Englisli 
entered  the  fort,  the  Dutch  flag  was  hauled  down,  the  English  colors 
hoisted  in  its  place,  and  the  city  passed  under  English  rule.  The  first 
act  of  Nicolls  on  taking  possession  of  the  fort,  in  which  he  was  welcomed 
by  the  civic  authorities,  was  to  order  that  the  city  of  New  Amsterdam  be 
thereafter  known  as  New  York,  and  the  fort  as  Fort  James,  in  honor  of  the 
title  and  name  of  his  lord  and  patron. 

At  the  time  of  the  surrender  the  city  gave  small  promise  of  its  magnif- 
icent future.  Its  entire  population,  which  did  not  exceed  1,500  souls,  was 
housed  within  the  triangle  at  the  point  of  the  island,  the  easterly  and 
westerly  sides  of  which  were  the  East  and  North  Rivers,  and  the  northern 
boundary  a  wall  stretching  across  the  entire  island  from  river  to  river. 
Beyond  this  limit  was  an  occasional  plantation  and  a  small  hamlet  known 
as  New  Haarlem.  The  seat  of  government  was  in  the  fort.  Nicolls  now- 
established  a  new  government  for  the  province.  A  force  was  sent  up  the 
Hudson  under  Captain  Cartwright,  which  took  possession  of  Fort  Orange, 
the  name  of  which  was  changed  to  Albany,  in  honor  of  a  title  of  the  Duke 
of  York.  On  his  return,  Cartwright  took  possession  of  Esopus  in  the  same 
manner  (the  name  of  this  settlement  was  later  changed  to  Kingston), 
The  privileges  granted  to  the  inhabitants  of  New  Amsterdam  were  extended 
to  these  towns.  The  volunteers  from  Long  Island  and  New  England  were 
now  discharged  to  their  homes. 

The  efifect  of  the  prudent  and  conciliatory  measures  of  Nicolls,  which  in 
the  beginning  had  averted  the  shedding  of  a  single  drop  of  blood,  and  now 
appealed  directly  to  the  good  sense  of  the  inhabitants,  was  soon  apparent. 
The  fears  of  the  Dutch  were  entirely  allayed,  and  as  no  inequality  was  im- 
posed upon  them,  they  had  no  reason  to  regret  the  change  of  rule.  Their 
pride  was  conciliated  by  the  continuance  of  their  municipal  authorities,  and 
by  the  cordial  manner  in  which  the  new-comers  arranged  that  the  Dutch  and 
English  religious  service  should  be  held  consecutively  under  the  same  roof, 
■ — that  of  the  Dutch  church  in  the  fort.  Hence  when  Nicolls,  alive  to  the 
interests  of  his  master,  which  could  be  served  only  by  maintaining  the  pros- 
perity of  the  colony,  proposed  to  the  chief  citizens  that  instead  of  returning' 
to  Holland,  as  had  been  arranged  for  in  the  capitulation,  they  should  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain  and  of  obedience  to  the 
Duke  of  York,  they  almost  without  exception,  Stuyvesant  himself  included, 
accepted  the  conditions.  The  King's  authority  was  thus  peaceably  and 
firmly  established  in  the  metropolis  and  in  the  outlying  posts  of  the  prov- 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


391 


ince  of  New  York  proper,  which,  by  the  King's  patent  to  the  Duke,  incUided 
all  the  territory  east  of  the  Delaware.  The  commissioners  next  proceeded 
to  reduce  the  Dutch  settlements  on  the  Delaware,  and  established  their  col- 
league, Carr,  in  command,  always  however  in  subordination  to  the  govern- 
ment of  New  York.  The  necessities  of  their  condition,  dependent  upon 
trade,  brought  the  Dutch  inhabitants  into  easy  subjection.  Indeed  it  seems 
that  though  their  attachment  to  the  mother  country,  its  laws  and  its  customs, 
was  unabated,  the  long  neglect  of  their  interests  by  the  Holland  Governn"n.nt 
had  greatly  weakened  if  not  destroyed  any  active  sentiment  of  loyalty. 

The  southern  boundary  established,  the  commissioners  turned  to  the 
more  difficult  task  of  establishing  that  to  the  eastward.  The  Duke  of 
York's  patent  covered  all  the  territory  claimed  alike  by  the  Dutch  and  by 
the  Connecticut  colony  under  its  charter  f  1662,  —  involving  an  unsettled 
controversy.  A  joint  commission  finally  determined  the  matter  by  assign- 
ing Long  Island  to  New  York,  and  establishing  a  dividing  line  between 
New  York  and  Connecticut,  to  run  about  twenty  miles  distant  eastwardly 
from  the  Hudson  River.  The  superior  topographical  information  of  the 
Connecticut  commibsioners  secured  the  establishment  of  this  line  in  a 
manner  not  intended  by  the  Board  at  large.  The  boundary  was  not 
ratified  by  the  royal  authorities,  and  was  later  the  source  of  continual  dis- 
pute and  of  endless  bad  feeling  between  the  two  colonies. 

Nicolls  next  settled  the  rules  of  the  customs,  which  were  to  be  paid 
in  beaver  skins  at  fixed  valuations.  Courts  were  now  established,  —  an 
English  modification  of  those  already  existing  among  the  Dutch.  These 
new  organizations  consisted  of  a  court  of  assizes,  or  high  court  of  law  and 
equity.  Long  Island  was  divided,  after  the  English  manner,  into  three  dis- 
tricts or  ridings,  in  which  courts  of  sessions  were  held  at  stated  intervals. 
The  justices,  sitting  with  the  Governor  and  his  Council  once  in  each  year 
in  the  Court  of  Assizes,  formed  the  supreme  law-making  power,  wholly 
subordinate  to  the  will  of  the  Governor,  and,  after  him,  to  the  approval  of 
the  Duke.  To  this  body  fell  the  duty  of  establishing  a  code  of  laws  for 
such  parts  of  the  province  as  still  remained  under  the  Dutch  forms  of 
j'overnment.  Carefully  examining  the  statutes  of  the  New  England  col- 
onics, Nicolls  prepared  from  them  a  code  of  laws,  and  summoning  a  con- 
vention of  delegates  of  towns  to  meet  at  Hempstead  on  Long  Island,  he 
submitted  it  for  their  approval.  These  laws,  though  liberal  in  matters  of 
conscience  and  religion,  did  not  permit  of  the  election  of  magistrates.  To 
this  restriction  many  of  the  delegates  dcmuned;  but  Nicolls  fell  back  upon 
tlic  terms  of  his  commission,  and  the  delegates  submitted  with  good  grace. 
The  code  thus  established  is  known  in  jurisprudence  as  the  "  Duke's  Laws." 
Its  significant  features  were  trial  by  jury;  equal  taxation;  tenure  of  lands 
from  the  Duke  of  York ;  no  religious  establishment,  but  requirement  of  some 
church  form  ;  freedom  of  religion  to  all  professing  Christianity ;  obligatory 
service  in  each  parish  eve;y  Sunday;  recognition  of  negro  slavery  under 
certain  restrictions;   and  general  liability  to  military  duty. 


•k 


if 


i  / 


<  i- 


392 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Next  in  order  came  the  conforming  of  the  style  and  manner  of  the  city 
governments  to  the  custom  of  iMigiand.  The  Diitcli  form  was  aboUshed, 
and  a  mayor,  aldermen,  and  sheriff  appointed.  The  Dutch  citizens  objected 
to  this  change  from  the  habit  of  their  forefathers,  but  as  the  preponderance 
of  numbers  was  given  to  citizens  of  their  nationality,  the  objection  was  not 
pressed,  and  the  new  authorities  were  quietly  inaugurated,  if  not  with  ac- 
quiescence, at  least  without  opposition  or  protest.  These  changes  occurred 
in  June,  1665.  Thus  in  less  than  a  single  year,  in  a  population  the  Dutch 
element  of  which  outnumbered  the  English  as  three  to  one,  by  the  modera- 
tion, tact,  energy,  and  remarkable  administrative  ability  of  Nicolls,  was 
the  conquered  settlement  assimilated  to  the  English  body  politic  to  which 
it  was  henceforth  to  belong,  and  from  the  hour  of  its  transmutation  it  was 
accustomed  to  look  to  Great  Britain  itself  for  government  and  protection. 
Such  was  the  first  step  in  the  transition  of  the  seat  of  the  "  armed  com- 
mercial monopoly"  of  New  Amsterdam,  through  various  modifications  and 
changes,  to  the  cosmopolitan  city  of  the  present  day. 

The  war  which  the  violent  seizure  of  New  Netherland  precipitated  upon 
Europe  was  little  felt  on  the  western  shores  of  the  Atlantic.  There  was 
nothing  in  New  York  itself,  independently  of  its  territorial  situation,  to  tempt 
a  coup  lie  main.  There  were  "  no  ships  to  lose,  no  goods  to  plunder."  For 
nearly  a  year  after  the  capture  no  vessel  arrived  from  England  with  supplies. 
In  the  interval  the  King's  troo  «  slept  upon  canvas  and  straw.  The  entire 
cost  of  maintaining  the  garrisoi.  .ell  upon  the  faithfui  Nicolls,  who  never- 
theless continued  to  build  up  and  stre;^gthcn  his  government,  personally 
disposing  of  the  disputes  between  the  soldiers  and  settlers  at  the  posts, 
encouraging  settlement  by  liberal  offers  to  planters,  and  cultivating  friendly 
relations  with  the  powerful  Indian  confederacy  on  the  western  frontier. 
While  thus  engaged  in  the  great  work  of  organizing  into  a  harmonious 
whole  the  imperial  domain  confided  to  his  charge, — which,  extending  from 
the  Delaware  to  the  Connecticut,  with  the  Hudson  as  its  central  artery,  was 
of  itself  a  well-rounded  and  perfect  kingdom,  —  he  received  the  disagreeable 
intelligence  that  his  '  ork  of  consolidation  had  been  broken  by  the  Duke 
of  York  himself.  James,  deceived  as  to  the  gravity  of  the  transaction, 
influenced  by  friendship,  or  because  of  more  immediate  personal  consid- 
erations, granted  to  Carteret  and  Berkeley  the  entire  territory  between  the 
Hudson  River  on  the  east,  Cape  May  on  the  southward,  and  the  northern 
branch  of  the  Delaware  on  the  west,  to  which  was  given  the  name  of  Nova 
Caisarea,  or  New  Jersey.  In  this  grant,  however,  the  Duke  of  York  did 
not  convey  the  right  of  jurisdiction ;  but  the  reservation  not  being  ex- 
pressed in  the  document,  the  grantees  claimed  that  it  also  passed  to 
them,  —  an  interpretation  which  received  no  definitive  settlement  for  a 
long  period. 1 

While   the  Dutch  Government  showed  no  disposition  to  attempt  the 

1  See  chapter  xi. 


m 


^"m 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


393 


recovery  of  their  late  American  territory  by  immediate  attack,  they  did  not 
tamely  submit  to  the  humiliation  put  upon  them,  but  strained  every  nerve 
to  maintain  the  honor  of  their  flag  by  sea  and  land.  For  them  as  for  the 
English  race,  the  sea  was  the  natural  scene  of  strife.  The  first  successes 
were  to  the  Englir-h  fleet,  which,  under  the  command  of  the  Duke  of  York 
in  person,  defeated  the  Dutch  at  Lovvestoffc,  and  compelled  them  to  with- 
draw to  the  cover  of  their  forts.  Alarmed  at  the  triumph  of  England  and 
at  the  prospect  of  a  general  war,  Louis  XIV.  urged  peace  upon  the  States- 
General,  and  proposed  to  the  English  King  an  exchange  of  the  tei  itory 
of  New  Netherland  for  the  island  of  Poleron,  one  of  the  Banda  or  Nu  meg 
Islands,  recently  taken  from  the  English,  —  a  kingdom  for  a  mess  of  pot- 
tage. But  Clarendon  rejected  the  mediation,  declining  either  exchange  or 
restitution  in  a  manner  that  forced  upon  the  French  King  a  declaration  of 
war.  This  declaration,  issued  Jan.  29,  1666,  was  immediately  replied  to  by 
England,  and  the  American  colonies  were  directed  to  reduce  the  French 
possessions  to  the  English  crown.  Here  was  the  beginning  of  the  strife  on 
the  American  continent  which  culminated  a  century  later  in  the  conquest 
of  Canada  and  the  final  supremacy  of  the  English  race  on  the  Western 
continent. 

While  the  settlers  of  New  England,  cut  off  from  the  Western  country 
by  the  Hudson  River  and  the  Dutch  settlements  along  its  course,  and  alike 
from  Canada  by  pathless  forests,  and  in  a  manner  enclosed  by  races  whose 
foreign  tongues  rendered  intercourse  difficult,  were  rapidly  multiplying  in 
number,  redeeming  and  cultivating  the  soil  and  laying  the  foundations  of  a 
compact  and  powerful  commonwealth,  divided  perhaps  in  form,  but  one  in 
spirit  and  purpose,  their  northern  neighbors  were  no  less  active  under  totally 
different  forms   of   polity.     The    primary  idea  of  French  as  of   Spanish 
colonization  was  the  conversion  of  the  heathen  tribes.     The  first  empire 
sought  was  that  of  the  soul ;  the  priests  were  the  pioneers  of  exploration. 
The  natives  of  the  soil  were  to  be  first  converted,  then  brought,  if  possible, 
through  this   subtile   influence  into   alliance  with   the  home   government. 
This  peaceful  scheme  failing,  military  posts  were  to  be  established  at  strri- 
tegic  points  to  control  the  lakes  and  streams  and  places  of  portage,  the 
highways  of  Indian  travel,  and  to  hold  the  country  subject  to  the  King  of 
France.     Unfortunately  for  the  success  of  this  comprehensive  plan,  there 
w  as  d'  cord  among  the  French  themselves.     The  French  military  authorities 
and  the  priests  were  not  harmonious  either  in  purpose  or  in  conduct.     The 
Society  of  Jesus  would  not  subordinate  itsnlf  to  the  royal  authority.     More- 
over the  Iroquois  confederacy  of  the  Five  Nations,  which  held  the  valley  of 
tlic  Mohawk  and  the  lakes  south  of  Ontario,  were  not  friendly  at  heart  to  the 
Europeans.     They  had  not  forgotten  nor  forgiven  the  invasion  by  Cham- 
plain  ;  yet,  recognizing  the  value  of  friendly  relations  with  a  power  which 
could  supply  them  with  firearms  for  their  contests  with  t'.  e  fierce  tribes  with 
wliom  they  were  at  perpetual  war,  they  welcomed  the  French  to  dwell 
among  them.     French  policy  had  declared  itself,  even  before  England  made 
VOL.  in.  —  50. 


r  \  1 


U: 


394 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


n 


her  first  move  for  a  consolidation  of  her  power  in  America.  In  1663  the  Old 
Canada  Company  surrendered  its  rights  to  Louis  XIV.,  who  at  once  sent 
over  a  Royal  Commissary  to  organize  a  colonial  government.  The  new 
administration  established  by  him  was  not  content  with  the  uncertain 
relations  existing  with  the  Iroquois,  which  the  fierce  hostility  of  the  Mo- 
hawks, the  most  imf  ortant  and  powerful  of  the  confederate  tribes,  con- 
stantly threatened  to  turn  into  direct  enmity.  A  policy  of  conquest 
was  determined  upon.  An  embassy  sent  by  the  Iroquois  to  Montreal  to 
treat  for  peace  in  1664  was  coldly  received,  and  the  next  year  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  French  King  declared  the  Five  Nations  to  be  "  perpetual 
and  irreconcilable  enemies  of  the  colony."  Strong  military  assistance 
arrived  to  enforce  the  new  policy,  and  before  the  year  closed,  the  Marquis 
de  Tracy,  the  new  viceroy,  had  erected  fortified  posts  which  controlled  the 
entire  course  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  In  December  four  of  the  confederate 
tribes,  —  the  Onondagas,  Oneidas,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas,  —  alarmed  at  this 
well-ordered  progress  toward  their  territory,  made  submission,  and  entered 
into  a  treaty  by  which  Louis  was  acknowledged  as  their  protector  and  sove- 
reign. The  Mohawks  alone  were  not  a  party  to  this  arrangement.  They 
refused  to  acknowledge  subjection.  To  punish  their  obstinacy  the  viceroy 
at  once  despatched  an  expedition  against  their  villages.  Missing  its  way,  it 
was  attacked  near  Schenectady  by  a  party  of  Mohawks.  The  news  of  the 
skirmish  alarmed  the  English  at  Albany.  From  their  pickets  Courcclles, 
the  commander  of  the  French  expedition,  first  learned  of  the  reduction  of 
the  Dutch  province  to  English  rule,  and,  it  is  reported,  said  in  disturbed 
mind,  "  that  the  King  of  England  did  grasp  at  all  America." 

Thus  for  the  first  time  within  the  limits  of  the  New  York  province  the 
English  and  French  were  confronted  with  each  other  on  the  territory  which 
was  destined  to  become  the  scene  of  a  century  of  strife  ;  and  thus  also  were 
the  Mohawks  naturally  inclined  to  the  only  power  which  could  protect  them 
against  the  aggressions  of  the  French.  Nicolls  induced  the  Mohawks  to 
treat  for  peace  with  the  French.  He  also  urged  the  Connecticut  authorities  to 
arrange  a  peace  between  the  Mohicans  and  the  Mohawks ;  and  negotiations 
were  opened  in  time  to  counteract  the  French  emissaries,  who  were  already 
tampering  with  the  former  tribe.  Shortly  after  these  successful  mediations, 
instructions  arrived  from  King  Charles  to  undertake  hostilities  against  Canada ; 
but  Connecticut  refusing  to  join  in  an  expedition,  and  Massachusetts,  con- 
sidering the  reduction  of  Canada  as  not  at  the  time  feasible,  Nicolls  changed 
his  tactics,  and  declared  to  the  Canadian  viceroy  his  purpose  to  maintain 
peace,  provided  the  bounds  and  limits  of  his  Majesty's  dominions  were  not 
invaded.  Meanwhile,  the  Oneidas  having  ratified  the  treaty  made  by  their 
colleague  tribes  with  the  French,  the  Mohawks  were  left  alone  in  resistance, 
and  committed  outrages  which  the  viceroy  determined  to  punish.  Leadini,' 
an  expedition  in  person,  he  marched  upon  the  Mohawks,  captured  and  de- 
stroyed their  four  villages,  burned  vast  quantities  of  .stored  provisions,  devas- 
tated their  territory,  and  took  formal  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name 


1^1 


■  I  e 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


395 


of  the  King  of  France.  Yet  such  was  the  independent  spirit  of  this  proud 
fibe,  that  it  required  the  threat  of  another  expedition  to  bring  them  to  sub- 
mission. A  treaty  was  made  by  which  they  consented  to  receive  mission- 
aries. This  completed  the  title  of  possession  of  the  Western  territory  which 
the  French  Government  was  preparing  against  a  day  of  need. 

The  war  in  Europe  was  closed  by  the  treaty  of  Breda,  which  allowed 
the  retention  by  each  of  the  conflicting  parties  of  the  places  it  occupied. 
This  provision  confirmed  the  English  in  peaceful  and  rightful  possession  of 
their  conquest  of  New  Netherland.  The  intelligence  was  proclaimed  New 
Year's  Day,  1668.     It  enabled  the  Duke  of  York  to  accede   at  last  to  the 


.i2/|Mi 


1Z. 


J'yf 


t^^  ci^iLeJju3^ 


repeated  requests  of  his  faithful  and 
able  deputy,  and  permission  was 
granted  to  Nicolls  to  return  to  Eng- 
land. His  successor,  Colonel  Francis 
Lovelace,  relieved  him  in  his  charge 
in  August  following. 

Francis  Lovelace,  the  successor  of 
Nicolls,  continued  his  policy  with  prudence  and  moderation.  To  him  the 
merchants  of  the  city  owed  the  establishment  of  the  first  exchange  or 
meeting-place  for  transaction  of  business  at  fixed  hours.  He  encouraged 
the  fisheries  and  whaling,  promoted  domestic  trade  with  Virginia,  Massa- 
chusetts, and  the  West  India  Islands,  and  took  personal  interest  in  ship- 
building. By  his  encouragement  the  first  attempt  toward  a  post-road  or 
king's  highway  was  made.  During  his  administration  the  first  seal  was 
secured  for  the  province,  and  one  also  for  the  city.  He  appears  to  have 
concerned  himself  also  in  the  conversion  to  Christianity  of  the  Indian 
tribes,  —  a  policy  which  Nicolls  initiated;  but  as  yet  there  was  no  printing 
press  in  the  province  to  second  his  efforts.  Of  more  practical  benefit 
was  his  interference  to  arrest  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  to  the  savage 
tribes  from  the  trading-post  at  Albany. 

In  1668  the  policy  of  the  English  Government  again  veered.  A  treaty, 
known  as  the  Triple  Alliance,  was  signed  between  Great  Britain,  the  United 
Provinces,  and  Sweden,  to  arrest  the  growing  power  and  ambitious  designs 
of  France.  Popular  in  the  mother  country,  the  alliance  gave  peculiar  satis- 
faction to  the  New  York  province,  and  somewhat  allayed  the  disappoint- 
ment with  which  the  cancellation  of  the  order  permitting  the  Dutch  freely 
to  trade  with  New  York  was  received  by  its  citizens  of  Holland  descent. 
Throughout  the  Duke's  province  there  was  entire  religious  toleration. 
>Jone  were  disturbed  in  the  exercise  of  their  worship.  At  AiLnny  Lhe 
parochial  Dutch  church  was  maintained  under  his  authority,  and  in  New 
York,  he  authorized  the  establishment  of  a  branch  of  the  Dutch  Reformed 
Church,  and  directed  the  payment  of  a  sufficient  salary  to  the  minister 
invited  from  Holland  to  undertake  its  charge. 

The  efforts  begun  by  Nicolls  and  continued  by  Lovtlace,  to  bring  into 
harmonious  subjection   the  diverse   elements   of  the  Duke's  government 


\\\ 


1  ■' 


l! 


396 


NARRATIVL   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA. 


were  not  wholly  siiccessful.  The  inhabitants  of  eastern  Long  Island  clunfj 
tenaciously  to  the  traditions  of  the  Connecticut  colony,  and  petitioned  tlie 
King  directly  for  representation  in  the  Government ;  but  the  Council  for  Plan- 
tations denied  the  claim,  on  the  ground  that  the  territory  was  in  the  limits 
of  the  Duke  of  York's  patent  and  government.  The  unsettled  boundaries 
again  gave  trouble,  Massachusetts  renewing  her  claim  to  the  navigation  of 
the  Hudson,  which  the  Dutch  had,  during  their  rule,  successfully  resisted. 
Massachusetts  further  claimed  the  territory  to  the  Pacific  westward  of  the 
line  of  the  Duke  of  York's  patent.  The  contiguous  territory  was  however 
held  by  the  Mohawks,  who  had  never  acknowledged  other  sovereignty  than 
their  own.  In  1672  this  tribe  made  a  considerable  sale  of  lands  on  the 
Mohawk  River  to  the  inhabitants  of  Schenectady,  by  which  New  York  prac- 
tically acquired  title  to  the  soil  as  well  as  sovereignty. 

In  1672  English  politics  again  undenvcnt  a  change.  The  Triple  Alliance 
was  dissolved,  and  a  secret  treaty  entered  into  with  France.  War  was 
declared  against  the  Dutch.  In  a  severe  action  at  Solebay,  the  Dutch  won 
an  advantage  over  the  allied  fleets  of  England  and  France.  In  the  engage- 
ment Nicolls,  the  late  governor  of  the  New  York  province,  fell,  killed  by  a 
cannon  ball,  at  the  feet  of  his  master,  the  Duke  of  York,  Lord  High  Admiral 
of  England,  who  commanded  the  British  fleet.  But  while  the  Dutch  main- 
tained an  equality  at  sea  with  the  combined  fleets  of  the  powers,  their  for- 
tune on  land  was  not  as  favorable.  Turenne  and  Cond^  led  the  armies  of 
France  to  the  soil  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  and  to  mark  his  advantage,  Louis 
XIV.  brought  his  court  to  Utrecht.  A  revolution  in  Holland  was  the  imme- 
diate consequence.  The  Grand  Pensionary,  who  in  his  alarm  sought  peace, 
lost  the  favor  of  the  people,  resigned  his  office,  and  was  quickly  murdered  by 
the  excited  followers  of  William  of  Orange.  William,  having  demanded  and 
obtained  appointment  as  Stadtholder,  at  once  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  war  party,  and  active  hostilities  were  prosecuted  by  sea  and  land,  both 
far  and  near.  Among  the  rumors  which  reached  the  inhabitants  of  the 
New  York  province,  whose  kinsmen  were  again  at  war  with  each  other, 
was  one  to  the  effect  that  a  Dutch  squadron  which  had  been  despatched 
against  the  West  India  colonies  was  on  its  way  along  the  Atlantic  coast. 
Lovelace  discredited  the  information,  and  seems  to  have  made  no  immediate 
efforts  to  strengthen  the  forts.  Troops  were  called  in,  however,  from  tlic 
river  garrisons  and  the  posts  on  the  Delaware ;  but  their  number,  with  the 
volunteers,  reached  only  three  hundred  and  thirty  men.  The  alarm  soon 
subsiding,  the  new-comers  were  dismissed,  and  the  garrison  left  in  Fort  James 
did  not  exceed  eighty  men.  Lovelace  himself,  in  entire  serenity  of  mind, 
left  the  city  on  a  visit  to  Governor  Winthrop  in  Connecticut.  The  rumor, 
however,  proved  true.  The  Dutch  squadron,  after  capturing  or  destroying 
the  Virginia  fleet  of  tobacco  ships  in  the  Chesapeake,  sailed  northward, 
and  on  Aug.  7,  1673,  anchored  off  Staten  Island.  Informed  of  the  pre- 
cise state  of  the  New  York  defences  by  the  captain  of  a  prize  captured 
at  the  rr  ..uth  of  James  River,  the   Dutch  commander  made  an  immediate 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


397 


domaiul  for  the  surrender  of  the  city.  The  Dutch  fleet,  commanded  by 
Kvcrtsen,  originally  consistinjj  of  fifteen  ships,  had  been  reinforced  in  its 
course  by  seven  men-t)f-\var,  and  with  its  prizes  now  numbered  twenty- 
seven  sail,  which  carried  sixteen  hundred  men.  Against  this  force  no  re- 
sistance was  possible.  On  the  morning  of  the  Sth  the  fleet  moved  up 
the  bay,  exchanged  shots  with  the  fort,  and  landed  six  hundred  men  on  the 
shore  of  the  Hudson  just  above  the  city,  where  they  were  joined  by  a  body 
of  the  Dutch  burghers.  A  storming  party  was  advanced,  under  command 
of  Captain  Anthony  Colve,  to  whom  Captain  Manning,  who  commanded  in 
the  Governor's  absence,  surrendered  the  fort,  the  garrison  being  permitted 
to  march  out  with  the  honors  of  war.  Thus  New  York  was  again  surren- 
dered without  the  shedding  of  a  drop  of  blood. 

A  few  days  later  Lovelace,  entrapped  into  a  visit  to  the  city,  was  first 
courteously  entertained,  then  arresteu  on  a  civil  suit  for  debt  and  detained. 
The  river  settlements  of  ICsopus  and  Albany  surrendered  without  opposi- 
tion ;  .uid  those  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  city,  where  the 
Dutch  population  was  in  ascendency,  made  submission.  The  eastern 
towns  of  Long  Island,  of  linglish  descent,  came  in  with  reluctance.  The 
commodores  Evertsen  and  Hinckes,  who  acted  as  council  of  war  of  New 
Nethcrland,  after  confiscating  the  property  of  the  Duke  of  York  and  of 
his  agent,  by  proclamation  commissioned  Captain  Anthony  Colve  Gov- 
ernor-General of  the  country,  and  set  sail  for  Holland,  —  Binckcs  taking 
Lovelace  with  him  on  his  ship  at  his  request. 

New  York  had  greatly  changed  in  nine  years  of  English  rule.  From 
a  sleepy  Dutch  settlement  it  had  become  the  capital  of  a  well-ordered 
province.  Colve,  the  new  Dutch  governor,  went  through  the  form  of  a 
return  to  the  old  order  of  city  government  of  the  home  pattern,  and  pre- 
pared a  provincial  Instruction  to  which  the  outlying  towns  were  to  con- 
form. Massachusetts  again  asserted  her  old  claim  to  run  her  southern  line 
to  the  Hudson,  and  Connecticut  hankered  once  more  after  the  fertile  towns 
of  Long  Island,  settled  by  her  sons.  But  Massachusetts  had  no  disposition 
to  take  up  arms  to  restore  the  Duke  of  York  to  his  possessions.  The  refusal 
of  the  Duke  to  take  the  test  oath  of  conformity  to  the  Protestant  reli- 
gion of  the  Established  Church,  and  the  leaning  of  Charles  to  the  French 
alliance,  alarmed  the  Puritans,  and  Connecticut  was  content,  by  volunteer 
reinforcements,  to  strengthen  the  eastern  towns  in  their  resistance  to 
Colvo's  authority. 

The  news  of  the  recapture  of  New  York  reached  Holland  in  October, 
when  Joris  Andringa  was  by  the  States-General  appointed  governor  of  New 
Nctherland  under  the  instructions  of  the  Board  of  Admiralty.  Notwith- 
standing the  earnest  request  of  the  Dutch  inhabitants  of  the  reconquered 
province  and  the  petition  of  persons  interested  in  its  trade  in  the  mother 
country,  the  States-General  recognized  the  impossibility  of  holding  their 
American  possessions  on  the  mainland,  surrounded  as  they  were  by  a  grow- 
ing and  aggressive  English  populatioQ.     The  Prince  of  Orange,  with  true 


ll 


i 


lU. 


398 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


statesmanship,  saw  that  the  only  safety  of  the  Republic  was  in  a  concentra- 
tion of  resources  in  onler  to  oppose  tlie  power  of  France.  The  offer  of  a 
restitution  of  New  Netlierlanil  was  tlirectiy  made  to  Charles  II.  as  an  evi- 
dence of  the  desire  for  peace  and  a  ^;ood  understanding^.  Charles  referred 
the  subject  to  Parliament,  whicii  instantly  recommended  acceptance,  and 
within  three  days  a  treaty  was  ilrawn  up  and  signed  at  Westminster,  which 
once  more  and  finally  transferred  the  province  of  New  Yor!;  to  the  Kinp 
of  Great  Hritain.  Proclamation  of  the  treaty  was  made  at  Guild  Hall 
early  in  July,  1674.  The  news  came  by  way  of  Massachusetts  and  Con- 
necticut. Connecticut  determined  to  make  one  more  pusfj  for  the  control 
on  Lontj  Island  of  Southampton,  ICasthampton,  and  Southold,  and  petitions 
were  addressed  to  the  Kiny.  At  the  same  time  she  souf^ht  a^ain  to  include 
the  territory  between  the  boundary  line  established  in  1664  and  the  Hudson. 
And  it  may  be  stated  as  a  curious  instance  of  the  politics  of  the  time,  that 
some  friend  of  Massachusetts,  urged  by  her  ayent  in  London,  actually  con- 
templated the  purchase  of  the  entire  province  of  New  York  in  her  interest. 

The  new  j^overnor  appointed  by  the  King  to  receive  the  surrender  of 
the  New  Nctherland  was  one  ICdmund  Andros,  major  in  a  dragoon  regi- 
ment. In  continuance  of  the  liberal  policy  of  1664,  all  the  inhabitants  were 
by  his  instructions  confirmed  in  their  rights  and  privileges,  and  in  the 
undisturbed  possession  of  their  property.  Hy  the  treaty  of  Westminster, 
the  New  Netherland,  the  rightful  possession  of  which  by  the  Dutch  was 
implied  by  its  tenor,  was  ceded  to  the  King.  Although  termed  a  re.titu- 
tion,  it  was  held  that  the  rights  of  the  Duke  of  York  had  been  extinguished 
by  the  conquest,  and  that  restitution  to  the  sovereign  did  not  convey  res- 
toration to  the  subject.  The  Duke  of  York,  now  better  informed  as  to  the 
nature  and  value  of  the  territory,  on  June  29,  1674,  obtained  from  his 
royal  brother  a  new  patent  with  enlarged  authority.  To  Andros,  who  bore 
the  King's  authority  to  receive  submission,  the  Duke  now  conferred  his 
commission  to  govern  the  province  in  his  name.  Lieutenant  Anthony 
BrockhoUs  was  named  his  successor  in  case  of  death.  Andros  was  a 
man  of  high  character,  well  suited  by  nature  and  experience  to  carry  out 
the  policy  of  his  master, — the  policy  skilfully  inaugurfitcd  by  Nicolls  and 
loyally  pursued  by  Lovelace,  —  the  institution  of  an  autocratic  govern- 
ment of  the  most  arbitrary  nature  in  form,  but  of  extreme  mildness  in 
practice;  one  which,  insuring  peace  and  happiness  to  the  subject,  would 
best  contribute  to  the  authority  and  revenue  of  the  master.  Colonization 
was  encouraged,  the  customs  burdens  lightened,  the  laws  equally  admin- 
istered, and  freedom  of  conscience  secured.  Although  the  Duke  of  York, 
in  his  refusal  to  take  the  test  oath  prescribed  by  the  Act  of  1673,  had  pro- 
claimed himself  an  adherent  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  BrockhoUs  was 
a  professed  Papist,  and  neither  master  nor  servant  could  hold  office  in 
England  under  that  Act,  and  although  the  British  American  colonies  were 
not  within  its  provisions,  yet  it  does  not  appear  that  any  effort  was  made 
by  the  Church  of  Rome  to  exercise  its   religion  under  the  guarantee  of 


*♦      ;'.tS%r 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   NEW   YORK. 


399 


llic  King  and  of  the  Uukc.  There  were  doubtless  few  of  that  faith  in  the 
i'rotestant  colony  of  New  York  to  claim  the  |)»-ivilege.  It  was  left  to  the 
wise  men  who  laid  the  foundations  of  the  lunpirc:  State  in  1777  to  put 
in  practice  the  freedom  of  religion  to  all,  which,  strangely  enough,  was 
first  guaranteed  in  word  by  the  Catholic  prince. 

The  new  patent  of  1674  restored  to  the  Duke  his  full  authority  over 
the  entire  domain  covered  by  the  original  grant,  and  brought  New  Jersey 
again  within  his  rule;  yet  he  was  persuaded  to  divest  himself  of  this  pro- 
prietorship by  a  new  release  to  Carteret.  No  grant  of  power  to  govern 
l)cing  named  in  either  the  first  or  the  .second  instrument,  this  authority  was 
held  as  reserved  by  the  iJuke.  The  cession  was  nevertheless  uf  exu  .i/.c 
and  lasting  injury  to  the  New  York  province,  as  it  impaired  its  control  over 
tlie  west  bank  of  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson  and  the  waters  of  the  bay.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  Duke's  title  to  Long  Island  and  I'emacpiid  was  strength- 
ened by  a  release  obtained  from  I,ord  Stirling;  and  the  assumption  of 
Connecticut  to  govern  the  eastern  towns  in  the  former  territory  was  sum- 
marily disposed  of.  The  Duke's  authority  in  I'emaquid,  Martha's  Vineyard, 
and  Nantucket,  though  disturbed  by  some  of  the  inhabitants  who  sought 
to  brin;j  tliem  under  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  had  been  maintained 
(lurini;  iie  period  of  Colvc's  administration.  They  had  not  been  named  in 
the  commission  of  the  Dutch  commanders  to  Colvc.  The  claim  of  Con- 
necticut to  the  strip  of  land  between  the  Mamaroneck  line  and  the  Hud- 
son River  \vas  disallowed  by  the  Duke,  and  possession  of  tiie  territory 
entered  by  Connecticut  was  demanded  by  Andros.  Connecticut  held  to 
tlie  letter  of  her  charter;  Andros  to  the  letters-patent  of  the  King.  The 
rising  of  the  Narragansett  tribes  under  King  Philip  afiforded  Andros  an 
o])portunity  to  assert  the  Duke's  authority.  Sailing  with  three  sloops  and 
a  body  of  soldiers,  he  landed  at  Sajbrook,  and  read  the  Duke's  patent  and 
Ills  own  commission.  The  Connecticut  officers  replied  by  reading  the  pro- 
test of  the  Hartford  authorities.  It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  had 
.\ndros  found  the  Saybrook  fort  unoccupied,  he  would  have  put  in  a 
l^arrison  to  protect  from  the  Indians  the  territory  which  he  claimed  to  be 
within  his  commission.  Had  he  intended  a  surprise,  he  would  not  have 
i;iven  notice  to  Winthrop  that  the  object  of  his  journey  was  "  the  Connecti- 
cut River,  his  Royal  Highness's  bounds  there."  Neither  Andros  nor  the 
Connecticut  authorities  desired  an  armed  collision.  Andros,  content  with 
the  assertion  of  his  claim,  crossed  the  .Sound,  despatched  aid  to  his  depen- 
dencies of  Martha's  Vineyard  and  Nantucket,  and  returned,  after  reviewing 
tlie  militia  and  disarming  the  Indians.  The  course  of  Andros  was  approved 
by  the  Duke,  who,  while  insisting  on  his  claim  to  all  the  territory  west  of 
tlie  Connecticut  River,  ordered  that  the  distance  of  twenty  miles  from  the 
Hudson  be  observed  for  the  dividing  line. 

The  northern  frontier  was  also  watched  with  jealous  solicitude.  The 
increase  of  French  influence  through  their  missionaries  now  became  the 
occasion  of  an  English  policy  of  far-reaching  significance,  —  a  policy  felt 


400 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


throughout  the  American  Revolution  and  in  the  later  contest  of  the  States 
of  the  Union  for  Western  territory.  The  friendship  of  the  Mohawks,  the 
only  tribe  which  did  not  acknowledge  French  supremacy,  was  encouraged. 
Andros  personally  visited  the  stronghold  of  the  Mohawks,  and  on  his  return 
to  Albany  confirmed  a  close  alliance  with  the  Iroquois  and  organized  a  board 
of  'ndian  Commissioners.  This  sagacious  plan  served  in  the  future  as  an 
efifectual  check  to  the  encroachments  of  the  French.  The  ministers  of 
Louis  XIV.  were  quick  to  feel  the  blow,  and  in  1677  the  counter  claim  was 
set  up  that  the  reception  of  the  Jesuit  missionaries  had  given  sovereignty 
to  France  over  the  Iroquois.  The  future  contest  which  was  to  shake  the 
two  continents  was  already  foreshadowed.  The  same  year  the  supremacy 
of  New  York  over  the  Iroquois  was  tacitly  admitted  by  Massachusetts  in 
the  treaty  made  with  them  "  under  the  advice  "  of  Andros. 

In  the  details  of  his  administration  Andros  showed  the  same  firmness. 
1  he  old  contraband  trade  with  the  Dutch  was  arrested;  no  European  goods 
were  admitted  from  any  port  that  had  not  paid  duties  in  England.  This 
strict  enforcement  of  the  Navigation  Laws  diminished  the  coastwise  trade 
with  Massachusetts  and  promoted  a  direct  intercourse  with  England,  whicii 
gradually  brought  the  province  into  close  relation  with  the  English'  com- 
mercial towns.  Social  an-'  political  alliance  was  the  natural  result,  and  New- 
York  grew  gradually  to  be  the  most  English  in  sentiment  of  the  American 
colonies,  notwithstanding  the  cosmopolitan  character  of  her  population. 

Inc.  jasing  commerce  requiring  greater  accommodation,  a  great  mole 
or  ci'-'Ci:  was  built  on  the  East  River,  which  afforded  protection  to  vessels 
in  the  rapi  '  tide,  and  for  a  long  period  was  the  centre  of  the  traffic  of  the 
city  of  Ne.v  York.  The  answer  of  Governor  Andros  to  the  inquiries  of  the 
CoiKicil  of  Plant?  '-ns  as  to  the  condition  of  the  province  gives  the  best 
existing  accounv  of  it  in  1678.     The  following  arc  the  principal  points:  — 


I- 


"  Boundaries,  —  South,  the  Sea ;  West,  Delaware ;  North,  to  ye  Lakes  or  ffrench ; 
East,  Connecticut  river,  hut  most  usurped  and  yett  posse'd  by  s'd  Connecticut.  Some 
Islands  F.astward  and  a  Tract  beyond  Kennebeck  River  called  Pemaquid.  .  .  .  Princi- 
pall  places  of  Trade  are  New  Yorke  and  South'ton  except  Albany  for  the  Indyans ;  our 
l)uildings  most  wood,  some  lately  stone  and  brick  ;  gooil  country  houses,  and  strong  of 
their  severall  kindes.  About  twenty-four  towns,  villages,  or  parishes  in  six  precincts, 
divisions,  Rydeings,  or  Courts  of  Sessions.  Produce  is  land  provisions  of  all  sorts,  as 
of  wheate  exported  yearly  about  sixty  thousand  bushells,  pease,  beefe,  pork,  and  some 
Refuse  fish.  Tobacco,  beavers'  peltry  or  furs  from  the  Indians,  Deale  and  oake  tim- 
ber, plankes,  pipestavves,  lumbei,  horses,  nnd  pitch  and  tarr  lately  begunn  to  be  made. 
Comodityes  imported  are  all  sorts  of  P^nglish  manufacture  for  Christians,  and  blanketts, 
DuffeJls,  etc.,  for  Indians,  about  50,000  pounds  yearly.  Pemaquid  affords  merchantable 
fish  and  masts.  Our  merchants  are  not  many,  but  most  inhabitants  and  planters,  about 
two  thousand  able  to  beare  armes,  old  inhabitants  of  the  place  or  of  England,  Except 
in  and  neere  New  Yorke  of  Dutch  Extraction,  and  some  few  of  all  nations,  but  few 
serv'ts  much  wanted,  and  but  very  few  slaves.  A  merchant  worth  one  thousand 
pounds  or  five  hundred  pounds  is  accompted  a  good  substantiail  merchant,  and  a 


RICA. 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   NEW   YORK. 


401 


t  of  the  States 
Mohawks,  tlie 
IS  encourafjcd. 
d  on  his  return 
anized  a  board 
e  future  as  an 
e  ministers  of 
nter  claim  was 
;n  sovereignty 
i  to  shake  the 
he  supremacy 
issachusetts  in 

ame  firmness, 
iropcan  goods 
ngland.  This 
oastwise  trade 
ingland,  which 

EngHsh'  com- 
esult,  and  New 

the  American 
lopulation. 

a  great  mole 
:ion  to  vessels 

traffic  of  the 
iquiries  of  the 
gives  the  best 
al  points :  — 

ikes  or  ffrenc  h  ; 

lecticut.  Some 
id.  .  .  .  Princi- 

ic  Indyans ;  our 
,  and  strong  of 

n  six  precincts, 
of  all  sorts,  as 
ork,  and  some 

and  oake  tim- 

nn  to  be  made, 
and  blanketts, 
;  merchantable 
planters,  about 
igland,  Except 

itions,  but  few 
one  thousand 

erchant,  anil  a 


planter  worthe  half  that  in  moveables  accompted  [rich?].  With  all  the  Estates  may 
be  valued  at  about  _;^i50,ooo.  There  may  lately  have  trade  to  ye  Colony  in  a  yeare 
from  ten  to  fifteen  ships  or  vessels,  of  which  togeather  100  tunns  each,  English,  New 
England,  and  our  own  built,  of  which  5  small  ships  and  a  Ketch  now  belonging  to 
New  York,  four  of  them  built  there.  No  privateers  on  the  coa.st.  Religions  of  all 
sorts,  —  one  Church  of  England,  several  Presbyterians  and  Independents,  Quakers 
and  Anabaptists  of  severall  sects,  some  Jews,  but  Presbyterians  and  Indepenilents 
most  numerous  and  substantial.  There  are  about  20  churches  or  meeting-places,  of 
which  about  half  vacant.     Noe  beggars,  but  all  poor  cared  "or." 

In  1678,  the  affairs  of  the  province  being  every  vhere  in  order,  Andres 
availed  himself  of  the  permission  given  him  by  the  Duke  to  pay  a  visit  to 
England.  He  sailed  from  New  York  on  the  12th  of  November,  leaving 
Brockholls  to  administer  the  government  in  his  absence,  with  the  commis- 
sion of  commander-in-chief.  On  reaching  London  Andros  was  knighted  by 
the  King.  His  administration  was  examined  into  by  the  Privy  Council  and 
approved.  In  May  he  sailed  for  New  York  with  the  new  commission  of 
vice-admiral  throughout  the  government  of  the  Duke  of  York.  He  found 
the  province  in  the  same  quiet  as  when  he  left  it. 

The  marriage  of  William  of  Orange  with  Mary,  daughter  of  the  Duke 
of  York  and  heiress  to  the  throne  of  England,  in  the  autumn  of  1677,  was  of 
happy  augury  to  the  Xew  York  colony.  It  gave  earnest  of  a  restoration  of 
the  natural  alliance  of  the  Protestant  powers  against  France,  the  common 
enemy.  To  the  Dutch  of  New  York  it  was  peculiarly  grateful,  allaying  the 
last  remains  of  the  bitterness  of  submission  to  alien  rule.  Andros  wisely 
promoted  this  good  feeling  by  interesting  himself  in  the  formal  establish- 
ment of  their  religion.  Under  his  direction  a  classis  of  the  Reformed 
Church  of  Holland  met  in  New  York  for  purposes  of  ordination,  and  its 
proceedings  were  approved  by  the  supreme  ecclesiastical  authority  at 
Amsterdam.  New  points  in  law  were  now  decided  and  settled ;  strikes  or 
combinations  to  raise  the  price  of  labor  were  declared  illegal ;  all  Indians 
were  declared  to  be  free. 

But  Andros  was  on  occasion  as  energetic  and  determined  as  he  was 
prudent  and  moderate.  He  dallied  with  no  invasion  of  his  master's  rights 
or  privileges,  as  he  evinced  when,  in  1680,  he  arrested  Carteret  in  New 
Jersey  and  dragged  him  to  triaP  for  having  presumed  to  exercise  juris- 
diction and  collect  duties  within  the  limits  of  the  Duke's  patent. 

The  position  of  the  Duke  of  York  now  became  daily  more  difficult,  indeed 
almost  untenable  in  his  increasing  divergence  from  the  policy  of  the  king- 
dom. The  elements  of  that  personal  opposition  which  was  later  to  drive 
him  from  the  throne  were  rapidly  concentrating.  His  adherents  and  those 
who  favored  a  Protestant  succession  were  forming  the  historic  parties  of 
Tories  and  of  Whigs.  To  avoid  angry  controversy  the  Duke  ordered  the 
question  of  his  right  to  collect  customs  dues  in  New  Jersey  to  be  submitted 
to  Sir  William  Jones.     Upon  his  adverse  decision  so  far  as  related  to  West 


i/u 


M  f 


1  See  chapter  xi. 


VOL.    III.  —  51. 


402 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Jersey,  the  Duke  directed  the  necessary  transfer  to  be  made ;  and  when 
the  widow  of  Carteret  made  complaint  of  his  dispossession  from  authority, 
the  action  of  Andros  was  wholly  disavowed  by  the  Duke,  and  his  authority 
over  East  Jersey  was  relinquished  in  the  same  form.  Andros  himself, 
against  whom  complaints  of  favoring  the  Dutch  trade  had  been  made  by 
his  enemies,  was  ordered  to  return  to  England,  leaving  IJrockholls  in  charge 


SIR   EDMUND   ANDROS.^ 


of  the  government ;  at  the  same  time  a  special  agent  was  sent  over  to 
examine  into  the  administration.  Conscious  of  the  integrity  of  his  service, 
Andros  obeyed  the  summons  with  alacrity,  proclaimed  the  agent's  com- 
mission, called  Brockholls  down  from  Albany  to  take  charge  of  the  gov- 
ernment, and  took  ship  for  Ivngland.  The  absence  of  his  firm  hand  was 
soon  felt.     The  term  for  the  levy  of  the  customs  rates  under  the  Duke's  au- 

'   [Regarding  this  portr.iit,  sec  Memorial  History  of  Bos/oh,  ii.  5.  —  Ed.] 


CA. 

: ;  and  when 
m  authority, 
his  authority 
Iros  himself, 
:en  made  by 
)lls  in  charge 


cnt  over  to 
his  service, 
gent's  com- 
3f  the  gov- 
n  hand  was 
Duke's  ail- 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW  YORK. 


403 


thority  had  expired  just  before  his  sailing,  and  had  not  been  renewed. 
Immediately  after  his  departure  the  merchants  refused  to  pay  duties,  and 
the  collector  who  attempted  the  levy  was  held  for  high  treason  in  the 
exercise  of  regal  authority  without  v/arrant.  He  pleaded  his  commission 
from  the  Duke,  and  the  case  was  referred  to  England.  The  resistance  of  the 
merchants  was  stimulated  by  the  free  condition  of  the  charter  just  granted 
to  Pennsylvania,  which  required  that  all  laws  should  be  assented  to  by  the 
freemen  of  the  province,  and  that  no  taxes  should  be  laid  or  revenue  raised 
except  by  provincial  assembly.  The  Grand  Jury  of  New  York  presented 
the  want  of  a  provincial  assembly  as  a  grievance ;  a  petition  was  drafted 
to  the  Duke  praying  jr  a  change  in  the  form  of  government,  and  calling 
for  a  governor,  council,  and  assembly,  the  last  to  be  elected  by  the  free- 
holders of  the  colony.  On  the  arrival  of  the  Duke's  agent  in  London  with 
his  report  upon  the  late  administration,  Andros  was  examined  by  the  Duke's 
commissioners,  whereupon  he  was  fully  exonerated,  his  administration  was 
complimented,  and  he  was  made  a  gentleman  of  the  King's  Privy  Chamber. 
The  Duke's  collector,  after  waiting  in  vain  for  his  prosecutors  to  appear, 
was  discharged  from  his  bond,  and  soon  after  appointed  surveyor-general 
of  customs  in  the  American  Plantations. 

Notwithstanding  his  dislike  to  popular  assemblies,  the  Duke  of  York  saw 
the  need  of  some  concession,  and  gave  notice  of  his  intention  to  Brock- 
holls.  Thus  by  the  accident  of  the  non-renewal  of  the  customs'  term,  the 
people  of  New  York  were  enabled,  in  the  absence  of  the  governor,  to  assert 
the  doctrine  of  no  taxation  without  representation,  to  which  the  Duke  in 
his  necessity  was  compelled  to  submit. 

Great  changes  had  taken  place  in  the  neighboring  territory  of  New 
Jersey,  which  the  Duke  had  alienated  from  his  original  magnificent  domain, 
to  its  mutilation  and  lasting  injury.  Pennsylvania  was  formally  organized 
as  a  province,  and  Philadelphia  was  planned.  East  New  Jersey  passed  into 
the  hands  of  twelve  proprietors,  who  increased  their  number  by  sale  to 
twenty-four,  selected  a  governor,  summoned  a  legislature,  and  organized 
the  State. 

While  the  English  race,  true  to  its  instincts  and  traditions,  was  thus 
organizing  its  settlements,  bringing  its  population  into  homogeneity,  and 
preparing  for  a  gradual  but  sure  extension  of  its  colonization  from  a  firm, 
well-ordered  base,  the  more  adventurous  French  were  pushing  their  voy- 
ages and  posts  along  the  lakes  and  down  the  Western  streams,  until  the 
discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  by  La  Salle  completed  the  chain 
and  added  to  the  nominal  domain  of  the  sovereign  of  France  the  vast 
territory  from  the  Illinois  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  to  which  he  gave  the 
name  of  Louisiana. 

The  governor  selected  by  the  Duke  of  York  to  succeed  Andros  and  to 
inaugurate  the  new  order  of  government  in  his  province  was  Colonel 
Thomas  Dongan,  an  Irish  officer  who  had  commanded  a  regiment  in  the 


r  i  I 


i  IJ 


l^\m 


1 


404 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


French  service.  Though  a  Roman  Catholic,  an  Irishman,  and  a  soldier, 
he  proved  himself  an  excellent  and  prudent  magistrate.     The  instructions 

of  the  Duke  required  the  appointment  of 
a  council  of  ten  eminent  citizens  and  the 
^/y^'Z^/X^  issue  of  writs  for  a  general  assembly,  not  to 
y^  _)  exceed  eighteen,  to  consult  with  the  Gov- 
^-^  ernor  and  Council  with  regard  to  the  laws 

to  be  established,  such  laws  to  be  subject  to  his  approval,  —  the  general 
tenor  of  lav.«  as  to  life  and  property  t-^  be  in  conformity  with  the  common 
law  of  England.  No  duties  were  to  \  i  levied  except  by  the  Assembly. 
No  allusion  was  made  to  religion.  No  more  democratic  form  of  govern- 
ment existed  in  America,  or  was  possible  under  kingly  authority. 

Dongan  reached  the  city  of  New  York,  Aug.  28,  1683,  and  assumed 
the  government.  Installing  his  secretary  and  providing  occupation  for 
Brockholls,  he  summoned  an  assembly,  and  then  has^  led  to  Albany  to 
check  the  attempt  of  Penn  to  extend  the  bounds  of  tht  territory  of  Penn- 
sylvania by  a  purchase  of  the  valley  of  the  Upper  Susquehanna  from  the 
Iroquois,  whc  claimed  the  country  by  right  of  conquest  from  the  Andastes. 
In  this  Dongan  was  successful;  the  Cayugas  settling  the  question  by  a 
formal  conveyance  of  the  coveted  territory  to  the  New  York  Government,  a 
cession  which  was  later  confirmed  by  the  Mohawks.  At  the  same  time 
this  tribe  was  instructed  as  to  their  behavior  toward  the  French.  The 
claim  of  New  York  to  all  the  land  on  the  south  side  of  the  lake  was  again 
renewed  and  assented  to  by  the  Mohawks.  The  astute  Iroquois  already 
recognized  that  only  through  the  friendship  of  the  English  could  their 
indf'pendence  be  maintained. 

The  New  York  Assembly  met  in  October.  Its  first  act  bore  the  title  of 
"The  Charter  of  Liberties  and  Privileges  granted  by  his  Royal  Highness  to 
the  Inhabitants  of  New  York  and  its  dependencies."  The  supreme  legisla- 
tive authority,  under  the  King  and  the  Duke,  was  vested  in  a  governor, 
council,  and  "  the  people  met  in  general  assembly ; "  the  sessions,  triennial 
as  in  England  ;  franchise,  free  to  every  freeholder  ;  the  law,  that  of  England 
in  its  most  liberal  provisions ;  freedom  of  conscience  and  religion  to  ail 
Deaceable  persons  "  which  profess  faith  in  God  by  Jesus  Christ."  In  the 
words  of  the  petition  of  right  of  1628,  no  tax  or  imposition  was  to  be 
laid  except  by  act  of  Assembly,  — -  in  consideration  of  which  privileges  the 
Assembly  v.as  to  grant  the  Duke  or  his  heirs  certain  specified  impost 
duties.  The  province  was  divided  into  twelve  counties.  Four  tribunals 
of  justice  were  established ;  namely,  town  courts  with  monthly  sessions  for 
the  trial  of  petty  cases ;  county  or  courts  of  sessions ;  a  general  court  of 
oyer  and  terminer,  to  meet  twice  in  each  year ;  and  a  court  of  chancery 
or  supreme  court  of  the  province,  composed  of  the  Governor  and  Council. 
An  appeal  to  the  King  was  reserved  in  every  case.  In  addition  to  these 
there  was  a  clause  unusual  in  American  statutes,  naturalizing  the  foreign 
born    residents   and  those  who   should   come  to   reside  within  the  limits 


'^..llif 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


405 


of  the  province,  which  had  already  assumed  the  cosmopolitan  character 
which  has  never  since  ceased  to  mark  the  city  of  New  York.  The  liberal 
provisions  of  the  statute  gave  security  Lo  all,  and  invited  immigration 
from  Europe,  where  religious  intoleration  was  again  unsettling  the  bases 
of  society.  It  was  not  until  the  4th  of  October,  1684,  that  the  Duke 
signed  and  sealed  the  amended  instrument,  "  The  Charter  of  Franchises 
and  Privileges  to  New  Yorke  in  America,"  and  ordered  it  to  be  registered 
and  sent  across  sea. 

Connecticut  making  complaint  of  the  extension  of  New  York  law  over 
the  territory  \vi:i  in  the  contested  boundary  lines,  Dongan  brought  the  long 
dispute  to  a  summanr  close  by  giving  notice  to  the  Hartford  authorities 
that  unless  they  withdrew  their  claims  to  territory  within  twenty  miles  of 
the  Hudson  he  should  renew  the  old  New  York  claim  to  the  Connecticut 
River  as  the  eastern  limit  of  the  Duke's  patent,  and  refer  ihc  subject  directly 
to  his  Highness.  In  reply  to  an  invitation  from  Dongan,  commissioners 
proceeded  from  Hartford  to  New  York,  who  abandoned  the  pretensions  set 
up,  and  accepted  the  line  proposed  by  Dongan,  thus  finally  closing  the 
controversy. 

The  city  of  New  York  was  now  divided  into  six  wards,  certain  jurisdic- 
tion conferred  upon  its  officers,  and  a  recorder  was  appointed. 

Dongan  with  the  vision  of  a  statesman  recognized  the  value  of  the  friend- 
ship of  the  Indians.  The  Iroquois  tribes  he  described  as  the  bulwark  of  New 
York  against  Canada.  The  policy  of  the  Duke's  governors  from  the  time 
of  Nicolls  was  unchanged.  It  consisted  in  a  claim  to  all  the  territory  south 
and  southwest  of  the  Lake  of  Canada  (Ontario),  and  the  confining  of 
the  French  to  the  territory  to  the  northward  by  the  help  of  Indian  allies. 
The  French  officers  by  negotiation  and  threat  endeavored  first  to  impose 
their  authority  on  the  several  tribes  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy,  and  failing 
in  this  to  divide  them.  But  Dongan,  carefully  observing  their  manoeuvres, 
obtained  from  a  council  of  chiefs  a  written  submission  to  the  King  of 
England,  which  was  recorded  on  two  white  dressed  deer-skins.  The  pres- 
ence on  the  occasion  at  Albany  of  Lord  Howard  of  Effingham,  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  added  greatly  in  the  eyes  of  the  Indians  to  this  solemn 
engagement.  Four  nations  bound  themselves  to  the  covenant,  and  asked 
that  the  arms  of  the  Duke  of  York  should  be  put  upon  their  castles ;  and 
Dongan  gave  notice  of  the  same  to  the  Canadian  Government,  in  witness 
that  they  were  within  his  jurisdiction  and  under  his  protection.  But  in 
this  submission  the  Indians  recognized  no  subjection.  The  Iroquois  still 
claimed  his  perfect  freedom. 

The  claim  of  Massachu'ietts  to  territory  westward  of  the  Hudson  was 
another  perplexing  element  in  the  Indian  question.  In  answer  to  a  re- 
newal of  this  demand,  Dongan  set  up  his  claim  as  the  Duke's  governor 
to  jurisdiction  over  the  towns  which  Massachusetts  had  organized  on  land 
covered  by  the  Duke's  patent  on  the  west  side  of  the  Connecticut  River ; 
but  the   matter   being  soon  disposed   of  by   the  cancelling,    for  various 


A- 


t 


ft 


II 


4o6 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ofifences,  of  the  Massachusetts  patent  by  the  King,  through  the  operation 
of  a  writ  of  quo  warranto,  the  Duke  had  no  further  contestant  to  his 
claims.  The  New  Jersey  boundary  was  also  matter  of  dispute,  but  Don- 
gan,  at  first  of  his  own  motion,  and  later  by  specific  instruction  from  the 
Duke,  took  care  to  prevent  Penn  from  acquiring  any  part  of  New  Jersey 
or  from  interfering  with  the  Indian  trade. 

The  controversy  with  Canada  as  to  the  country  south  of  the  St.  Lawrence 
and  Lake  Ontario  now  drew  to  a  head.  Dongan  clung  persistently  to  the 
claim  asserted  by  Andros  in  1677.  Against  this  the  Canadians  set  up  the 
sovereignty  of  France,  acquired  by  war  and  treaties  and  the  planting  of 
missionaries  among  the  tribes.  The  question  turned  upon  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Iroquois,  parts  of  which  tribes  had  never  made  submission,  or 
had  repudiated  the  interpretation  set  upon  their  engagements.  The  new 
French  governor,  De  la  Barre,  made  ineffectual  menace,  but  not  support- 
ing his  threat  with  arms,  lost  the  respect  of  the  savages.  The  prestige  of 
the  English  was  increased,  and  the  coveted  trade  passed  into  their  hands  to 
such  an  extent  that  in  1684  the  Senecas  alone  brought  into  Albany  more 
than  ten  thousand  beaver  skins.  Nor  was  Denonville,  who  succeeded  De  la 
Barre  in  the  government  of  Canada,  more  fortunate  in  enforcing  his  policy. 
His  wily  efifort  to  engage  the  sympathies  of  his  co-religionist  Dongan  in  a 
support  of  the  French  missionaries  among  the  tribes,  was  foiled  by  the  New 
York  governor,  who  at  the  same  time  secured  the  approbation  of  his  Roman 
Catholic  master  by  proposing  to  replace  them  with  English  priests. 


The  death  of  Charles  II.,  early  in  the  year  1685,  and  the  accession 
to  the  throne  of  the  Duke  of  York  as  James  II.,  were  of  momentous 
influence  upon  European  politics.  They  at  once  changed  the  political 
position  of  New  York.  The  condition  of  proprietorship  or  nominal  duchy 
altered  with  that  of  its  master  and  proprietor.  The  Duke  became  a  King ; 
the  duchy  a  royal  province.  The  change  involved  a  change  in  the  New 
York  charter,  and  afforded  opportunity  for  a  reconsideration  and  rejec- 
tion of  the  entire  instrument.  The  words  "the  people"  were  particularly 
objected  to  by  the  new  King  as  unusual.  The  revocation  of  the  Massachu- 
setts charter  by  the  late  King,  the  government  of  which  colony  had  not  yet 
been  settled,  presented  a  favorable  occasion  for  an  assimilation  of  all  the 
constitutions  of  the  American  colonies  as  preliminary  to  that  consolidation 
of  government  and  power  at  which  James  aimed  as  his  ideal  of  government. 
Nevertheless  the  existing  New  York  charter  remained, — not  confirmed,  not 
repealed,  but  continued.  The  Scotch  risings  and  the  Monmouth  rebellion 
interfered  with  any  immediate  action  by  the  Government  in  American  affairs. 
Yet  the  New  York  province  hailed  with  joy  the  accession  of  their  Duke 
and  Lord  proprietor  to  the  throne.  His  rule  had  been  just  and  temperate ; 
his  agents  prudent  and  discreet.  The  immediate  Governor,  Dongan,  was 
thoroughly  identified  with  the  interests  of  the  province  confided  to  his 
care,  and  aimed  to  make  of  its  capital  the  centre  of  English  influence  in 


ICA. 

he  operation 
:stant  to  his 
te,  but  Don- 
ion  from  tlio 
'  New  Jersey 

St.  Lawrence 
itently  to  tiie 
IS  set  up  the 
;  planting  of 
lie  independ- 
Libmission,  or 
ts.  The  new 
not  support- 
le  prestige  of 
heir  hands  to 
Albany  more 
ceeded  Dc  la 
ig  his  policy. 
Dongan  in  a 
i  by  the  New 
af  his  Roman 
iests. 

;he  accession 

momentous 

the   political 

minal  duchy 

ame  a  King ; 

in  the  New 

and  rcjcc- 

particulariy 

e  Massachu- 

had  not  yet 

)n  of  all  the 

onsolidation 

government, 

nfirmed,  not 

ith  rebellion 

rican  affairs. 

their  Duke 

temperate ; 

Dongan,  was 

fided  to  his 

influence  in 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


407 


America.  In  1686  the  city  received  a  new  charter,  with  a  grant  of  all  the 
vacant  land  in  and  about  the  city.  Albany,  also,  under  an  arrangement 
with  the  landed  proprietors,  was  incorporated  and  intrusted  with  the  man- 
agement of  the  Indian  trade.  The  suppression  of  the  Monmouth  rebellion 
enabling  James  to  turn  his  attention  to  America,  he  directed  proceedings 
to  be  instituted  in  the  English  courts  to  cancel  the  charters  of  the  Con- 
necticut, Rhode  Island,  West  Jersey,  and  Delaware  colonies.  In  the  interim 
a  temporary  government  was  established  for  Massachusetts,  Plymouth, 
Maine,  and  New  Hanipshire,  in  accordance  with  the  order  of  Charles 
made  in  1684.  A  board  of  councillors  was  appointed,  of  whom  Joseph 
Dudley  was  named  president. 

Weary  of  the  trouble  and  expense  of  maintaining  authority  in  distant 
Pemaquid,  Dongan  urged  the  King  to  anne.x  this  dependency  to  Massachu- 
setts, and  to  add  Connecticut  to  New  York.  Dudley  pleaded  the  claim 
of  Massachusetts  with  the  Connecticut  authorities.  They  held  an  even 
balance  between  the  two  demands,  however,  and  resolved  to  maintain  the 
autonomy  of  the  colony,  if  possible,  against  either  the  machinations  of  her 
neighbors  or  the  warrant  of  the  King. 

It  has  been  seen  that  as  Duke  of  York  the  policy  of  James  in  the  govern- 
ment of  his  American  province  was,  with  the  exception  of  the  weakness 
shown  in  the  case  of  Carteret  and  New  Jersey,  the  consolidation  of  power. 
His  accession  to  the  throne  enabled  him  to  carry  out  this  policy  on  a 
broader  field.  He  determined  to  put  an  end  to  the  temporary  charge  by 
commissioners  of  the  New  England  colonies,  and  to  unite  them  all  under 
one  government,  the  better  to  defend  themselves  against  invasion.  The 
assigned  reason  was  the  policy  of  aggression  of  the  French  on  the  frontiers. 
The  person  selected  for  the  delicate  duty  of  harmonizing  the  colonies  into 
one  province  was  Sir  Pldmund  Andros,  who,  as  the  Duke's  deputy,  had  first 
suggested  that  a  strong  royal  government  should  be  established  in  New 
England,  and  of  whose  character  and  administrative  abilities  there  was 
no  question.  He  was  accordingly  commissioned  by  the  King  "  Captain- 
General  and  Governor-in-Chief  over  his  territory  and  dominions  of  New 
England  in  America."  By  the  terms  of  his  instructions,  liberty  of  con- 
science was  granted  to  all,  countenance  promised  to  the  Church  of  England, 
and  power  conferred  on  the  Assembly  to  make  laws  and  levy  taxes.  Pema- 
quid was  annexed  to  the  new  government. 

To  assimilate  the  New  York  government  to  that  of  the  new  dominion 
d  new  commission  was  issued  to  Dongan  as  King's  captain-general  and 
governor-in-chief  over  the  province  of  New  York.  The  charter  of  liberties 
and  privileges  recently  signed  was  repealed ;  the  existing  laws,  however, 
were  to  continue  in  force  until  others  should  be  framed  and  promulgated 
by  the  Governor  and  Council.  The  liberty  of  conscience  granted  in  1674 
and  limited  in  1683  to  Christians,  was  now  extended  to  all  persons  without 
restriction.  A  censorship  of  the  press  was  established.  The  trade  of  the 
Hudson  River  was  to  be  kept  free  from  intrusion  by  any. 


i1t 


i  -i 


i  i, 


i 


w 


I' 


408 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


While  the  King  was  thus  strengthening  his  power  and  gathering  into 
one  grasp  the  entire  force  of  the  colonies,  his  ministers  allowed  themselves 
to  be  outwitted  by  the  French  in  negotiation.  A  treaty  of  neutrality  in- 
spired by  France  engaged  non-interference  by  either  Government  in  the 
wars  of  the  other  against  the  savage  tribes  in  America,  and  struck  a  severe- 
blow  at  the  policy  of  the  New  York  governors.  The  announcement  of  tiic 
treaty  was  accompanied  by  the  arrival  of  reinforcements  in  Canada  and  the 
organization  of  an  expedition  against  the  Iroquois.  The  treacherous  seiz- 
ure and  despatch  to  France  of  a  number  of  chiefs,  who  had  been  invited 
to  a  conference  at  Quebec,  opened  the  campaign,  at  once  ended  the 
French  missions  among  the  P'ive  Nations,  and  consolidated  their  alliance 
with  the  English.  The  expedition  of  Denonville  was  partially  successful. 
The  Seneca  country  was  occupied,  sovereignty  proclaimed,  and  a  fort  built 
on  the  old  site  of  La  Salle's  Fort  dc  Conty.  But  the  power  of  the  Iro- 
quois was  not  touched.  Hampered  by  his  instructions,  Dongan  could  only 
lay  the  situation  before  the  King  and  suggest  a  comprehensive  plan  for  the 
fortification  of  the  country  and  assistance  of  the  friendly  tribes.  Alarmed 
at  the  news  from  the  frontier,  he  resolved  to  winter  in  Albany,  and  ordered 
the  Five  Nations  to  send  their  old  women  and  children  to  Catskill,  where 
they  could  be  protected  and  cared  for.  A  draft  was  also  made  of  every 
tenth  militia  man  to  strengthen  the  Albany  post.  Denonville,  despairing 
of  conquering  the  fierce  Iroquois,  though  they  were  supported  only  by  the 
tacit  aid  of  the  English,  now  urged  upon  Louis  XIV.  the  acquisition  of  the 
coveted  territory  by  exchange  or  by  purchase,  even  of  the  entire  province 
of  New  York,  with  the  harbor  of  the  city. 

Dongan's  messenger  to  James  easily  satisfied  the  King  that  the  treaty  of 
neutrality  was  not  for  the  interest  of  England,  and  that  if  the  independence 
of  the  Five  Nations  were  not  maintained,  the  sovereignty  over  them  must  be 
English.  Orders  were  sent  to  Dongan  to  defend  and  protect  them,  and  to 
Andros  and  the  other  governors  to  give  them  aid.  To  the  complaints  of 
Louis,  James  opposed  the  submission  made  at  Albany  in  1684  by  the  chiefs 
in  the  presence  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia.  As  a  compromise  between 
the  Governments  it  was  agreed  by  treaty  that  until  January,  1689,  no  act  of 
hostility  should  be  committed  or  either  territory  invaded.  The  warlike 
defensive  operations  against  the  French  put  the  New  York  Government  to 
extraordinary  charges,  amounting  to  more  than  ;^8,oocj,  to  which  the  neigh- 
boring colonies  were  invited  to  contribute  under  authority  of  the  King's 
letter  of  November,  1687.  The  occasion  to  urge  the  importance  of  New 
York  as  the  bulwark  of  the  colonies,  and  of  strengthening  her  by  the 
annexation  of  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey,  was  not  forgotten  by  the  saga- 
cious Dongan.  Now  that  the  Dutch  pretension  to  rule  in  America  was 
definitively  set  at  rest,  it  was  evident  to  statesmen  that  a  struggle  for  the 
American  continent  would  sooner  or  later  arise  between  the  powers  of 
France  and  England,  —  indeed  the  rivalry  had  already  begun.  To  James, 
who  thoroughly  understood  the  practice  as  well  as  the  theory  of  admin- 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


409 


istration,  and  was  as  diligent  in  his  cabinet  as  any  of  his  ministers,  it  was 
equally  evident  that  the  consolidated  power  of  New  France  in  the  single 
hand  of  a  viceroy  was  more  serviceable  than  the  discordant  action  of 
provinces  so  much  at  variance  with  each  other  in  principle  and  feeling  as 
the  American  colonies.  To  the  viceregal  government  of  New  France  he 
resolved  to  oppose  a  viceregal  government  of  British  America.  To  New 
lingland  he  now  determined  to  anne.x  New  York.  Dongan  was  recalled, 
gratified  with  military  promotion  and  personal  honor,  and  Sir  Edmund 
Andros  was  commissioned  governor-general  of  the  entire  territory.  His 
commission  gave  him  authority  over 

"  All  that  tract  of  land,  circuit,  continent,  precincts,  and  limits  in  America  lying 
and  being  in  breadth  from  forty  degrees  of  northern  latitude  from  the  equinoctial  line 
to  the  River  St.  Croix  eastward,  and  from  thence  directly  northward  to  the  River  of 
Canada,  and  in  length  and  longitude  by  all  the  breadth  aforesaid  throughout  the  main 
land,  from  the  Atlantic  or  \Vestern  Sea  or  Ocean  on  the  east  part  to  the  S.  .n  Sea  on 
the  west  part,  with  all  the  islands,  seas,  rivers,  waters,  rights,  members,  and  appurte- 
nances thereunto  belonging  (our  province  of  Pennsylvania  and  country  of  Delaware 
only  excepted),  to  be  called  and  known,  as  formerly,  by  the  name  and  title  of  our 
territory  and  dominion  of  New  England  in  America." 

On  the  nth  of  August  1688,  Andros  assumed  his  viceregal  authority  at 
Fort  James  in  New  York.  A  few  days  later  the  news  arrived  of  the  birth 
of  a  son  to  King  James.  A  proclamation  of  the  viceroy  ordered  a  day  of 
thanksgiving  to  be  observed  within  the  city  of  New  York  and  dependencies. 
Thus  New  York  was  formally  recognized  as  the  metropolis  and  the  seat  of 
government  in  the  Dominion  of  New  England.  By  the  King's  instructions 
the  seal  of  New  York  was  broken  in  council,  and  the  great  seal  of  New 
England  thereafter  used. 

The  Governor  of  Canada  waj  notified  that  the  Five  Nations  were  the 
subjects  of  the  King  of  Eng'.and,  and  would  be  protected  as  such.  The 
new  governor  visited  Albany,  and  held  a  conference  with  the  delegates  from 
the  Five  Nations,  and  renewed  the  old  covenant  of  Corlaer.  The  Indians 
showing  signs  of  restlessness  all  along  the  frontier  as  far  as  Casco  Bay,  the 
viceroy  endeavored  to  settle  the  difficulties  between  Canada  and  the  New 
York  tribes,  and  engaged  his  good  offices  to  secure  the  return  of  the 
prisoners  from  France.  On  his  return  to  Boston  Andros  left  the  affairs  of 
the  New  York  government  in  the  charge  of  Nicholson.  Dongan  retired  to 
his  farm  at  Hempstead  on  Long  Island.  Though  peaceful,  the  new  domin- 
ion was  not  at  rest.  The  liberty  of  conscience  declared  by  the  King  was 
not  precisely  that  which  each  dissenting  denomination  desired.  Gradually 
men  of  each  grew  to  believe  that  James  was  indifferent  to  all  religions  that 
were  not  of  the  true  faith ;  and  regarding  the  simple  manner  in  which  by 
legal  form  he  had  stripped  them  of  their  chartered  rights,  began  to  fear 
that  by  an  act  as  legal  he  might  strip  them  of  their  liberty  of  worship.  The 
test  Act  which  he  had  refused  to  obey,  to  the  loss  of  his  dignities  and  honors 
VOL.  m.  —  52- 


1, 


I 


u 


ri^ 


410  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 

as  Duke,  mi{jljt  be  altered  t(i  the  ruin  of  its  authors.  A  Roman  Catholic 
test  nii}^ht  take  tiie  place  of  the  Protestant  form.  The  Kinjj  reifjned,  and 
a  son  was  born  to  him,  who  doubtless  would  be  educated  in  the  papist 
faith  of  the  Stuarts.     William  of  Orange  was  only  near  the  throne. 

While  the  colonies  were  thus  agitated,  a  spirit  of  quiet  resistance  was 
spreading  in  England,  where  alarm  was  great  at  the  arbitrary  manner  in 
which  charters  were  stricken  down.  Property  was  threatened.  In  the 
American    cole  the    agitation    was    chiefly    religious.      Among    their 

inhabitants  were  liugucnot  families  whom  the  revocation  of  the  Kdict 
of  Nantes  in  1685  had  ruthlessly  driven  from  their  homes  to  a  shelter 
on  the  distant  continent.  The  crisis  was  at  hand.  Strangely  enough,  it 
was  precipitated  by  the  declaration  of  liberty  of  conscience  and  the  abro- 


GREAT   SEAL  OF   ANDROS.' 


gation  of  the  test  oath  against  Dissenters  which  King  James  had  conmiis- 
sioned  Andros  to  proclaim  in  America.  This  liberty  of  conscience  included 
liberty  to  Catholics,  which  the  Protestants  would  have  none  of.  The  abro- 
gation of  the  test  oalh  opened  the  way  10  preferment  and  honor  to  Catholics, 
which  the  Protestants  were  equally  averse  to.  Ordered  to  read  the  procla- 
mation in  the  churches,  seven  bishops,  headed  by  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, refused  to  obey  the  command.  The  prelates  were  committed,  tried, 
and  acquitted.  Encouraged  by  this  victory,  the  great  Whig  houses  of 
England  now  addressed  an  invitation  to  William  of  Orange,  who  was  already, 
with  naval  and  military  force,  secretly  prepared  to  cross  the  sea.  On  the 
Sth  of  November  the  great  Stadtholder  landed  on  the  shores  of  Devon,  and 
proclaimed  himself  the  maintainer  of  English  liberties.  Thus  a  declaration 
of  liberty  of  conscience  brought  about  the  fall  of  a  Catholic  king.  The 
news  caused  great  excitement  in  the  colonies.     Andros,  who  had  but  lately 

*  [See  authorities  in  Memorial  Historv  of  Boston,  ii.  9.  —  Ed.] 


THE   EM.LISH    IN    NEW    YORK. 


411 


returned  to   Boston   from  an  expedition  to  the  northeastern    frontier  of 

Maine,  where  he  liad  established   posts  for  protection  ayainst  the  tribes 

who  were  threatening,'  a  second  Indian  war,  was  seized  and  imprisoned  by 

a  popular  uprising.     In  New  York  the  agitation  was  as  intense.     Nicholson, 

the     lieutenant  -  governor, 

unequal  to  the  emergency, 

let  slip  the  grasp  of  power 

from  his  hand  ;   and  on  the 

open  revolt  of  Leisler,  one 

of  the  militia  captains,  who 

seized  the  fort,  he  determined  to  sail  for  England,  and  the  control  of  the 

province  passed  to  a  committee  of  safety.     The  revolt  of  Leisler  forms  the 

opening  of  a  new  chapter  in  the  story  of  the  New  York  province. 


Zi:^. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 

THERE  are  several  comprehensive  general  histories  of  what  is  now  the  State  of  New 
York.  The  first  edition  '  of  Smith's  History  was  dedicated  to  the  Earl  of  Halifax, 
First  Lord  Commissioner  of  Trade  and  Plantations.  The  dedication  bears  date  New  York, 
June  15,  1756.  It  is  illustrated  with  a  folding  frontispiece  plate,  entitled  "The  South  View 
of  Oswego  on  Lake  Ontario."  In  his  Preface  the  author  states  that  his  researches  while 
engaged  under  appointment  of  the  New  York  Assembly  in  a  review  and  digest  of  the  laws 
of  the  province,  a  work  in  which  he  was  associated  with  William  Livingston,  induced  the 
preparation  of  this  the  first  History  of  the  colony.  He  excuses  himself  from  an  attention 
to  details,  which  he  considered  would  not  interest  the  British  public,  and  declares  his  pur- 
pose to  confine  himself  to  a  "  summary  account  of  the  first  rise  and  present  state  "  of 
the  colony.  He  presents  it  as  a  "  narrative  or  thread  of  simple  facts,"  rather  than  as  a 
history. 

A  second  edition  of  this  work  appeared  at  London  in  1776,  from  the  press  of  J.  Almon. 
It  is  a  reprint  in  an  octavo  volume  of  three  hundred  and  thirty-four  pages.  The  troubles 
with  the  colonies  and  the  important  position  of  New  York  as  the  headquarters  of  the 
British  army  no  doubt  prompted  this  venture. 

An  American  edition  next  appeared,  in  April.  1792,  from  the  press  of  Mathew  Carey, 
at  Philadelphia,  in  an  octavo  volume  of  two  hundred  and  seventy-six  pages.  It  was  an- 
nounced "to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  as  the  first  part  of  a  plan  undertaken  at  the 
desire  of  several  gentlemen  of  taste,  who  wish  to  supply  their  libraries  with  histories  of 
their  native  country."  The  titlepage  describes  it  as  "  The  Second  Edition,"  Almon's 
reprint  having  been  ignored  by  Carey.  The  copy  in  the  Library  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society  is  illustrated  with  a  "Frontispiece  View  of  Columbia  College,  in  the 
City  of  New  York,"  from  the  plate  originally  engraved  for  the  Neio  York  Magazine  of 
1790. 

'    The  History  of  the  Prminee  of  Ni~i<  York,  Tniiie,  J^elii;ioiis  ami  Political  State,  and  the  Con- 

from  tlie first  Disco^u-ry  to  the  year  MDCCXXXII.  stitution  of  the  Courts  of  Justice  in  that  Colony. 

To  which  is  annexed  a  Description  of  the  Country,  By  William  Smith,  A.M.   London  ;  MDCCLVIL, 

•cith    a  short  Account  of  the  Inhabitants,   their  4to,  pp.  255. 


/■;i 


r- 


M 


s 


1 1f 


412 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Another  edition  appeared  at  Albany,  from  tlic  prcsn  of  Rycr  Schermerhorn,  In  i8t4, 
an  octavo  volume  of  five  liundrcd  and  twelve  pa^es.  The  anonymous  editor,  supposed 
to  li.ive  l)een  Mr.  J.  V.  N.  Y.ites,  states  in  his  Advertisement,  that  in  "copyinj{  Smith's 
History  few  deviations  from  his  mode  of  spelling;  the  names  of  places,  particularly  such 
as  are  lierived  from  the  aboriginal  lonj;ues,  have  been  made.  It  Is  believed  that  he[Smitli{ 
adopted  the  mode  of  spelling  wliich  conveyed  most  clearly  the  sound  of  Indian  words." 
Mr.  Yates  intended  to  add  a '•  Continuation  from  the  year  1732  to  the  co.-ntncncement  of 
the  year  1814,"  but  the.se  .additions  stopped  at  1747. 

A  French  translation  of  Smith's  History,  by  M.  Eidous.  appeared  in  I'aris  in  1767, 
and  bears  the  imprint  "  Londres."  It  is  a  duodecimo  of  four  hundretl  and  tifteen 
pajnes. 

Smith,  the  historian,  who  died  Chief-Justice  of  Can.-id.i,  left  behind  him  a  continuation 
of  his  History  of  Xew  York,  written  by  his  own  hand.  It  covers  the  period  from  1732  tn 
1762.  This  interesting  manuscript  was  communicated  to  the  New  York  Historical  Society 
in  1824  by  William  Smitli,  son  of  the  author,  then  a  distiiij^uished  member  of  the  Kin^j's 
Council  in  Canada,  and  also  well  known  as  the  author  of  the  History  of  that  province.  In 
his  note  to  the  Society,  Mr.  Smith  states  that  "  the  Continuation  of  the  History  is  as  it  was 
left  by  the  author,  with  only  a  few  verbal  alterations  and  corrections."  The  manuscript 
appeared  in  print  for  the  first  time  in  1826,  as  the  fourth  volume  of  the  Collections  of  the 
New  York  Historical  Society,  an  octavo  of  three  hundred  and  eight  p.iges.  Copies  of 
Smith's  original  volume  having  become  rare,  the  Society  determined  to  reprint  it  from  the 
author's  corrected  and  revised  copy  in  a  form  similar  to  that  in  which  they  had  published 
the  Continuation,  and  in  1829  '''<5  work  appeared  complete  for  the  first  time.  It  was 
accompanied  by  a  memoir  of  the  author,  written  by  his  son.  In  making  up  sets  of  the 
Society's  Collections,  the  comi)lete  work  is  gener.illy  bound  as  vols.  iv.  and  v.  of  the 
first  .series. 

The  next  year,  1830,  the  .Society  issued  a  second  edition  of  the  complete  work  ;  also  an 
octavo  in  two  volumes,  but  printed  in  larger  type  and  011  better  paper.  This  edition  tjears 
the  press-mark  of  "Gratton,  Printer."  Interesting  sketches  of  the  historian,  with  notices  of 
his  family,  prejjared  by  Mr.  .Maturin  L.  Delafield,  appeared  in  the  Min^a:ine  of  Amcii- 
can  History,  April  and  June,  1S81.  A  small  edition  was  struck  off  for  Mr.  Delatield  for 
private  tlistribution,  illustrated  with  portraits. 

Several  criticisms  on  Smith's  History  have  appeared  in  print :  "  Remarks  on  Sniitii's 
History  of  New  York,  London  Edition,  1757,  in  Letters  to  John  Pintard,  Secretary  of  tiie 
New  York  Historical  Society,  by  Judge  Samuel  Jones,"  written  in  1817  and  18 tS,  were 
printed  in  the  Collections  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  vol.  iii.,  1821  ;  '"Corre- 
spondence between  Lieutenant-Goveriior  CadwalKadcr  Colden  and  William  Smith,  Jr.,  the 
Historian,  respecting  certain  alleged  Errors  and  Misstatements  contained  in  ihc  History  of 
JVeiv  Y'ork,  with  sundry  other  Papers  relating  to  that  Controversy,"  printed  in  the  X.  J'. 
Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  (second  series,  vol.  ii.,  1849)  ;  "  Letters  on  Smith's  History  of  New  York, 
by  Cadw.-'.ll.ader  Colden,"  printed  in  the  A'.  )'.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  (Fund  series),  in  1868; 
"Letter  of  C.adwalhder  Colden  on  Smith's  History,  July  sth,  1759,"  X.  V.  Hist.  Soc. 
Coll.  (Fund  series),  1869. 

The  late  Hon.  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  New  York,  -in  an  able  discourse  before  the 
Albany  Institute,  April,  1830,  gives  a  fair  and  impartial  estimate  of  the  value  of  Smith's 
Histoiy.  He  notices  the  incomplete  and  summary  manner  in  which  the  earlier  period 
was  disposed  of,  and  ascribes  it  to  the  insufficient  information  within  the  reach  of  the 
author  and  his  want  of  acquaintance  with  the  Dutch  language,  in  which  the  ancient 
records  of  the  colony  were  written. *  The  posthumous  work  he  condemns  as  "written 
in  tlie  spirit  of  a  partisan,"  and  therefore  to  be  received  with  caution,  if  not  distrust. 
Yet  he  freely  acknowledges  the  deep  indebtedness  of  the  State  and  of  the  friends  of 

'  [Of  Smith  and  his  History  O'Callaghan  (ii.  64)  says:  "Smith  knew  about  as  little  of  the 
history  of  New  Netherland  as  many  of  his  readers  of  the  present  day."  —  Ed.] 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


413 


learning  (or  the  muf  of  authentic  information  discovered  by  him.  With  thi»  jucIr- 
ment  scholars  ^jener.-'lly  concur.  In  reading  the  pa^es  of  this  (ho  first  of  tlic  histori.in* 
of  New  Yorli,  it  m«>*t  be  borne  in  mind  that  .Smith  was  one  of  the  loaders  of  tlic  Dis- 
senting; element  ir  •*•.  itw  York  colony,  and  at  a  lime  when  religious  partisanship  w.i» 
at  its  heijjht.' 

The  second  general  history  of  New  York  was  that  of  Macauley."  It*  first  volume 
treats  "of  the  extent  of  ti.e  State,  its  mountains,  hills,  champaigns,  plains,  vales,  valleys, 
marshes,  rivers,  creeks,  lakes,  seas,  bays,  springs,  cataracts,  and  canals  ;  its  climate, 
winds,  zoology,"  etc.  The  second,  "of  the  counties,  cities,  towns,  and  villages;  antiqui- 
ties of  the  west;  origin  of  the  Agoneaseali,  tlicir  in.inners,  customs,  laws,  and  otiier 
matters;  discovery  of  America  ;  voyages  of  Cabot  and  Hudson ;  settlements  of  the  .New 
Netherlands  by  the  Dutch  in  1614;  location  of  the  I ndi.an  tribes  ;  controversies  between 
the  Dutch  and  English:  surrender  in  l(/>4,  and  thence  to  1750."  The  third  volume 
covers  "the  war  between  England  and  France  for  the  con(|iiest  of  Canada,  the  war  of 
the  Revolution,  .>nd  other  matters  which  occurred,  etc"  Tlie  leaning  of  the  .luthor  is, 
as  these  words  imply,  essentially  towards  the  physical  features  of  the  State.  He  himself 
calls  it  a  compendium,  or  abridged  history.  The  re,»der  will  find  little  original  matter  of 
an  historical  nature.* 

The  author  of  the  next  general  history  of  the  State*  is  well  known  as  the  historian  of 
tlie  American  Theatre  and  of  the  Arts  of  Design  in  America,  both  commendable  works. 
With  the  taste  of  an  antiquary,  .Mr.  Dunlap  has  gathered  some  curious  details:  but  //it: 
History  of  the  Xew  Xetherlands,  etc..  has  little  merit  as  historical  autliority.  The  first 
volume  passed  through  the  press  during  the  fatal  illness  of  tlie  author ;  the  second  was 
supervised  by  a  friend  who  apologized  for  his  want  of  "intimacy  with  the  subject."  It  ajv 
peared  after  the  author's  death.  The  main  value  of  the  work  consists  in  the  abstracts 
published  as  an  appendix  to  the  second  volume."^ 

A  much  more  thorough  work  followed,  a  dozen  ycirs  later,  when  Mr.  Ilrodhead  began 
his  History."  Its  two  volumes  comprise  all  the  known  information  concerning  the  perio<l 
they  cover,  up  to  the  time  of  publication.  Mr.  Brodliead  l)y  birtii  and  education  was 
eminently  qualified  for  his  ponderous  t.ask.  He  united  in  his  blood  the  English  and 
Dutcli  strains;  on  the  father's  side  being  descended  from  one  of  the  English  officers, 
who  came  out  with  Nicolls  at  the  time  of  the  conquest.  A  lawyer  by  profession,  he  w.is 
attached  to  the  legation  at  the  H.igue,  .and  was  commissioned  by  tlie  Stalt  of  New  York  to 
procure  original  materials  relating  to  its  early  history.  In  this  Labor  he  spent  three  years 
in  the  archives  of  England,  Holland,  and  France.  At  his  death  he  left  manuscript  mate- 
rial lor  a  third  volume,  which  it  is  the  hope  of  students  may  yet  lie  m.adc  accessible. 
He  divides  his  work  into  four  marked  periods:  The  first,  from  tiie  discovery,  in  1609,  to 
its  conquest  by  the  English  in  i'>64  ;  the  second  carries  the  story  down  to  1691.  The 
treatment  is  of  the  most  exhaustive  character,  and  the  work  is  a  monument  of  literary 
industry  and  careful  execution.  The  authorities  arc  in  all  cases  given  in  foot-notes. 
The  sympathies  of  the  author  are  plainly  with  Holland  in  the  original  struggle,  and  later 
with  New  York  in  her  occasional  antagonism  to  the  influence  of  New  England.  While 
tlie  reader  may  sometimes  smile  at  his  enthusiasm  and  differ  from  his  opinions,  he  will 


little  of  the 


'  [Cf.  Mr.  Femow's  estimate  of  .Smith  in 
Vol.  IV.     Also,  Hist.  Mag.,  xiv.  266.  —  Ed.] 

-  The  Xalural,  Statistiial,  and  Civil  History 
of  the  State  of  AVrc  York,  in  three  volumes,  by 
J.imes  Macauley.    New  York,  1829.    8**. 

'  [Cf.  Mr.  Fernow's  estimate  in  Vol.  IV. — 

i:r,.i 

*  History  of  the  Xi-tv  Xetherlands,  Province  of 
Xr^v  York,  and  State  of  .Vezp  York,  to  the  Adop- 
tion of  the  Federal  Constitution.  In  two  volumes. 
By  William  Dunlap.     Printed  for  the   author 


by  Carter  &  Thorp,  New  York,  i.S3c)-iS4o.  2 
vols.  8vo. 

^  [Cf.  Mr.  Fernow's  estimate  in  Vol.  IV.— 
Ed.) 

•"'  History  of  the  State  of  A'ltv  York,  by  John 
Rfimeyn  Urodhcad.  First  period,  1609-1664. 
New  York,  1S53  ;  second  edition,  1859.  .Second 
period,  1664-1691.  New  York,  1871.  Harper 
&  lirothers,  New  York.  2  vols.  8vo.  Mr.  Brod- 
head  was  born  Jan.  21,  1814,  and  died  May  6, 
>873- 


hiv  \ 


\ . 


4H 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


find  no  occasion  to  quarrel  with  liis  candor.  The  tendency  of  his  mind  will  be  found 
legal  rather  than  judicial.  His  chief  merit  is  his  admirable  co-ordination  of  an  immense 
mass  of  material,  covering  a  vast  circuit  of  investigation.* 


EDITORIAL    NOTES. 


A.  Specific  Authorities.  —  More  par- 
ticular mention  of  such  sources  as  pertain 
jointly  to  the  Dutch  and  English  rule  in  New 
York  is  made  in  Mr.  Fernow's  chapter  on  "New 
Netherland,"  in  Vol.  IV. 

Chalmers'  Political  Annals  of  the  Present 
United  Pro7)inees  reviews  the  English  rule ;  but 
Brodhead  (i.  62)  considers  that  Chalmers's  treat- 
ment is  biased,  and  grossly  misrepresents  the 
facts. 

The  documents  in  Hazard's  Historical  Collec- 
tions of  State  Papers  which  relate  to  New  York 
were  reprinted  in  1811  in  the  N.  V.  Hist.  Soc. 
Coll.,  i.  1S9-303,  and  in  the  printed  scries  pub- 
lished by  the  State  under  the  editing  of  Dr. 
O'Callaghan,  an  account  of  which  can  better  be 
made,  unbroken  between  the  Dutch  and  Eng- 
lish portions,  in  connection  with  Mr.  Fernow's 
chapter.  Various  papers  of  importance,  how- 
ever, have  apjjcared  in  the  Collections  and  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  New  York  I  "'istorical  Society,  and 
others  are  in  the  Manual  of  the  City  of  A\~i.' 
York,  edited  for  thirty  years,  since  1841,  succcs- 
sivelv  by  Valentine  and  Shannon.  The  journals 
of  the  Council  and  Assembly  of  the  Colony  of 
New  York  are  rich  in  material. 

Some  original  documents  have  appeared  in 
connection  with  inquiries  into  the  history  of  the 
boundaries  of  the  State  :  Pe/tort  to  ascertain  and 
settle  the  Boundary  Line  hct-toecn  A'tio  York  and 
Connecticut,  Feb.  8,  1861  ;  Report  on  the  Boun- 
daries of  JVno  York,  Albany,  1874;  jjapers  of 
Dawson,  Whitehead,  etc.,  in  Historical  Ma/^azine, 
xviii.  25,  82,  146,  211,  267,  321.  Cf.  also  C.  W. 
Bowen's  Boundary  Disputes  of  Connecticu',  Bos- 
tim,  1S82,  part  iv. 

At  .T  commemoration  of  the  English  con- 
quest of  1664,  held  by  the  New  York  Historical 
Society  in  1S64,  the  oration  was  fitly  made  by 
Mr.  Brodhead.     Historical  Mac;azine,  viii.   375. 


The  firsi  printed  Dutch  report  of  the  capture  is 
given  in  the  Kort  en  bondigh  Verhael,  Amstor 
dam,  1667,  p.  27  ;  cf.  Asher's  Essay,  no.  354. 
The  list  of  those  in  New  York  city  who  took 
the  oath,  October,  1664,  is  given  in  Valentine's 
Manual,  1854.  The  patent  of  March  12,  1664, 
granted  the  Duke  of  York,  under  whose  au- 
thority the  conquest  was  made,  is  given  in  Brod- 
head's  AVTf  York,  ii.  651 ;  cf.  also  Learning  and 
Spiccr's  Grants,  etc.  of  A' t-w  Jersey,  p.  3,  and  ynu 
York  Colonial  Documents,  ii.  295.  Charles  E. 
Anthon,  in  iht  Magazine  of  American  History  ,'>q\i- 
teniber,  1882,  urges  that  a  commemoriitive  sculp- 
ture be  placed  in  Central  Park,  to  preserve  the 
memory  of  the  royal  Duke  whose  twin  titles  of 
York  nnd  Albany  are  borne  by  the  two  chief 
cities  of  the  State. 

The  Clarendon  Papers,  1662-67,  covering  this 
early  period  of  the  English  rule,  are  in  the  .\'.  )'. 
Hist.  Soc.  Coll.  (Fund  series),  vol.  ii.  The  im- 
portant code  known  as  the  Duke's  Laws  are 
also  in  the  same  Society's Cc//('(//o«.f.  Mr.  O.  II. 
Marshall  examines  the  charters  of  1664  and  1674 
in  the  Magazine  of  American  History,  viii.  24. 

A  few  of  the  letters  of  Nicolls  and  Lovelace 
to  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  prior  to  1674, 
are  in  the  London  State-Paper  v)ffice,  but  not 
till  that  year  does  the  regular  record  seem  to 
begin.     I'rodhead,  ii.  261. 

Of  Thomas  Willett,  the  first  English  mayor 
of  the  town,  Brodhead  gives  the  best  account,  in 

lis  History  of  jVi'ui  York,  ii.  76,  which  may  bo 
supplemented  by  the  account  of  his  family  given 
in  the  jV.  E.  Hist,  and  Gcneal.  Peg.,  ii.  376;  xvii. 
244.  Cf.  also  Dr.  John  F.  Jameson  on  the  origin 
and  development   of  municipal  government   in 


1  [Cf.  Mr.  Fernow's  estimate  nf  lirmlliend  in  Vol.  IV.,  where,  in  tlie  chapter  on  New  Netherland,  .in  exam- 
ination is  made  of  the  labors  of  Brodhead  and  others  in  amassing  and  arranging  the  documentary  history  of  the 
State.  — En.] 


••': '  111, 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW  YORK. 


415 


New  Vork  city,  in  Afagazine  0/  American  History, 
1882.  The  Manual  published  successively  by 
Valentine  and  Shannon  preserves  much  inform- 
ation regarding  the  city's  history.  Cf.  General 
V>^  Peyster  on  "New  York  .ind  its  History," 
ia  International  Revieiv,  April,  1878,  and  Mrs. 
Lamb's  History  of  A'e^u  York  City,  and  other 
local  monographs,  of  which  further  mention  is 
made  in  the  notes  to  Mr.  Fernow's  chapter,  in 
Vol.  IV. 

The  English  occupation  of  New  York  was 
confirmed  by  the  Treaty  of  Breda,  July  31,  1667. 
The  original  Latin  and  Dutch  of  its  text  appeared 
at  the  Hague  in  1667.  (Muller,  Books  on  America, 
1872,  p.  1 19 ;  Stevens,  Historical  Collections,  vol.  i. 
no.  31.)  A  contemporary  engraving  of  the  signing 
is  in  'he  Kort  en  bondi)^h  Verhael,  Amsterdam, 
1667.  'Stevens,  no.  1079;  '^'ivWcx,  Books  on  Am- 
erica, 1877,  nos.  1697, 2268.)  There  was  a  French 
edition  published  at  Amsterdam  in  1668.  {Re- 
cueil  van  de  Tractaten,  Hague,  '684). 

The  Dutch  bibliographies  refer  to  scores  of 
pamphlets  launched  against  Sir  George  Down- 
ing, the  English  diplomat  who  is  charged  with 
instigating  the  war  with  England  (1663-67),  and 
not  infrequently  assigning  his  animosity  towards 
the  Dutch  to  fe.  '  's  engendered  in  his  early 
New  England  home,  Downing  being  a  nephew 
of  Governor  Winthrop,  and  a  graduate  of  Har- 
vard College.  (Sibley's  Harvard  Graduates,  i. 
28,  with  a  list  of  authorities,  p.  51,  and  the 
Carter-Bro^on  Catalogue,  ii.  959,  975.  Cf.  on 
Downing's  agency,  O'Callaghan's  iVew  A'ether- 
land,  ii.  515;  Palfrey's  A'eiu  England;  Brod- 
head's  New  York  and  his  Colonial  Documents 
of  New  York;  and  R.  C.  Winthrop's  paper  in 
5  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  vol.  i.) 

On  the  Dutch  side,  Aitzema's  Historic  van 
Saken  van  Staet  en  Oorlog/i,  1621-1668,  Hague, 
1657-1671,  is  a  vast  repository  of  documentary 
evidence,  "ol.  iv.  covering  Downing's  period, 
and  vol.  vi.  giving  the  negotiations  of  Breda. 
The  best  edition,  with  a  supplement  by  Sylvius, 
was  published  in  eleven  volumes  in  1669-1699. 
CSlnWcr,  Books  on  America,  1877,  no.  47.)  Sabin, 
dictionary,  v.  20,783,  etc.,  gives  various  titles  of 
Downingiana,  and  a  full  list  of  Downing's  works 
is  given  by  Sibley,  Harvard  Graduates,  i.  48.  The 
Dutch  also  charged  upon  Downing  the  initia- 
tive in  "curbing  the  progress  and  reducing  the 
power  "  of  their  St.ite  through  the  Navigation 
Acts  of  1651  and  1660;  cf.  Upham,  in  Hunt's 
Merchants'  Magazine,  iv.  407. 

The  relations  of  the  new  English  province 
with  the  French  and  Indians  are  particularly 
illustrated  in  the  papers  relating  to  De  Cour- 
cellesand  I )c  Tracy's  expedition  against  the  Mo- 
hawks (1665),  published  in  the  Documentary  His- 
tory of  Ne7v  York,  vol.  i.,  where  will  also  be  found 
the  documents  concerning  Denonville's  expedi- 
tion against  the  Senecas  and  into  the  Genesee 


country  in  1687.  Cf.  also  the  narrative  of  De- 
nonville  with  O.  H.  Marshall's  notes,  in  2  A^. 
Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  ii.  149.  Vox  the  expedition 
against  Schenectady,  16S9-90,  see  A'.  Y.  Hist. 
Soc.  /'roc,  1S46,  p.  137 ;  cf.  Hi.ttorical  Magitxine, 
xiii.  263,  by  J.  G.  Shea.  A  further  treatment  of 
the  French  and  Indian  wars  is  made  in  Vol.  IV. 

The  Hon.  Henry  C.  Murphy  found  in  Holland 
the  Relation  de  sa  Caftiviti'  parmi  les  Onneiouts  en 
1690-91,  by  Father  Millet,  the  Jesuit,  and  it  was 
edited  by  Mr.  Shea  in  New  York  in  1S64.  Field, 
Indian  Bibliography,  no.  1063,  says  that  with  the 
narrative  of  Jogues  it  gives  us  nearly  all  we 
know  irom  personal  observation  of  the  Five  Na- 
tions at  this  time.  Further  references  to  the  lit- 
erature of  the  aboriginal  occupation  will  be  given 
in  Mr.  Fernow's  chapter. 

Regarding  the  seals  of  the  province,  see 
Documentary  History  of  Ne7u  York,  vol.  iv.,  for 
various  engravings.  (Cf.  Historical Magazine,\\, 
177,  and  Valentine's  Manual,  1851.)  Reports  on 
the  Province,  1668-1678,  are  in  the  Documentary 
History  of  Nnu  York,  vol.  i. ;  and  in  vol.  iii.  the 
papers  on  Manning's  surrender  in  1673,  ^nd  the 
subsequent  restoration. 

Of  the  Catholic  Governor  Dongan  there  are 
special  treatments  by  R.  H.  Clarke  in  the  Cathch 
lie  World,  ix.  767,  and  by  P.  F.  Dealy,  S.  J.,  in 
Magazine  of  American  History,  February,  1SS2,  p. 
106.  Dongan's  report  on  the  state  of  the  prov- 
ince, 16S7,  is  in  the  Documentary  History  of  A'do 
York,  vol.  i.  A  view  of  his  house  is  given  in 
Lamb's  A'e-iV  York,  i.  326. 

Upon  Andros's  rule,  compare  the  general 
historians,  and  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  vol. 
ii.  chap.  I. 

Something  will  be  said  of  the  more  specific 
local  histories,  covering  both  the  Dutch  and 
English  periods,  in  connection  with  Mr.  Fer- 
now's chapter  in  Vol.  IV. 

The  news  of  the  movements  in  the  province, 
both  under  the  Dutch  and  English  rule,  as  it 
reached  Europe,  is  recorded  in  De  Hollandsche 
Mercurius,  1650-1690,  a  periodical.  Cf.  Asher's 
Essay,  p.  220;  Muller's  Catalogue  (1872),  ]).  104 
( 1877),  no.  2,100  ;  Sabin's  Dictionary,  viii.  p.  378. 

B.  ViKws,  Maps,  and  Df.scrhtions  of 
New  York  and  thk  Provincf.  unuf.k  Enc- 
LISH  Rui.F,. —  Vii-ios.  The  earliest  views  of 
New  .Amsterdam  date  Iwck  to  the  Dutch  jjcriod, 
the  first  being  that  in  the  Bcschrijvinghe  van 
I'irginia,  etc.,  1651,  of  which  a  fac-simile  is 
given  on  the  title  of  .Asher's  List  of  Ma/>s,  .Am- 
sterdam, 1851,  and  in  the  Popular  History  of  the 
United  States.  The  next  appeared  on  the  sev- 
eral maps  issued  by  N.  J.  Visscher,  Van  der 
Donck,  Allard  (first  map),  Nicolas  Visscher 
(first  map),  and  Danckers.  It  is  seen  in  the 
heliotvpe  of  Van  der  Donck's  map  given  In 
Vol.  IV.,  and  in  the  engraving  of  the  Visscher 


r  > 


4i6 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ml 


I  ?j 


Z 


O 


map,  in  Asher's  l.is/.^  A  view  very  like  this  is  that  given 
on  p.  124  of  Arnolckis  Montanus's  De  A^icmve  en  Onbekende 
Weercld  of  Bcsc/iryi'ini;  van  America,  a  sumptuous  folio 
printed  at  Amsterdam,  1671,  and  at  present  variously  priced 
from  S5  to  $20.  Cf.  Carler-B<'nvn  Catalogue,  ii.  I,o06,  with 
fac-simile  of  title. 

The  same  picture  is  reproduced  in  the  later,  1673, 
editior  ^f  Montanus,  p.  143,  and  in  Ogilby's  America, 
1671,  p.  171,  where  the  description  also  follows  Montanus, 
with  aid  from  Denton.  (Carter-Bro^vn  Cataloi;i<e,  ii.  I.of)/, 
1,092.)  Montanus's  account  is  translated  in  the  Doai- 
mentary History  of  A'exu  York^'w.  75,  116,  with  a  fac-similo 
of  the  view  in  question.  Cf.  also  Gay's  Popular  Hislorv 
of  the  United  States,  iii.  i,  and  the  fac-simile  issued,  with 
descriptive  notes,  by  J.  W.  Moulton  in  i8?5  as  .AVjc/  York 
One  Hundred  and  Seventy  Years  Ago;  and  Watson's  Olden 
Times  in  A'ew  York,  1832. 

The  picture  is  also  given  in  fac-simile  in  Mr.  Lenox's 
edition  of  Jogues's  Novum  Belgium,  edited  by  J.  G.  Shea, 
and  in  jV.  E.  Hist,  and  Geneal.  Keg.,  July,  1882,  with  a 
paper  by  J.  R.  Stanwood  on  the  settlement  of  New  Nether- 
land.  MuUer,  of  Amsterdam  in  one  of  his  catalogues,  of 
recent  years,  offered  for  250  marks  a  water-color  drawing 
made  in  1650,  which  he  claimed  as  the  original  sketch 
upon  which  the  engraver  in  Montanus  worked.  Muller, 
Catalos^ue  of  American  Portraits,  etc.,  no.  305.  This  view  is 
now  in  the  New  York  Historic.ii  Society's  Library.  It  is 
inscribed  "  In  't  schij)  Lydia  door  Laurens  Ilarmen  Z° 
Wock,  A"  1650."  There  is  no  record  of  any  ship  of  such 
name  arriving  at  New  Amsterdam,  and  this  together  with 
certain  changes  in  the  picture,  as  compared  with  Montanus, 
have  led  good  judges  to  suspect  that  it  is  a  copy  of  tliat 
view,  by  one  who  was  never  in  New  Amsterdam,  rather 
than  its  original.  The  paper  and  frame  are  old,  at  ail 
events. 

A  view  purporting  to  represent  the  town  in  1667  is 
given  in  Yalentine's  Xe^o  York  City  Manual,  1851,  p.  131. 
and  in  his  History  of  A'e-iO  York  City,  p.  71. 

The  view  of  which  an  engraving  is  herewith  given  is 
from  a  map  entitled  Totius  \eobelgii  ncnni  et  accuratissima 
tabula,  .  .  .    Tvpis  Caroli  Allard,  Amstelodami. 

The  reference-key  to  the  view  is  as  follows  :  — 

.\.    Fort  Orangicnsche  oft  N.  Albanische  Jachten. 

B.  Vlagge-spil,  daer  dc  Ylag  wordt  opgehaelt,  als- 
ercomen  schepen  in  dese  Haven. 

C.  Fort  .Amsterdam,  genaemt  Jeams-fort  bij  de  En- 
gelsche. 


PU'/ 


L.    Luthersche  Kerck. 
M.    Waterpoort. 
N.    Smidts-vallij. 
().    Landtpoort. 
P.   Weg  na  'tverschc  Water. 
Q.    Wint-molen. 
U.    Ronduijten. 
.S.    Stuijvesants  Iluijs. 
Oost-Kivier,  lopende  tusschen  't  Eijlant  Manhatans, 


D.  Gevangcn-huijs. 

E.  Gereformeede  Kerck. 
Y.  Gouverneurs-Huijs. 
G.  't  mar^'zijn. 
H.   De  Wacg. 
I.  Heeren-gracht. 
K.  Stadt  huijs. 


T. 


en  Jorckshire,  oft  't  lange  Eijlandt. 


1  See  also  Bnwden's  Friends  in  .America,  i.  309 ;  Lamb's  Nei> 
York,  i.  iSo;  Valentine's  yl/(7«H<7/,  1842-43,  p.  14;  ;  Giy\  Pofii/a' 
History  of  the  United  States,  ii.  236. 


n. 


'I  I 


lis  is  that  given 
'ue  en  Onhekeiuie 
umptuous  folio 
variously  priced 
u;  ii.  1, 066,  with 

the  later,  1673, 
;ilby's  America, 
lows  Montaniis, 
'aloiitu;  ii.  1,067, 
I  in  the  Docii- 
ith  a  fac-simile 
Popular  History 
ile  issued,  with 
^5  as  \eiu  York 
Watson's  OlJcn 


THE   ENGLISH   IN   NEW  YORK. 


417 


The  view  is  inscribed :  "  Nieuw-Amsterdam, 
onlangs  Nieuw  jorck  genamt,  ende  hernomen  bij 
de  Nederlanders  op  den  24  Aug.,  1673,  eindelijlv 
aan  de  Engclsc  weder  afgestaan."  It  took  the 
l)lace  of  the  engraved  view,  already  mentioned 
as  appearing  in  the  first  edition  of  Allard's  map, 
and  was  probably  etched  by  Romeyn  de  Hooghe, 
a  distinguished  artist  of  the  day,  when  Hugo 
Allard  retouched  his  old  plate  to  i)roduce  an 
engraved  map  to  meet  the  interest  raised  by  the 
recapture  of  the  town.  It  also  did  service  in  the 
later  issues  of  the  same  plate  by  Carolus  Allard 
and  the  Ottens,  and  was  reproduced  in  an  infe- 
rior way  by  Lotter  on  his  map.  .See  Asher's  List 
of  Maps  and  Vit'ws,  p.  20.  A  view  of  1679  '^ 
given  on  a  later  page,  with  its  history. 

The  annexed  cut  of  the  Strand  follows  a  view 
in  T/u  Manual  of  che  City  of  A'cw   York,  1S69, 


Maps.  An  account  of  the  maps  of  the  Dutch 
period  is  given  in  Vol.  IV.  For  the  English 
period,  the  earliest  of  the  town  of  New  York  was 
probably  that  supposed  to  have  been  sent  home 
by  Nicoll  (1664-OS)  after  his  occupation,  and  of 
which  a  portion  is  herewith  given. 

Of  about  the  same  date  is  the  original  of  the 
Hudson  River  Map  (1666),  which  will  be  found 
in  the  ne.xt  volume.  Then  came  the  map  of  the 
province  by  Nicolas  Visscher,  issued  in  the  first 
edition  of  his  Atlas  Minor  about  1670.'  Not  far 
from  t.ie  same  time  (1671)  appeared  the  map 
which  is  common  to  Montanus's  A'ieinvi-  en  On- 
hekendc  I Feerelil and  to  Ogilljy's  great  toWo  Amcr- 
tea,  which  shows  the  coast  from  the  Penobscot 
to  the  Chesapeake,  and  is  entitled  "  Novi  15elgii, 
etc.,  delincatio."  It  closely  resemliles  Jansson's 
earlier  map.     The  Allard   map  of   1673,  from 


iwn   in  1667  is 
f/,  1851,  p.  131. 

ewith  given  is 
aeenratissima 


erschc  Water. 


It  Manhatans, 


Lamb's  Neji 
Gay'k  Popular 


THE    STR/\Nl),    NEW   \VHITEH..\LL   STREET,    NEW   YORK. 


p.  738.  The  Central  House,  with  three  windows 
in  the  roof,  was  the  earliest  brick  house  built  in 
the  town,  and  was  at  one  time  the  dwelling  of 
Jacob  I.eisler,  and  had  been  built  by  his  father- 
in-law,  Vandervecn;  cf.  the  narrative  in  the  .!/(;«• 
uat.  It  is  also  engraved  in  Gay's  Pof'nlar  History 
of  the  United  States,  iii.  14.  Other  houses  of  this 
period  are  shown  in  the  Manual,  1847,  p.  371, 
1S5S,  p.  526,  and  1S62,  p.  522;  in  V.ilentine's 
History  of  A'e-M  York  Ctty,  pp.  177,  214,  319;  in 
Hiker's  Harlem,  p.  454  (Dutch  Church  of  1686), 
etc. 


which  our  engraved  view  is  taken,  was  the  second 
by  that  cartographer  of  \ew  Netherland,  who 
retouched  the  plate  of  the  earlier  one,  which  had 
been  niainlv  a  rejjroduction  of  N.  J.  Visscher's, 
as  the  later  one  of  Schenk  and  Valch  (1C90)  was. 
Asher  says  (nos.  13,  15,  16)  that  .Allard  in  this 
second  map  confined  his  additions  to  new  names 
in  the  Dutch  regions.  The  same  plate  was  later 
used  by  Carolus  Allard,  and  as  late  as  1740-50 
by  Ottens. 

.M)Out   1680,  in   Dancker.s'  Atlas,  published 
at  Amsterdam,  is  found  a  map,  "  Novi   Belgii, 


'■  Tliere  were  later  enlarged  editions  in  16S0  and  1705,  or  of  alxiut  those  dates, 
no.  3,3X9. 

VOL.   III.  —  53- 


Miiller,  Catalogue  {iSyj), 


1     I 


1    ,U 


if 


!ir 


4i8 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


f 


etc.,  tabula,  multis  in  locis  emendafa  a  J.  Danck- 
ers,"  which,  however,  in  Asher's  opinion  was  but 
a  revamping  of  the  earlier  Visschcr  plate.'  The 
map  which  N.  J.  Visschcr  published  about  1640 
was  reissued  about  i6go  by  Nicolas  Visscher, 
"  Novi  Belgii,  etc.,  tabula,  multis  in  locis  emen- 
data,"  making  use  of  the  work  of  Montanus  and 


others,  by  J.  P.  Rourje,  and  appeared  in  I.am- 
brechtseu's  Korte  Beschryniii);,  Middelburg,  iSiS, 
The  maps  of  Nicolas  Visschcr  in  Sanson's  Alias 
Nouveau  (1700),  and  of  Henry  Hondius  .ind 
Homan,  belong  to  a  later  period. 

Of  the  charts  of  the  coast  about  New  York, 
there  were  two  standard  atlases  of  this  period, 


^Towm  OF 


SKETCH    PIJVN   OF   NEW   YORK   CITY,    1664-68.^ 

Allard,  of  which  there  were  also  liter  issues,  the  Zee-Atlas  of  Pieter  Goos,  of  which  there  were 

(Asher's    List,  no.   14;   Midler,  no.  2.276.)     An  editions  in  1666,  1668,  1673,  '^/S'  ■'^7^'  —  *°""^ 

eclectic  map, showing  the  province  at  this  period,  of  them  with  French  te.xt.    (Asher's  List,\\o.  22- 

was  made  up  from  Montanus,  Roggevecn,  and  24;  Muller's  CatiiU^iie,  li577,  no.  1254.)     Bct'jr 

1  Cf.  Mr.  Fernow's  chapter  in  Vol.  IV.  It  was  afterw.irds  followed  in  part  in  Letter's  map.  {Aslier's 
List,  no.  20.) 

2  This  is  a  reduced  reproduction  of  the  fac-siniile  in  Valentine's  jVcw  Vori  City  Afaiiiial,  1S63,  of  one  of 
the  sheets  of  NicoU's  map  of  Manhattan  Island,  preserved  in  the  Uritish  Museum.  It  bcirs  .in  attestation 
of  correct  correspondence  witli  the  original,  from  Kichard  .'^imms,  of  the  Museum,  who  transmitted  in  1S62 
the  copy  to  George  H.  Moore,  tlicn  of  the  Historical  Society,  Cf.  also  another  representation  in  Valentine's 
Attinual,  1859,  p.  548,  and  in  his  History,  p.  226- 


peared  in  I.anr 
'iddelburg,  iSiS. 
I  Sanson's  A/l,is 
y  Hondius  and 

)out  New  York, 
of  this  period, 


;i!ip.     (Aslier's 

1S63,  of  one  iif 
an  attestation 

nitted  in  1S62 
in  Valentine's 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    NEW   YORK. 


419 


THE   STADTHUVS    IN'    NEW   YORK,    1 6 79. BREVOORT's   DRAWING. 

executed  are  tlie  ciiarts  in  tlie  special  American  Englisli    edition  as    T/w  Burnini;  Fen.     Aslier 

collection  issued  at  Amsterdam  by    Vrent  Kog-  also  adds  the  charts  of  Van  Keulen,  remarliing, 

geveen  under  the  title  of  Ilet  Ecri'c  Decl  '•an  however,  upon  their  inaccurate  coast-lines. 

het  BrandenJe   I'an,   1675,  and  known  in    the  Descriptions.     Edward   Melton  was   in  New 


THE    STADTHUYS,    I  679. ORIGINAL   SKETCH. 


;ll 


*«;    I       ;   \ 


■     \- 


\\ 


M 


41 


\\ 


I 


t 


I, 


illlBi' 

,    1  .ttl^Wwt 

i^Mm 

iir 


m 


420 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


York  in  1668,  and  in  his  Zfe-  en  Landrtizen, 
Amsterdam,  16S1,  and  again  1702,  he  gives  a 
detailed  description  of  the  place  borrowing 
somewhat  from  Montanus.  (Asher's  Essay,  no. 
17  ;  and  Carler-Brim'n  Calalogtie,  ii.  1,221,  which 
says  the  later  editions  were  issued  in  1 704-1 705.) 
Though  an  Englishman,  his  account  was  not  pul> 
lished  in  the  original,  and  we  owe  the  earliest 
one  in  English  to  Daniel  Denton,  whose  Brief 
Descriptions  of  New  York  appeared  in  London 
in  1670.  It  is  now  very  rare.  (Sabin's  Dic- 
tionary, V.  350.)  It  is  a  small  quarto,  and  Rich 
priced  it  in  1832  at  £1  12s.  There  are  copies  in 
Harvard  College  Library;  in  the  State  Library, 
Albany;  l^esides  two  copies  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library,  with  different  imprints.  (Catalogue,  ii. 
1,038.)  Sabin,  in  the  Menzies  Catalogue,  says 
he  had  sold  a  copy  for  $275,  and  at  that  sale  it 
brought  $220.  (Cf.  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  2,778.) 
It  was  reprinted  by  the  Pennsylvania  Historical 
Society  in  1845,  16  pp.,  and  by  Wm.  Gowan  in 
New  York  the  same  year,  with  an  Introduction 
by  Gabriel  Furman,  57  pp. 

A  few  years  later  we  have  another  descrip- 
tion in  the  Journal  of  a  Voyage  to  NrM  York, 
1679-S0,  by  Jasper  Dankers  and  Peter  Sluyter, 
which  was  translated  from  the  original  Dutch 
manuscript  by  Henry  C.  Murphy,  and,  enriched 
by  an  Introduction  from  the  same  hand,  appeared 
in  1S67  as  vol.  i.  of  the  Memoirs  of  the  Long 
Island  Historical  Society,  and  also  separately. 
Some  particulars  of  Danckaerts  or  Dankers  are 
noted  in  ^fass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  1874,  p.  309, 
The  MS.,  when  found  by  Mr.  Frederick  MuUer, 
of  .•\msterdam,  from  whom  Mr.  Murphy  pro- 
cured it,  was  accompanied  by  certain  drawings 
of  the  town,  seemingly  taken  on  the  spot.  These 
are  given  in  Mr.  Murphy's  volume  in  fac-simile, 
with  descriptions  by  Mr.  J.  Carson  Brevoort, 
who  has  also  re-drawn  certain  parts  of  them 
with  better  perspective,  and  other  rectifications. 


The  re-drawings  are  also  engraved.  The  orig- 
inals consist:  (i)  of  a  view  of  the  Narrows, 
looking  out  to  sea;  (2)  of  a  long  panoramic 
view  of  the  town  as  seen  from  the  Brooklyn 
shore;  (3)  the  East  Kiver  shore  looking  south ; 
(4)  a  view  down  the  island  from  the  northern 
edge  of  the  settlement,  with  the  Hudson  River 
on  the  right,  and  a  supposablc  East  River  on 
the  left.  The  views  which  Mr.  Brevoort  has 
rectified  are  no.  4 ;  the  Stadthuys,  with  adjacent 
buildings  and  half-moon  battery,  extracted  from 
no.  2 ;  and  three  parts  of  no.  3,  namely  the  Dock, 
the  Water-gate  (foot  of  Wall  Street),and  the  shore 
north  of  the  Water-gate.  A  reduction  of  the 
Brevoort  Stadthuys  view  and  the  original,  full 
size,  are  given  herewith.  This  building  stood 
on  the  corner  of  Pearl  Street  and  Coentys  slip, 
was  erected  as  a  city  tavern  in  1642,  became  a 
city  hall  in  1655,  and  was  torn  down  in  1700. 
The  battery  when  built  projected  into  the  river. 
There  are  other  views  of  the  Stadthuys  given 
in  Valentine's  Manual,  (1655-56)  p.  336,  (1S52) 
p.  378,  (1853)  p.  472  ;  his  History,  p.  52  ;  Lamb's 
Neiu  York,  i.  106 ;  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the 
United  States,  ii.  139,  etc.  Mr.  J.  W.  Gerard 
published  a  monograph  in  1875,  Old  Stadthuys 
of  New  Amsterdam. 

In  the  train  of  Andros,  and  as  his  chaplain,  a 
Rev.  Charles  Wooley  came  to  New  York  in  1678, 
and  his  Journal  of  Two  Years  was  published  in 
1701.  (Historical Magazine,  \.  yj I.)  There  is  a 
copy  in  Harvard  College  Library.  It  was  ed- 
ited in  i860,  with  notes  by  Dr.  O'Callaghan,  as 
Gowan's  Bibliotheca  Americana,  no.  2 ;  and  no. 
3  of  the  same  series,  J.  Miller's  Description  of 
the  Province  and  City  of  Ne^u  York  (1695),  though 
of  a  little  later  date,  is  best  examined  in  the 
same  connection.  It  is  edited  by  John  G.  Shea, 
as  Gowan  printed  it  in  1862.  Cf.  also  C.  Lod- 
wick's  "  New  York  in  1692,"  in  2  N.  Y.  Hist 
CM.,  vol.  ii. 


CHAPTER    XI. 

THE   ENGLISH   IN   EAST  AND   WEST  JERSEY. 

I 664- I 689. 

BY   WILLIAM   A.    WHITEHEAD. 
Comsponding  Stcreiary  of  the  New  yersey  Historical  Socitty, 


ALTHOUGH  that  portion  of  the  American  Continent  known  as  New 
Netherland  was  within  the  limits  claimed  by  England  by  virtue  of 
Cabot's  discovery,  yet  those  in  possession,  from  the  comparatively  little 
interest  taken  in  their  proceedings,  remained  undisturbed  until  1664.' 
There  had  been  some  attempts  on  the  part  of  settlers  in  Connecticut  and 
on  Long  Island  to  encroach  upon  lands  in  the  occupancy  of  the  Dutch,  or 
to  purchase  tracts  from  the  Indians  otherwise  than  through  their  interven- 
tion, yet  nothing  had  resulted  therefrom  but  estrangement  and  animosity. 
An  application  for  the  aid  of  the  Royal  government  was  the  consequence, 
and  Charles  II.  was  induced  to  countenance  the  complaints  of  his  North 
American  subjects,  and  to  enforce  his  right  to  the  lands  in  question. 

To  efifect  the  ends  in  view,  a  charter  was  granted  to  James,  Duke  of  York, 
—  Charles's  brother,  —  for  all  the  lands  lying  between  the  western  side  of 
Connecticut  River  and  the  east  side  of  Delaware 
Bay,  including  Long  Island,  Nantucket,  Martha's  /  -m  xy^  y, 
Vineyard,  and  the  islands  in  their  vicinity.  This  y7/^//^//^.r^J\ 
charter  was  dated  March  12,  1663/4,  and  the  fol-^  uiy^  r  /  ^-'V-' 
lowing  month  a  fleet  of  four  vessels,  having  on  board  a  full  complement  of 
sailors  and  soldiers,  was  despatched  to  eject  the  Dutch  and  put  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  Duke  of  York  in 
possession.  The  fleet  arrived  in 
August,  and  articles  of  capitula- 
tion were  signed  on  the  19th  (20th)  of  the  same  month.  Colonel  Richard 
NicoUs,  who  commanded  the  expedition,  received  the  surrender  of  the 
Province  the  following  day ;  and  in  October  Sir  Robert  Carr  secured  the 
capitulation  of  the  settlements  on  the  Delaware.  By  the  treaty  of  Breda, 
in  1667,  the  possession  of  the  country  was  confirmed  to  the  English.^ 


(^xcAu^  fvCccilx^ 


H 


'  [See  a  chapter  in  Vol.  IV.  for  the  Dutch 
rule.  —  Ed.] 


•^  [See  this  volume,  chap,  x.,  for  the  English 
Conquest.  —  Ed.] 


i ' 


422 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Although,  as  the  pioneers  of  civilization,  the  Hollanders  had  devclcp(;d, 
to  a  considerable  extent,  the  resources  of  what  is  now  New  Jersey,  yet  tin- 
cultivation  of  the  soil  and  the  increase  of  population,  during  the  half  cen- 
tury that  had  elapsed  since  their  first  occupancy,  were  by  no  means  com- 
mensurate with  what  might  have  been  voected.  Settlements  had  been 
made  on  tracts  known  as  VVeehawkcn,  Hoboken,  Ahasimus,  Pavonia,  Con- 
stable's Hook,  and  Bergen,  on  the  western  banks  of  the  Hudson  River, 
opposite  New  Amsterdam,  but  of  their  population  and  other  evidences  of 
growth  I  othing  definite  is  known.  On  the  Delaware,  Cornelius  Jacobscii 
r-icy   in  1623,  under  the  auspices  of  the  West  India  Company  of  Holland, 

and   David   Pieterson   dc  Vries,   in 

r  ^  ^^  163 1,  attempted  to  colonize  South 

'^i/^fj  hr-      y/^^  -y^^    Jersey  at  Fort  Nassau  ;   but  to  the 

-'    t/A/  Cj        (.,JLL.J_JL~      Swedes  must  be  accorded  the  credit 

of  making  the  first  successful  settle- 
ments, though  few  in  number  and  insignificant  in  extent.'  These,  in  Au- 
gust, 1655,  were  surrendered  to  the  Dutch  under  Peter  Stuyvcsant,  and  they 
had  experienced  very  little  growth  or  modificatior  when  surrendered  to  Sir 
Robert  Carr  in  1664. 

Before  the  Duke  of  York  was  actually  in  possession  of  the  territory,  he 
had  e.xecuted  deeds  of  lease  and  release  to  Lord  John  lierkeley,  Baron  of 
Stratton,  and  Sir  George  Carteret,  of  Saltrum.  The  documents  bore  the 
dates  of  June  23  and  24,  1664,  and  granted  all  that  portion  of  his  American 
acquisition  — 

"  lying  and  being  to  the  westward  of  Long  Island  and  Manhitoes  Island,  and  bounded 
on  the  east  part  by  the  main  sea  and  part  by  Hudson's  river,  and  hath  upon  the  west 
Delaware  bay  or  river,  and  extending  southward  to  the  main  ocean  as  far  as  Ca|)e 
May  at  the  mouth  of  Delaware  bay,  and  to  the  northward  as  far  as  the  northernmost 
branch  of  the  said  bay  or  river  of  Delaware,  which  is  forty-one  degrees  and  forty 
minutes  of  latitude,  and  crosseth  over  thence  in  a  straight  line  to  Hudson's  river  in 
forty-one  degrees  of  latitude  ;  which  said  tract  of  land  is  hereafter  to  be  called  by  the 
name  or  names  of  New  Ccesaria  or  Neiv  Jersey^ 

The  two  courtiers,  placed  in  these  important  and  interesting  relations  to 
the  people  of  New  Jersey,  were  doubtless  led  to  enter  into  them  from  being 
already  interested   in  the   Province   of  Carolina,  ^ 

and   froin   their  associations  with    the    Duke   of  ^^  n^'^TO  o/r-A^'\£AJ 
York.     Sir  John  Berkeley  had  been  the  governor  (    l^  fc'-'-nx/  /         ^7 
of  the    Duke   in   his  youth,   and   in   subsequent    O  ^-^ 

years  had  retained  great  influence  over  him.  He,  as  well  as  Sir  George 
Carteret,  had  been  a  firm  adherent  of  Charles  II. ;  and  Carteret,  at  the 
Restoration,  was  placed  in  several  important  positions  and  was  an  intimate 
companion  of  James.  Both  Carteret  and  Berkeley  were  connected  with  the 
Duke  in  the  Admiralty  Board,  of  which  he  was  at  that  time  the  head,  and 

1  [See  Vol.  IV.  for  the  Swedish  rule.  —  Ed.J 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST  JERSEY. 


423 


relations  to 


^"MmA 


consequently  enjoyed  peculiar  facilities  for  influencing  him.  The  name  of 
"  Ca-saria  "  was  conferred  upon  the  tract  in  commemoration  of  the  gpllant 
defence  of  the  Island  of  Jersey,  in  1649,  against  the  Parliamentarians,  y 
Sir  George  Carteret,  then  governor  of  the  island;  but  it  was  soon  los*  t.ie 
English  appellation  of  "New  Jersey"  being  preferred. 

The  grant  to  the  Duke  of  York,  from  the  Crown,  conferred  upon  him, 
his  heirs  ard  assigns,  among  other  rights  and  privileges,  that  of  government, 
subject  to  the  approval  by  the  King  of  all  matters  submitted  for  his  deci- 
sion ;  differing  therein  from  the  Royal  privileges  conceded  to  the  propri- 
etors of  Maryland  and  Carolina,  which  were  unlimited.  The  Duke  of  York, 
consequently,  ruled  his  territory  in  the  name  of  the  King,  and  when  it  was 
transferred  to  Berkeley  and  Carteret, 
they,  "  their  heirs  and  assigns,"  were 
invested  with  all  the  powers  conferred 
upon  the  Duke  "  in  as  full  and  ample 
manner"  as  he  himself  possessed  them,  — — — _ 

including,  as  was  conceived,  the  right  of  government,  although  it  was  not 
so  stated  expressly,' — thus  transferring  with  the  land  the  allegiance  and 
obedience  of  the  inhabitants. 

On  Feb.  lO,  1664/5,  without  havinr  had  any  communication  with  the 
inhabitants,  or  acquiring  a  knowledge  personal  inspection  of  the  pecu- 
liarities of  the  country,  Berkeley  and  Carteret  signed  an  instrument  which 
they  published  under  the  title  of  "  The  Concessions  and  Agreements  of  the 
Lords  Proprietors  of  New  Jersey,  to  and  with  all  and  every  of  the  adven- 
turers and  all  such  as  shall  settle  and  plant  there."  This,  the  first  Consti- 
tution of  New  Jersey,  was  regarded  by  the  people  as  the  great  charter  of 
their  liberties,  and  respected  accordingly.  By  its  provisions  the  government 
of  the  Province  was  confided  to  a  governor,  a  council  of  not  less  than  six 
nor  more  than  twelve  to  be  selected  by  the  governor,  and  an  assembly  of 
twelve  representatives  to  be  chosen  annually  by  the  freemen  of  the  Prov- 
ince. The  governor  and  council  were  clothed  with  power  to  appoint  and 
remove  all  officers,  —  freeholders  alone  to  be  appointed  to  office  unless  by 
consent  of  the  assembly,  —  to  exercise  a  general  supervision  over  all  courts, 
and  to  be  executors  of  the  laws.  They  were  to  direct  the  manner  of  laying 
out  of  lands,  and  were  not  to  impose,  nor  permit  to  be  imposed,  any  tax 
upon  the  people  rot  authorized  by  the  general  assembly.  That  body  was 
authorized  to  pass  all  laws  for  the  government  of  the  Province,  subject  to 
the  approval  of  the  governor,  to  remain  in  force  one  year,  during  which 
time  they  were  to  be  submitted  to  the  Lords  Proprietors.  To  encourage 
()lanters,  every  freeman  who  should  embark  with  the  first  governor,  or  meet 
liini  on  his  arrival,  provided  ivith  a  "good  musket,  bore  twelve  bullets  to 
tiie  pound,  with  bandeliers  and  match  convenient,  and  with  six  months'  pro- 
visions for  himself,"  was  promised  one  hundred  and  fifty  acres  of  land,  and 
the  like  number  for  every  man-servant  or  slave  brought  with  him  similarly 
provided.     To  females  over  the  age  of  fourteen,  seventy-five  acres  were 


\  s 


\  I 


1 1/  Jl  -I 


:  i 


1 1' 


424  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


I  i 


promised,  and  a  similar  numb"-,  to  every  Christian  servant  at  the  expiration 
of  his  or  her  term  of  service.  Those  tjoiny  subsequently,  but  before  Jan. 
I,  1666,  were  to  receive  one  hundred  and  twenty  acres,  if  master,  mistress, 
or  able  man-servant  or  slave;  and  weaker  servants,  male  or  female,  sixty 
acres.  Those  goiny  duriny  the  fourth  year  were  to  have  one  half  of  these 
quantities. 

In  the  liiying  out  of  towns  and  boroughs  the  proprietors  reserved  one 
seventh  of  the  land  to  themselves.  To  all  who  might  become  entitled  to 
any  land,  a  warrant  was  to  be  obtained  from  the  governor  directing  the  sur- 
veyor to  lay  out  the  several  tracts,  which  being  done,  a  grant  or  patent  was 
to  be  issued,  signed  by  the  governor  and  the  major  part  of  the  council,  sub- 
ject to  a  yearly  quit-rent  of  not  less  than  one  halfpenny  per  acre,  the  pay- 
ment of  which  was  to  begin  in  1670.  Each  parish  was  to  be  allowed  two 
hundred  acres  for  the  use  of  its  ministers.  Liberty  of  conscience  was  guar- 
anteed to  all  becoming  subjects  of  England,  and  swearing  allegiance  to  the 
King  and  fidelity  to  the  Lords  Proprietors  ;  and  the  assembly  of  the  Province 
was  authorized  to  appoint  as  many  ministers  as  should  be  thought  proper, 
and  to  provide  for  their  maintenance.  Such  were  the  principal  provisions 
of  this  fundamental  Constitution  of  the  Province. 

On  the  same  day  that  the  Concessions  were  signed,  Philip  Carteret,  a 
distant  relative  of  Sir  George,  was  commissioned  governor,  and  received  his 

instructions.  Prepara- 
tions were  at  once  made 
for  his  departure,  ac- 
companied by  all  sucii 
as  were  willing  to  emi- 
grate to  New  Jersey; 
and  in  April  he  sailed, 
with  about  thirty  ad- 
venturers and  servants, 
in  the  ship  "  Philip,"  laden  with  suitable  commodities.  The  vessel  was  first 
heard  of  as  being  in  Virginia  in  ^Lly,  and  she  arrived  at  New  York  on  July 
29.  Here  Carteret  was  informed  that  Governor  Nicolls,  in  entire  ignorance 
of  the  transfer  of  New  Jersey  to  Lords  Berkeley  and  Carterc*;,  had  author- 
ized and  confirmed  a  purchase  made  of  the  Indians,  by  a  party  from  Long 
Island,  of  a  tract  of  land  lying  on  the  west  side  of  the  strait  between  Statcn 
Island  and  the  main  land,  and  that  four  families  had  emigrated  thither. 
Nicolls  had  also  confirmed  to  other  parties  a  tract  lying  near  to  Sandy 
Hook,  which  they  had  purchased  from  the  Indians.  This  led  to  the  settle- 
ment of  Middletown  and  Shrewsbury,  in  what  is  now  Monmouth  County, — 
the  two  grants  laying  the  foundation  for  much  subsequent  trouble  in  the 
administration  of  the  public  affairs  of  the  Province. 

In  consequence  of  these  developments  the  prow  of  the  "  Philip  "  wa^ 
directed  by  Carteret  towards  the  new  settlement  at  what  is  now  Elizabeth ; 
and  arriving  there  early  in  August,  he  landed,  as  it  is  said,  with  a  hoe  upon 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST  JERSEY. 


425 


his  shoulder,  thereby  indicatintj  his  intention  to  become  a  planter  with  those 
already  there,  and  conferrinj^  upon  the  embryo  town  the  name  it  now  bears, 
after  the  lady  of  Sir  Geor^'e  Carteret. 

Amon^  Carteret's  first  measures  for  the  improvement  of  the  Province 
was  the  seiidin^j  of  messen^jers  to  New  I'-n^jland  and  elsewhere,  to  publish 
the  Concessions  and  to  invite  settlers,  —  measures  which  resulted  in  a  consid- 
erable accession  to  the  population.  The  ship  "  Philip  "  returned  to  ICnj,'- 
land  in  about  six  months,  and  brou^^ht  out  the  next  year  "  more  i)eople  and 
^oods  "  on  account  of  the  Proprietors ;  and  other  vessels,  similarly  laden, 
followed  from  time  to  time. 

In  1666  a  division  of  the  Elizabcthtown  tract  was  effected,  leading  to  the 
settlement  of  Woodbridge  and  Piscataway.  Another  settlement,  —  formed 
by  immiffrants  from  Milford,  Guilford,  Branford,  and  New  I  laven,  and  having 
a  desire,  they  said  in  their  a^jreemcnt,  "  to  be  of  one  heart  and  consent, 
throuffh  God's  blessing,  that  with  one  hand  they  may  endeavor  the  carrying 
on  of  spiritual  concernments,  as  also  civil  and  town  affairs  according  to  God 
and  a  godly  government,"  —  became  the  nucleus  of  Newark  (now  the  most 
populous  city  in  New  Jersey),  only  such  planters  as  belonged  to  some  one 
of  the  Congregational  churches  being  allowed  to  vote  or  hold  office  in  the 
town.  These,  with  the  settlements  mentioned  as  having  been  begun  under 
the  Dutch  administration,  comprised  all  which  for  some  years  attracted 
immigration  from  other  quarters.  Thus  gradually  New  Jersey  obtained  an 
enterprising,  industrious  population  sufficiently  large  to  develop  in  no  small 
degree  its  varied  capabilities. 

The  Indians  were  considered  generally  as  beneficial  to  the  new  settle- 
ments. The  obtaining  of  furs,  skins,  and  game,  which  added  both  to  the 
traffic  of  the  Province  and  to  the  support  of  the  inhabitants,  was  thus  se- 
cured with  less  difficulty  than  if  they  had  been  obliged  to  depend  upon 
tlieir  own  exertions  for  the  needed  supply.  The  different  tribes  were  more 
or  less  connected  with  or  subordinate  to  the  confederated  Indians  of  New 
York,  and  the  settlers  in  New  Jersey  enjoyed,  in  consequence,  peculiar  pro- 
tection. As  the  Proprietors  evinced  no  disposition  to  deprive  them  of  their 
lands,  but  in  all  cases  made  what  was  deemed  an  adequate  remuneration 
for  such  as  were  purchased,  New  Jersey  was  preserved  from  those  unhappy 
collisions  which  resulted  in  such  vital  injury  to  the  settlements  in  other  parts 
of  the  country. 

Governor  Carteret  did  not  think  that  any  legislation  was  immediately 
necessary  for  the  government  of  the  people  or  administration  of  the  affairs 
of  the  Province.  The  Concessions  having  been  tried  were  found  quite  ade- 
([uate  to  the  requirements  of  the  new  settlements,  but  on  April  7,  1668,  he 
issued  his  proclamation  ordering  the  election  of  two  freeholders  from  each 
town  to  meet  in  a  general  assembly  the  ensuing  month  at  P^lizabethtown ; 
;uid  on  May  26  the  first  Assembly  in  New  Jersey  began  a  session  which 
closed  on  the  30th.  During  the  session  a  bill  of  pains  and  penalties  was 
passed,  identical  in  some  respects  with  the  Levitical  law.  Other  subjects 
VOL.  III.  —  54. 


*     .'I  , 


A 


!'a! 


I 


Si 


t 


fi 


i ) 


') 


aim 


426 


NARRATIVK   AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF   AMERICA. 


were  considered  ;  hut  "  by  reason  of  the  wock  so  near  spent  and  the  resolu- 
tion of  some  of  tlic  coni|)any  to  ilepart,"  ilcfinite  action  was  postponed 
until  the  cnsuin^j  session,  winch  was  held  on  November  3,  in  wliich  deputies 
from  the  southern  portion  of  the  Province  on  the  Delaware  took  part.  A 
few  acts  were  passed  relatinj;  to  wei^jhts  and  measures,  fines,  and  dea!in;,'s 
willi  the  Indians;  but  t)n  the  fourth  ilay  of  the  session  the  Assembly  ail- 
journed  si»f  die,  the  deputies  cxcusin^j  themselves  tlierefor  in  a  messa^je  to 
the  Governor  and  Council,  in  which  they  say :  — 

"We,  finiling  so  many  and  threat  inconveniences  by  our  not  sitting  together,  ami 
your  apprehension  so  different  to  ours,  and  your  expectations  that  lhin^;s  must  j;o  ac- 
curtling  to  your  opinions,  they  can  see  no  reason  for,  much  less  warrant  from  the  Con- 
cessions ;  wherefore  we  think  it  vain  to  spenil  much  time  in  returning  answers  by  meet- 
ings that  are  so  exceeding  dilatory,  if  not  fruitless  and  endless,  and  therefore  we  ttiink 
our  way  rather  to  break  up  our  meeting,  seeing  the  order  of  the  Concessions  <  annot  he 
attemled  t 

A  proposition  by  the  Governor  and  Council,  that  a  committee  should  be 
appointed  to  consult  with  them  upon  the  asserted  deviations  from  the  Con- 
cessions, was  not  heeded,  and  the  Assembly  adjourned.  Seven  years  elapsed 
before  another,  of  which  there  is  any  authentic  record,  met.  There  are  in- 
timations of  meetings  of  deputies  on  two  occasions  in  1671  ;  but  what  was 
done  thereat  is  not  known,  excepting  the  establishing  of  a  Court  of  Oyir 
and  Terminer. 

This  ne5,'lect  to  provide  for  the  regular  meeting  of  the  General  Assembly 
of  the  Province  was  doubtless  owing  to  the  disaffection  then  existing  among 
the  inhabitants  of  what  was  subsequently  known  as  the  Monmouth  I'ntent, 
hichiding  Middletown,  Shrewsbury,  and  other  settlements  holding  their 
hinds  under  the  grant  from  Nicolls,  which  has  been  mentioned.  As  they 
considered  themselves  authorized  to  pass  such  prudential  laws  as  they 
deemed  advisable,  they  were  led  to  hold  a  local  assembly  for  the  purpose 
as  early  as  June,  1667,  at  what  is  now  called  the  Highlands;  and  not  being 
disposed  to  acknowledge  fidly  the  claims  of  the  Lords  Proprietors,  they  re- 
fused to  publish  the  laws  passed  at  the  first  session  of  the  General  Assembly 
and  would  not  permit  them  to  be  enforced  within  their  limits,  on  the  groimd 
that  the  deputies,  professedly  representing  them,  had  not  been  lawfully 
elected.  Certain  differences  in  the  Nicolls  grant,  from  the  Concessions,  were 
insisted  on  before  the  deputies  representing  those  towns  could  be  allowed 
to  co-operate  in  any  legislation  affecting  them. 

These  views  were  not  acceded  to,  and  the  towns  were  consequently  not 
represented  in  the  Assembly  of  November,  1668,  and  the  first  open  hostility 
to  the  government  of  Carteret  was  inaugurated.  This,  however,  did  nut 
interfere  materially  with  his  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Province. 
In  every  other  quarter  harmony  prevailed  until  the  time  came  when,  by 
the  provisions  of  the  Concessions,  the  first  quit-rents  became  payable  by 
those  holding  lands  under  the  Proprietors.     The  arrival  of  March  25,  1670, 


THE  ENGLISH    IN   EAST  AND   VVF.ST  JKRSEY. 


427 


wljcn  their  cullcctiun  was  to  bo(;iii,  introduced  decided  and,  in  many 
({iiarters,  violent  opposition.  Information  received  from  Mn^Mand  of  a 
probable  chan^je  in  the  proprietorship,  whicli  promised  a  roannexatinn 
of  New  Jersey  to  N'evv  York,  no  doubt  adiled  to  tiie  appniicnsions  of 
tlie  Governor  and  his  Council,  and  yave  encoura(,'ement  to  the  disaffected 
amon^j  the  people. 

The  l-'.li/abethtown  settlers,  asserting;  their  ri^jht  to  the  lands  contirmed 
to  them  by  (iovernor  Nicolls  independent  of  the  recjuisitions  of  the  Conces- 
sions, became  the  central  instruments  of  action  for  the  disaffected.  The 
claims  of  the  Proprietors'  officers,  the  oaths  of  alle^'iance  wiiiclj  many  of 
tliem  had  taken,  as  well  as  their  duty  to  those  wliose  liberal  concessions  con- 
stituted the  chief  inducements  for  settlement  within  their  jurisdiction,  were 
alike  unheeded.  The  titles  acquired  throujjh  Nicolls  they  attempted  to  up- 
hold as  of  superior  force,  and,  following  the  e.\aniple  of  Middletown  and 
Shrewsbury,  although  on  less  tenable  {jrounds,  they  were  disposed  to  (jues- 
tion  the  authority  of  the  government  in  other  matters.  For  two  years  there 
was  a  prevalent  state  of  confusion,  an.\iety,  and  doubt. 

On  March  26,  1672,  there  was  a  meeting  of  deputies  from  the  different 
towns;  but  the  validity  of  such  an  Assembly,  as  it  was  called,  the  governor 
and  council  did  not  recognize.  The  proceedings  are  presumed  to  have  had 
reference  to  the  ve.xed  question  of  titles  ;  but  the  documents  connected  with 
the  meeting  were  all  suppressed  by  the  secretary,  who  was  also  assistant-sec- 
retary of  the  council,  and  he  acted,  it  is  presumed,  under  their  instructions. 
Another  meeting  was  held  at  Elizabethtown  on  May  14,  composed  of  repre- 
sentatives of  HIizabethtown,  Newark,  Woodbridge,  Piscataway,  and  Bergen  ; 
but  assembling  "without  the  knowledge,  approbation,  or  consent"  of  the 
governor  and  council,  they  of  course  did  not  co-operate.  The  Concessions 
stipulated  that  the  general  assembly  should  consist  of  the  "  representatives, 
or  the  majority  of  them,  with  the  governor  and  council,"  and  their  absence 
afforded  an  excuse  for  another  step  toward  independence  of  the  established 
authorities.  The  Concessions  provided  that,  should  the  governor  refuse  tp 
be  present  in  person  or  by  deputy,  the  general  assembly  might  "  appoint 
themselves  a  president  during  the  absence  of  the  governor  or  the  deputy- 
governor;  "  and  the  assembly  proceeded  to  do  .so  (not,  however,  a  president 
merely  to  preside  over  their  deliberations  and  give  effect  to  their  acts,  but 
a  "  president  of  the  country,"  to  exercise  the  chief  authority  in  the  Prov- 
ince), finding  a  ready  co-operator  in  James  Carteret,  a  son  of  Sir  George, 
then  in  New  Jersey  on  his  way  to  Carolina,  of  which  he  had  been  made  a 
landgrave. 

He  appears  to  have  been  courteously  received  by  the  authorities  of  the 
Province,  from  his  near  relationship  to  the  proprietor,  but  his  course  argues 
little  consideration  for  them  or  for  the  interests  of  his  father  He  did  not 
hesitate  to  assume  the  chief  authority;  and,  although  the  go.  nor  issued  a 
proclamation  denouncing  both  him  and  the  body  which  had  nferred  au- 
thority upon  him,  yet  power  to  enforce  obedience  seems  to  have  been  with 


n 


lilt 


!< 


428 


NARRATIVE  AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


fl 


the  usurper.  Officers  of  the  government  were  seized  and  imprisoned,  and 
in  some  instances  their  property  was  confiscated. 

Governor  Carteret  had  deemed  it  advisable  to  seek  his  safety  by  taking' 
up  his  residence  in  Bergen,  where  on  May  28  he  convened  his  council  for 
deliberation.     They  advised  liim  to  go  to  England,  to  explain  to  the  Lords 

Proprietors  the  situation  of  the 
Province,  and  to  have  his  au- 
^y/  thority  confirmed.  This  he 
^/l£i7^  did,  taking  with  him  James 
Bollen,  the  secretary  of  the 
council,  and  appointing  John 
Berry  deputy-governor  in  his 
absence.  Their  receptioi.  by  the  Proprietors  was  all  that  they  could  lave 
expected  or  desired.  Sir  George  Carteret  sent  directions  to  his  son  to  va- 
cate his  usurped  authoritv  ai  once  and  proceed  to  Carolina;  and  the  Duke 
of  York  wrote  to  Governor  Lovr'ace,  who  had  succeeded  Nicolls  in  tiie 
Province  of  New  York,  notifying  him,  and  requiring  him  to  make  the  same 
known  to  the  insurgents,  that  the  claims  they  had  advanced  would  not  be 
recognized  by  him ;  and  King  Charles  II.  himself  sent  a  missive  to  Deputy- 
Governor  Berry  confirming  his  authority  and  commanding  obedience  to  the 
government  of  the  Lords  Proprietors.  .  Other  documents  from  the  Propri- 
etors expressed  in  temperate  but  decided  language  their  determination  to 
support  the  rights  whicli  had  been  conferred  upon  them,  and  some  modifi- 
cations of  the  Concessions  were  made,  which  circumstances  seemed  to  re- 
quire, conferring  additional  powers  on  the  governor  and  council. 

These  various  documents  were  published  by  Deputy-Governor  Berry  in 
May,  1673.  They  served  to  quiet  the  previous  agitation,  and  to  re-establish 
his  authority.  A  certain  time  was  allowed  the  malccontents  to  comply  with 
the  terms  of  the  Proprietors  ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  Middletown  and  Shrews- 
bury placed  themselves  in  a  more  favorable  position  than  those  of  other 
towns  by  asking  for  a  suspension  of  proceedings  against  them  until  they 
could  communicate  with  the  authorities  in  England.  This  they  did,  throw- 
ing themselves  upon  their  generous  forbearance  by  relinquishing  any  special 
privileges  they  had  claimed  under  the  Nicolls  patent,  receiving  individual 
grants  of  land  in  lieu  thereof;  and  thereafter  the  relations  between  them  and 
the  proprietary  government  were  always  harmonious. 

The  government  was  resumed  by  the  representatives  of  the  Proprietors 
without  any  exhibition  of  exultation;  and  further  to  insure  tranquillity  and 
good  conduct  the  deputy-governor  and  council  issued  an  order  with  tlie 
intent  "  to  prevent  deriding,  or  uttering  words  of  reproach,  to  any  that  had 
been  guilty"  of  the  insubordination. 

In  March,  1673,  Charles  II.,  in  co-operation  with  Louis  XIV.  of  France, 
declared  war  against  Holland  ;  and  before  the  time  expired,  within  which  tlie 
proffered  terms  were  to  be  acceded  to  by  the  inhabitants,  the  Dutch  were 
again  in  possession  of  the  country.     The  manner  in  which  New  Nether- 


i   » ' 


'  "til. 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY. 


429 


land  had  been  subdued  by  the  English  prompted  a  hke  retaliation,  and  a 
squadron  of  five  vessels  was  at  once  despatched  against  New  York.  The 
fleet  was  increased,  by  captures  on  the  way,  to  sixteen  vessels,  conveying 
sixteen  hundred  men;  and  on  August  8  possession  of  the  fort  was  obtained, 
and  for  more  than  a  year  the  authority  of  the  States  General  was  acknowl- 
edged. On  the  one  hand,  no  harshness  or  disposition  to  violate  the  just 
rights  of  the  inhabitants  was  manifested ;  while,  on  the  other,  imaginary  in- 
juries from  the  proprietary  government  led  to  a  ready  recognition  of  what 
might  prove  an  advantageous  change.  The  natural  consequences  were  har- 
mony and  good-will. 

The  inhabitants  generally  were  confirmed  in  the  possession  of  their  law- 
fully acquired  lands,  and  placed  on  an  equality,  as  to  privileges,  with  the 
Hollanders  themselves.  Local  governments  were  established  for  each  town, 
consisting  of  six  schepens,  or  magistrates,  and  two  deputies  toward  the  con- 
stitution of  a  joint  board,  for  the  purpose  of  nominating  three  persons  for 
schouts  and  three  for  secretaries.  From  the  nominations  thus  made  the 
council  would  select  three  magistrates  for  each  town,  and  for  the  six  towns 
collectively  a  schout  and  secretary.  John  Ogden  and  Samuel  Hopkins  were 
severally  appointed  to  these  offices  on  the  ist  of  September. 

On  ?<over;ber  18  a  code  of  laws  was  promulgated  "by  the  schout  and 
magistrates  of  Achter  Kol  Assembly,  held  at  Elizabethtown  to  make  laws 
and  orders,"  but  it  docs  not  appear  to  have  been  framed  with  any  reference 
to  the  English  laws  in  force,  which  it  was  intended  to  subvert.  It  was  singu- 
larly mild  in  the  character  and  extent  of  the  punishments  to  be  inflicted  on 
transgressors,  the  principal  aim  of  the  legislators  apparently  being  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Province  from  the  demoralizing  eftects  of  sensual  indulgence 
and  other  vicious  propensities ;  but  the  whole  code  soon  became  a  nullity, 
through  the  abrogation  of  the  authority  under  which  it  was  enacted. 

On  Feb.  9,  1674,  a  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  at  Westminster,  the  eighth 
article  of  which  restored  the  country  to  the  English;  and  they  continued  in 
undisturbed  possession  from  the  November  following  until  the  war  which 
secured  the  indcpendv.nce  of  the  United  States  of  America. 

On  the  conclusion  of  peace  the  Duke  of  York  obtained  from  the  King  a 
new  patent,  dated  June  29,  1674,  similar  in  its  privileges  and  extent  to  the 
first;  and  on  October  30  Edmund  .\ndros  arrived  with  a  commission  as  gov- 
ernor, clothing  him  with  power  to  take  possession  of  New  York  and  its  depen- 
dencies, which,  in  the  words  of  the  commission  included  "  all  the  land  from 
tlie  west  side  of  Connecticut  River  to  the  east  side  of  Delaware  Bay."  On 
November  9  he  issued  a  proclamation  in  which  he  expressly  declared  that 
all  former  grants,  privileges,  or  concessions,  and  all  estates  legally  possessed 
by  and  under  His  Royal  Highness  before  the  late  Dutch  government,  were 
thereby  confirmed,  and  the  possessors  by  virtue  thereof  to  remain  in  quiet 
possession  of  their  rights.  King  Charles  on  June  13,  prior  to  the  issuing  of 
a  new  patent  by  the  Duke  of  York,  wrote  a  circular  letter  confirming  in  all 
respects  the  title  and  power  of  Carteret  in  East  Jersey. 


HI 


;: 


430 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


(lUujyH  iMxrUX^ 


On  July  28  and  29,  1674,  Sir  George  Carteret  received  a  new  grant  from 
the  Duke  of  Yori<,  equally  full  as  to  rights  and  privileges,  giving  him  in- 
dividually all  of  the  Province  north  of  a  line  drawn  from  a  certain  "  creek 
called  Barnegat  to  a  certain  creek  on  Delaware  River,  next  adjoining  to  and 
beiow  a  certain  creek  on  Delaware  River  called  Rankokus  Kill,"  a  stream 
south  of  what  is  now  Burlington, — the  sale  of  Berkeley's  interest  in  the 
Province  being  evidently  considered  as  leading  to  its  division. 

This  had  taken  place  on  March  18,  167^,  Lord  Ikrkeley  disposing  of  his 
portion  of  the  Province  to  John  Fenwicke, —  Edward  Byllynge  being  intcr- 

ested  in  the  transaction.     As  these 

-   /jL  y  two  were  members  of  the  Society 

/  /^\  ^  of  Quakers,  or   Friends,  who  had 

>y'^^  ,  ^"^jA^f^lf-^  j^J^     experienced   much   persecution  in 

Z,.-^  *  (f^  ^^'^^''^^yy^^^  England,  it  is  thought  that  in  mak- 

^^  ing  this  purchase  they  had  in  view 

the  securing  for  themselves  and  their  religious  associates  a  place  of  retreat. 
Some  difficulty  was  experienced  in  determining  the  respective  interests  of 
Fenwicke  and  Byllynge  in 
the  property  they  had  ac- 
quired, and  the  intervention 
of  W  i  1 1  i  a  m  P  e  n  n  was  se-  <  '' 
cured.  He  awarded  one  tenth  of  the  Province,  with  a  considerable  sum  of 
money,  to  Fenwicke,  and  the  remaining  nine  tenths  to  Byllynge.  Not  long 
g  after,    Byllynge,   who  was    a   merchant,  met 

^  therefore  assigned  to  three  of  his  fellow  asso- 
ciates among  the  Quakers, — William  Penn,  Gawen  Lawrie,  and  Nicholas 
Lucas.      This   conveyance  was   signed    Feb.    /'^  f\ 

10,   1674.      The  nine  undivided   tenths  were  \\a^  jJ    j/    .,,^v/V*^ 

assigned  to  the  three  persons  just  mentioned,  ^'^</r\X7)\A'^  'jVU-f  f**^ ^ 
to  be  held  by  them  in  trust  for  the  benefit  of  Byllynge's  creditors ;  and  not 
long  after  Fenwickc's  tenth  was  also  placed  under  their  control,  although  he 
had  executed  a  lease  to  John  Eldridge  and  Edmond  Warner  for  a  thousand 
years,  to  secure  the  repayment  of  sums  of  money  obtained  from  them.  A 
discretionary  power  to  sell  was  conferred  by  the  lease,  leading  to  complica- 
tions of  title  and  management. 

Philip  Carteret  had  remained  in  England  until  the  negotiations  subse- 
quent to  the  surrender  of  the  Dutch  were  completed  and  the  new  grant  for 
tlast  Jersey  obtained;  and  on  July  31,  1674,  he  was  recommissioned  as  gov- 
ernor, and  returned  to  the  Province,  bringing  with  hi.n  further  regulations 
respecting  the  laying  out  of  '  ihe  payment  of  quit-rents,  and  other 

obligations  of  the  settlers.  PLm  return  seems  to  have  greatly  pleased  the 
people  of.  East  Jersey.  His  commission,  and  the  other  documents  of  which 
he  was  made  the  bearer,  were  published  at  Bergen,  Nov.  6,  1674,  in  the 


with  misfortunes,  which  obliged  him  to  make 
a  conveyance  of  his  interest  to  others.    It  was 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY. 


431 


presence  of  his  council  and  commissioners  from  all  the  towns  except 
Shrewsbury. 

After  the  Governor's  return  the  assemblies  met  annually  with  consid- 
erable regularity,  the  first  at  Elizabethtown  on  Nov.  5,  1675,  ''"'^  the  others 
either  there  or  at  Woodbridge  or  Middletown.  Sufficient  unanimity  seems 
to  have  prevailed  among  the  different  branches  of  government,  to  secure 
legislation  upon  all  subjects  which  the  advancement  of  the  Province  in 
population  rendered  essential. 

As  yet  no  material  change  in  the  condition  of  West  Jersey  as  to  settle- 
ment had  taken  place;  but  in  1675  John  Fenwicke,  with  many  others,  came 
over  in  the  ship  "  Griffith"  from  London  and  landed  at  what  is  now  Salem, 
—  so  called  by  thern  from  the  peaceful  aspect  which  the  site  then  wore.  No 
other  settlers,  however,  arrived  for  two  years. 

Although  the  commission  of  Andros  as  governor  of  New  York  author- 
ized him  to  take  possession  of  the  Province  "  and  its  dependencies,"  yet 
having  been  conversant  with  the  transactions  in  England  affecting  New 
Jersey,  which  had  taken  place  subsequent  to  its  date,  he  did  not  presume 
at  first  to  assert  his  authority  over  that  Province,  otherwise  than  to  collect 
duties  there  similar  to  those  constituting  the  Duke's  revenue  in  New  York. 
Soon  after  his  arrival  he  took  measures  to  collect  the  same  customs  at 
Hoarkill,  in  West  Jersey ;  and  on  the  arrival  of  Fenwicke  with  his  settlers 
at  Salem,  a  meeting  of  his  council  was  held  Dec.  5,  1675,  at  which  an  order 
was  issued  prohibiting  any  privilege  or  freedom  of  customs  or  trading  on 
the  eastern  shore  of  the  Delaware,  nor  was  Fenwicke  to  be  recognized  as 
owner  or  proprietor  of  any  land.  As  this  prohibition  was  not  regarded  by 
Fenwicke,  on  Nov.  8,  1676,  directions  were  given  to  the  council  at  New- 
castle to  arrest  him  and  send  him  to  New  York.  This  proceeding  not  being 
acquiesced  in  by  Fenwicke,  a  judicial  and  military  force  was  despatched  in 
December  to  make  the  arrest.  On  producing,  for  the  inspection  of  Andros, 
the  King's  Letters  Patent,  the  Duke  of  York's  grant  to  Berkeley  and  Car- 
teret, and  Lord  Berkeley's  deed  to  himself,  Fenwicke  was  allowed  to  return 
to  West  Jersey,  on  condition  that  he  should  present  himself  again  on  or 
before  the  6th  of  October  following,  —  the  fact  that  the  Duke  was  author- 
ized to,  and  did,  transfer  all  his  rights  in  New  Jersey,  "  in  as  full  and  ample 
manner"  as  he  had  received  them,  being  an  argument  that  Andros  could 
not  readily  refute.  Fenwicke  complied  with  the  prescribed  terms  of  his 
release  and,  after  some  detention  as  a  prisoner,  was  liberated  (as  asserted  by 
Andros)  on  his  parole  not  to  assume  any  authority  in  West  Jersey  until 
further  warrant  should  be  given. 

It  being  evident  that  the  grant  of  the  Duke  of  York  to  Sir  George  Car- 
teret in  July,  1674,  had  not  made  an  equitable  division  of  the  Province 
between  him  and  the  assigns  of  Sir  John  Berkeley,  the  Duke  induced  Sir 
George  to  relinquish  that  grant,  and  another  deed  of  division  was  executed 
on  July  I,  1676,  known  as  the  Quintipartite  Deed,  making  the  dividing  line 
to  run  from  Little  Egg  Harbor  to  what  was  called  the  northernmost  branch 


•I    .'-fi 


L     1 


432 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   lIISTORi    Ot    AMLRICA. 


i\ 


of  the  Delaware  River,  in  41°  40'  north  latitude;  and  from  that  time  the 
measures  adopted  by  the  Proprietors  of  the  two  provinces  to  advance  the 
interests  of  their  respective  portions  were  enforced  separately  and  independ- 
ently of  each  other. 

The  trustees  of  Byllyngc  effected  sales  of  land  to  two  companies  o( 
Friends,  one  from  Yorkshire  and  the  other  from  London;  and  in  1677 
commissioners  were  sent  out  with  power  to  purchase  lanJi  of  the  natives, 
to  lay  out  the  various  patents  that  might  be  issued,  and  otherwise  administer 
the  government.  The  ship  "  Kent "  was  sent  over  with  two  hundred  and 
thirty  passengers,  and  after  a  long  passage  she  arrived  in  the  Delaware  in 
August  (1677),  and  the  following  month  a  settlement  was  made  on  the  site 
of  the  present  Burlington. 

The  commissionc '  s  came  in  the  "  Kent,"  which,  on  her  way  to  the  Dela- 
ware, anchored  at  Sandy  Hook.  Thence  the  commissioners  proceeded  to 
New  York  to  inform  Governor  Andros  of  their  intentions ;  and,  although 
they  failed  to  secure  an  absolute  s"rrender  of  his  authority  over  their  lands, 
he  promised  them  his  aid  in  getting  their  rights  acknowledged,  they  in  the 
mean  time  acting  as  magistrates  under  him,  and  being  permitted  to  carrv 
out  th(  views  of  the  Proprietors.  During  the  feilovving  months  of  1677, 
and  in  1678,  several  hundred  more  immigrants  arrived  and  located  them- 
selves on  the  Yorkshire  and  London  tracts,  or  tenths  as  they  were  called. 

The  settlers  of  West  Jersey,  as  a  body,  were  too  intelligent  for  them  to 
remain  long  without  an  established  form  of  government,  and  on  March  3, 
1677,  a  code  of  laws  was  adopted  under  the  title  of  "  The  Concessions  and 
Agreements  of  the  Proprietors,  P^reeholders,  anJ  Inhabitants  of  the  Province 
of  West  Jersey."  It  was  drawn  up,  as  is  presumed,  by  William  Penn  and 
his  immediate  coadjutors,  as  his  name  heads  the  list  of  signers,  of  whom 
there  were  one  hundred  and  fifty-one.  The  chief  or  executive  autliority 
was  by  these  Concc.  ■■t>s:  lodged  in  the  hands  of  commissioners  to  be  ap- 
pointed b_;.-  the  then  •  1  >^;-ietors,  and  their  provisions  cannot  but  meet  with 
general  approval.  This  code  is  to  be  considered  as  the  first  example  of 
Quaker  legislation,  and  is  marked  by  great  liberality.  The  framcrs,  as  a 
proprietary  body,  retained  no  authority  exclusively  to  themselves,  but  placed 
all  power  in  the  hands  of  the  people.  The  document  was  to  be  read  at  the 
beginning  and  close  of  each  general  assembly;  and,  that  all  might  know  its 
provisions,  four  times  in  a  year  it  was  to  be  read  in  a  solemn  manner  in 
every  hall  of  justice  in  the  Province. 

The  settlers  on  Fenwicke's  tenth  did  not  participate  in  the  privileges  of 
these  Concessions.  On  returning  to  the  Province,  after  his  confinement  in 
New  York,  Fenwicke  proceeded  to  make  choice  of  officers  for  his  colony, 
demanding  in  the  name  of  the  King  the  submission  of  the  people,  and  di- 
rectly after\vard  issued  a  proclamation  in  which  he  —  as  -'Lord  and  Chief 
Proprietor  of  the  said  Province  [West  Jersey],  and  in  particular  Fenwicke's 
colony  within  the  same"  —  required  all  persons  to  appear  before  him  within 
one  iiionth  and  show  their  orders  or  warrants  for  "  their  pretended  titles," 


;i 


h 


-i^it.i 


THL   ENGLISH    IN    EAST    AND   W£l;T  JERSEY, 


433 


assuming  an  independent  authority  entirely  at  variance  with  the  proprielar, 
directions. 

The  ccmniissioners  of  the  Byllynge  tenths,  however,  do  not  appea'  'o 
have  made  any  attempt  to  interfere  with  him,  confining  their  authority  j 
the  Hmits  of  their  own  well  defined  tracts,  but  if  Fcnwicke  escaped  an- 
noyance from  his  near  neighbors  he  was  not  so  fortunate  in  his  relations 
with  his  former  persecutor,  Andros,  as  he  is  represented  as  being,  not  long 
after  his  return,  again  at  Newcastle  under  arrest,  waiting  for  some  opportu- 
nity to  be  sent  again  to  New  York. 

Although,  as  has  been  stated,  general  quietude  prevailed  in  East  Jersey 
for  some  years  after  Carteret's  return  from  England,  yet  it  must  be  consid- 
ered as  resulting  less  from  the  desire  of  the  people  to  co-operate  with  nim, 
than  from  the  want  of  leaders  willing  to  guide  and  uphold  them  in  ultra 
proceedings.  The  exaction  of  customs  in  New  York,  by  direction  of  the 
representatives  of  the  Duke  of  York,  operated  more  to  the  annoyance  of 
the  inhabitants  on  the  Delaware  than  to  those  in  the  eastern  portion  of  the 
Province,  and  it  was  with  great  anxiety  that  the  adventurers  to  West  Jersey 
regarded  the  course  of  Andros  in  relation  thereto ;  but  in  East  Jersey,  the 
proximity  to  New  York  rendered  a  direct  trade  with  foreign  lands  less  nec- 
essary. Andros  steadily  opposed  all  projects  of  the  Governor  to  render 
East  Jersey  more  independent  of  New  York,  and  the  death  of  Sir  George 
Carteret  in  January,  1680,  seems  to  have  inspired  him  with  fresh  vigor  in 
asserting  the  claims  of  the  Duke  of  York.  Recalling  to  mind  that  Nev 
Jersey  was  within  the  limits  of  his  jurisdiction  according  to  his  commissioi., 
he  addressed  a  letter  to  Governor  Carteret  in  March,  1679  80,  informing 
him  that,  being  advised  of  his  acting  without  legal  authority  '  the  gr'-  v. 
disturbance  of  His  Majesty's  subjects,  he  required  him  to  cea^e  vrrisirj 
any  authority  whatever  within  the  limits  of  the  Duke  of  V(  '^s  pal.  nt, 
unless  his  lawful  power  so  to  do  was  first  recorded  in  New  \  :k.  To  this 
unlooked  for  and  unwarranted  communication.  Governor  Carte'tt  replied 
on  March  20,  two  days  after  its  receipt,  informing  his  indignant  correspon- 
dent that  after  consultation  with  his  council  he  and  they  vvcic  prep;  -'M  to 
defend  themselves  and  families  against  any  and  al!  aggressioi  ,  havi..g  a 
perfect  conviction  of  the  validity  of  the  authority  they  exercised.  EL.'fore 
this  letter  v/as  received  by  Andros,  or  even  written,  he  had  issued  a  procla- 
mation abrogating  the  government  of  Carteret  and  requiring  all  persons  to 
submit  to  the  King's  authority  as  embodied  in  himself  Emissaries  were 
despatched  to  East  Jersey  to  undermine  the  authority  of  Carteret,  and  every 
other  mean.T  adopted  to  estrange  the  people  from  their  adhesion  to  the  Pro- 
prietar}'  government. 

On  April  7  Andros,  accompanied  by  his  council,  presented  himself  at 
I'Llizabethtown,  and  Carteret,  finding  that  they  were  unattended  by  any  mil- 
itary force,  dismissed  a  body  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  gathered  for  his 
defence;  and,  receiving  his  visitors  with  civility,  a  mutual  exposition  was 
made  of  their  respective  claims  to  the  government  of  East  Jersey.     The 

VOL.  III.  —  55. 


'mi 


'f 


1   H 


434 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


K. 


f'M 


conference  ended  as  it  had  begun.  Andros  having  now,  as  he  said,  per- 
formed his  duty  by  fully  presenting  his  authority  and  demanding  the  gov- 
ernment in  behalf  of  His  Majesty,  cautioned  them  against  refusal.  "  Then 
we  went  to  dinner,"  says  Carteret  in  his  account  of  the  interview,  "  and  that 
done  we  accompanied  him  to  the  ship,  and  so  parted." 

Carteret's  hospitality,  however,  was  lost  upon  Andros.  On  April  30  a 
party  of  soldiers,  sent  by  him,  dragged  the  Governor  from  his  bed  and  car- 
ried him  to  New  York,  bruised  and  maltreated,  where  he  was  kept  in  prison 
until  May  27,  when  a  special  court  was  convened  for  his  trial  for  having 
"  persisted  and  riotously  and  routously  endeavored  to  maintain  the  exercise 
of  jurisdiction  and  government  over  His  Majesty's  subjects  within  tlic 
bounds  of  His  Majesty's  letters-patent  to  His  Royal  Highness." 

Carteret  boldly  maintained  his  independence  under  these  trying  circum- 
stances. He  fully  acknowledged  before  the  court  his  refusal  to  surrender 
his  government  to  Andros  without  the  special  command  of  the  King,  sub- 
mitted the  various  documents  bearing  upon  the  subject,  and  protested 
against  the  jurisdiction  of  a  court  where  his  accuser  and  imprisoner  was 
also  his  judge. 

The  jury  brought  in  a  verdict  of  "  not  guilty,"  which  Andros  would  not 
receive,  obliging  them  to  reconsider  their  action  two  or  three  times ;  and  it 
is  somewhat  singular  that  they  should  have  held  firm  to  their  first  decision. 
They,  however,  gave  in  so  far  as  to  require  Governor  Carteret  to  give  se- 
curity not  to  exercise  .  -y  authority  on  his  return  to  East  Jersey,  until  the 
matter  could  be  referred  to  the  authorities  in  England. 

Andros  lost  no  time  in  profiting  by  Carteret's  violent  deposition,  for 
although  it  is  said  that,  attended  by  his  whole  retinue  of  ladies  and  gentle- 
men, he  escorted  Carteret  to  his  home  in  Elizabcthtown,  yet  on  June  2 
Andros  met  the  Assembly  at  that  place,  presented  again  his  credentials, 
and  recommended  ^^uch  enactments  as  would  confirm  all  past  judicial  pro- 
ceedings, and  the  adoption  of  the  laws  in  force  in  New  York.  The  repre- 
sentatives, while  they  treated  Andros  with  respect,  were  not  unmindful  of 
what  was  due  to  themselves  as  freemen.  They  were  not  prepared  to  bow  in 
submission  even  '.o  His  Majesty's  Letters  Patent,  whenever  at  variance  with 
their  true  rights.  "  What  we  have  formerly  done,"  said  they,  "  we  did  in 
obedience  to  the  authority  that  was  then  established  in  this  Province :  these 
things,  which  have  been  done  according  to  law,  require  no  confirmation. " 
They  presented  for  the  approval  of  Andros  the  laws  already  in  force  as 
ad^ipted  to  their  circumstances,  and  expressed  their  expectations  that  the 
privlieg:.'.  conferred  by  the  Concessions  would  be  confirmed.  It  docs  not 
appc  tr  that  their  views  were  dissented  from  by  Andros,  or  that  his  visit  was 
productive  of  either  good  or  evil  results. 

In  consequence  of  the  dilatoriness  of  the  Proprietary  in  England,  Car- 
teret w  \s  kept  in  suspense  until  the  beginning  of  the  next  year;  but  on 
March  2.  1O81,  he  issued  a  proclamation  announcing  the  receipt  by  him  of 
the  gratifying  intelligence  that  the  Duke  of  York  had  disavowed  the  acts 


i    .    * 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND    WEST   JERSEY. 


435 


of  Andros  and  denied  having  conferred  upon  him  any  authority  that  could 
in  the  least  have  derogated  from  that  vested  in  the  Proprietary ;  and  a  letter 
from  the  buke's  secretary,  to  Andros  himself,  notified  him  that  Mis  Royal 
Highness  had  relinquished  all  right  or  claim  to  the  Province,  except  the 
reserved  rent. 

About  this  time  Andros  returned  to  England,  leaving  Anthony  Broc- 
holst,  president  of  the  council,  as  his  representative.  There  is  some  mys- 
tery about  his  conduct  towards  New  Jersey.  He  may  have  thought  that 
the  party  in  East  Jersey,  inimical  to  the  proprietary  government,  might 
enable  him  to  regain  possession  of  it  for  the  Duke,  and  thereby  increase 
the  estimation  in  which  he  might  be  held  by  him.  For  Andros  had  ene- 
mies in  New  York  who  had  interested  themselves  adversely  to  his  interests, 
making  such  an  impression  upon  the  Uuke  that  his  voyage  to  luigland  at 
this  time  was  taken  in  accordance  with  the  express  command  of  his  su- 
perior, to  answer  certain  charges  preferred  against  him. 

The  withdrawal  of  the  common  enemy  soon  reproduced  the  bickerings 
and  disputings  which  had  characterized  much  of  Carteret's  administration. 
He  convened  an  Assembl)'  at  Elizabethtown  in  October,  1681,  at  which  such 
violent  altercations  took  place  that  the  Governor,  for  the  first  time  in  the  his- 
tory of  New  Jersey,  dissolved  the  Assembly,  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the 
representatives.  This  was  the  last  Assembly  during  the  administration  of 
Carteret,  for  the  ensuing  year  he  resigned  the  government  into  other  hands. 

Sir  George  Carteret  died,  as  has  been  stated,  in  1680,  leaving  his  widow, 
Lady  Elizabeth,  his  executrix.  He  devised  his  interest  in  New  Jersey  to 
eight  trustees  in  trust  for  the  benefit  of  his  creditors ;  and  their  attention 
was  immediately  given  to  finding  a  purchaser,  by  private  application  or  pub- 
lic advertisement.  These  modes  of  proceeding  proving  unsuccessful  it 
was  offered  at  public  sale  to  the  highest  bidder,  and  William  Penn  and 
eleven  associates,  all  thought  to  have  been  Quakers,  and  some  of  whom 
were  already  interested  in  ^Vest  Jersey,  became  the  purchasers  for  ;{^3,400. 
Their  deeds  of  lease  and  release  were  dated  Feb.  i  and  2,  1681  2,  and  sub- 
sequently each  one  sold  one  half  of  his  interest  to  a  new  associate,  making 
in  all  twenty-four  proprietors.  On  March  14,  168 12,  the  Duke  of  "S'ork 
confirmed  the  sale  of  the  Province  to  the  Twenty-four  by  giving  a  new  grant 
more  full  and  explicit  than  any  previous  one,  in  which  their  names  are  in- 
serted in  the  following  order:  James,  Earl  o*"  Perth,  John  Drummond,  Rob- 
ert Barclay,  David  Barclay,  Robert  Gordon,  Arent  Sonmans,  U'i/iiain  Pain, 
Robert  West,  Thotnas  Rudyardy  Samuel  Groom,  Thomas  Hart,  Richard  Mew, 
Ambrose  Rigg,  John  Hcywood,  Hugh  Hartshoriic,  Clement  Phimstead, 
Thomas  Cooper,  Gawen  Lawrie,  Iidward  Byllynge,  James  Brain,  William 
Gibson,  Thomas  Barker,  Robert  Turner,  and  Thomas  Warne,  —  those  in 
italics  being  the  names  of  eleven  of  the  first  twelve,  Thomas  Wilcox,  the 
twelfth,  having  parted  with  his  entire  interest. 

There  was  a  strange  commingling  of  religions,  professions,  and  characters 
in  these  Proprietors,  among  them  being,  a.*  the  historian  Wynne  observes, 


<f  '1 


III  r'^^l 


.<n 


(/. 


436 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


"  High  Prerof^ative  men  (especially  those  from  Scotland),  Dissenters,  Pa- 
pists, and  (Jiiakcrs."  This  bringing  together  such  a  diversity  of  political  and 
religious  ideas  and  habits  was  doubtless  with  a  view  to  harmonize  any  outside 
influences  that  it  might  be  deemed  advisable  to  secure,  in  order  to  advance  the 
interests  of  the  Province.  A  government  composed  entirely  of  Quakers  or 
Dissenters  or  Royalists  might  have  failed  to  meet  the  co-operation  desired, 
whereas  a  combination  of  all  might  have  been  expected  to  unite  all  jiarties. 
Robert  Barclay  of  Urie,  a  Scottish  gentleman,  a  Quaker,  and  a  jiersona' 
friend  of  William  Penn,  was  selected  to  be  governor.     He  occupied  a  high 

position  among  those  of  his  religion  for  the  influ- 
ence exerted  in  their  behalf,  and  for  the  numerous 
works  written  by  him  in  defence  of  their  principles, 
—  the  most  celebrated  being  Aft  Apology  for  the 
True  Christian  Divinity  as  the  same  is  preaclud 
and  held  forth  by  the  people,  in  seorn,  called  Quakers,  — and  moreover  he 
was  equally  capable  of  excelling  in  worldly  matters.  He  was  subse- 
quently commissioned  governor  for  life ;  and,  as  if  his  name  alone  were 
sufificienL  to  insure  a  successful  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  Province, 
he  was  not  required  to  visit  East  Jersey  in  person,  but  might  exercise  his 
authority  there  by  deputy.  He  selected  for  that  position  Thomas  Rud- 
yard,  an  eminent  lawyer  of  London,  originally  from  the  town  of  Rudyard 
in  Staffordshire.  It  was  probably  from  his  connection  with  the  trials  of 
prominent  Quakers,  in  1670,  that  he  became  interested  in  the  East  Jersey 
project.  He  took  an  active  part  in  the  preliminary  measures  for  advancing 
the  designs  of  the  Proprietors.  The  Concessions,  their  plans  for  one  or 
more  towns,  a  map  of  the  country,  and  other  documents  were  deposited  at 
his  residence  in  London  for  the  inspection  of  all  adventurers. 

The  entire  population  of  East  Jersey  at  this  time  was  estimated  at  about 
five  thousand,  occupying  Shrewsbury,  Middletown,  Piscataway,  Wood- 
bridge,  Elizabethtown,  Newark,  Bergen,  and  the  country  in  their  respec- 
tive vicinities. 

Deputy-Governor  Rudyard,  accompanied  by  Samuel  Groom  as  receiver 
and  surveyor-general,  arrived  in  the  Province  in  November  1682,  and  both 
were  favorably  impressed  by  the  condition  and  advantages  of  the  country. 
On  December  10  following  the  council  was  appointed,  consisting  of  Colonel 
Lewis  Morris,  Captain  John  Berry,  Captain  William  Sandford,  Lawrence  An- 
dress,  and  Benjamin  Price,  before  whom,  on  December  20,  the  deputy-gov- 
ernor took  his  oath  of  office,  having  previously  on  the  ist  been  sworn  as  chief 
register  of  the  Proprietors.  The  instructions  with  which  Rudyard  was  fur- 
nished by  the  Proprietors  or  Governor  Barclay  are  not  on  record,  but  they 
are  presumed  to  have  been  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  a  letter  to  tlie 
planters  and  inhabitants,  with  which  he  was  furnished,  inculcating  harmony 
and  earnest  endeavors  to  advance  their  joint  interests.  The  previous  Con- 
cessions being  confirmed,  Rudyard  convened  an  Assembly  at  Elizabethtown. 
March  i,  1683  ;   and  during  the  year  two  additional  sessions  were  held  and 


I   f 


,  I 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST   JERSEY. 


437 


several  acts  of  importance  passed.  Amoii^  them  was  one  establishing  the 
bounds  ...  four  counties  into  which  the  Province  was  divided.  "  Her^'cn  " 
included  the  settlements  between  the  Hudson  and  liackensack  rivers,  and 
extended  to  the  northern  bounds  of  the  Province;  "  Essc.k  "  included  all 
the  country  north  of  the  dividing  line  between  \\'oodbrid<;e  and  IClizabeth- 
town,  and  west  of  the  liackensack;  "  Middlesex"  took  in  all  the  lands  from 
the  W'oodbridye  line  on  the  ncjrth  to  Ciiesapeake  Harbor  on  tiie  soutiieast, 
and  back  southwest  and  northwest  to  the  Province  bounds ;  anil  "  Mon- 
mouth "  comprised  the  residue. 

Althou^di  the  administration  of  Rudyard  appears  to  have  been  productive 
of  beneficial  results,  securing  a  [.jreat  tle^nee  of  harmony  amonj^  the  varied 
interests  prevailing  in  the  Province,  yet,  differing  from  him  in  opinion  as  to 
the  policy  of  certain  measures,  the  Proprietors,  while  their  confidence  in 
him  seems  to  have  been  uniini)aired,  thought  proper  to  put  another  in  his 
place.  Ihe  principal  reason,  therefore,  appears  to  have  been  that  Rud- 
yard and  the  surveyor-general  Groom  differed  as  to  the  mode  of  laying  out 
lands.  The  Concessions  contemplated  the  division  of  all  large  tracts  into 
seven  parts,  one  of  which  was  to  be  for  the  Proprietors  and  their  heirs. 
Groom  refused  to  obey  the  warrants  of  survey  for  such  tracts  unless  such 
an  interest  of  the  Proprietors  therein  was  recognized,  but  the  governor  and 
his  council  took  the  position  that  the  patents,  not  the  surveys,  determined 
the  rights  of  the  parties;  and,  to  have  their  views  carried  out,  Groom  was 
dismissed  and  Philip  Wells  appointed  to  be  his  successor.  The  Proprie- 
tors in  England,  regarding  this  measure  as  probably  in  some  way  lessening 
their  profits  in  the  Province,  sustained  the  surveyor-general's  views  and 
annulled  all  grants  not  made  in  accordance  therewith,  and  appointed  as 
Rudyard's  successor  Gawen  Lawrie,  a  merchant  of  London,  —  the  same  in- 
fluential Quaker  whom  we  have  seen  deeply  interested  already  in  West  Jer- 
sey as  one  of  Byllyngc  s  trustees,  and  whose  intelligence  and  active  business 
qualifications  made  his  administration  of  affairs  conspicuous. 

His  commission  was  dated  at  London  in  July  1683,  but  he  did  not  take 
his  oath  of  office  until  February  28  following.  Rudyard  retained  the  offices 
of  secretary  and  regi.ster  and  performed  their  duties  until  the  close  of  1685, 
when  he  left  for  Barbadoes,  being  succeeded  as  secretary  by  James  Emott. 
Lawrie  retained  Messrs.  Morris,  Berry,  Sandford,  and  Price  of  Rudyard's 
council,  and  appointed  four  others,  Richard  Hartshorne  of  Monmouth, 
Isaac  Kingsiand  of  New  Barbadoes,  Thomas  Codrington  of  Middlesex, 
Henry  Lyon  of  Elizabeth,  and  Samuel  Dennis  of  Woodbridge. 

The  new  deputy-governor  brought  out  with  him  a  code  of  general  laws  — 
or  fundamental  constitutions  as  they  were  called,  consisting  of  twenty-four 
chapters,  or  articles,  adopted  by  the  Proprietors  in  England  —  which  was  con- 
sidered by  its  framers,  for  reasons  not  apparent,  as  so  superior  to  the  Con- 
cessions, that  only  those  who  would  subniit  to  a  resurvey  and  approval  of 
their  several  grants,  arrange  for  the  payment  of  quit-rents,  and  agree  to  pass 
an  act  for  the  permanent  support  of  the  government  should  enjoy  its  pro- 


J.. 


p 

1' 

if 

(!' 

1 

f» 

J 

438 


NAKKATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMKRICA. 


trction  and  privileges.  All  others  were  to  be  nilcd  in  accordance  with  the 
Concessions.  This  virtually  established  two  codes  of  laws  for  the  I'rovincc. 
Lawrie,  however,  seems  to  have  been  convinced  of  the  impropriety  of  put- 
in^  the  new  code  in  force,  although  in  his  instructions  he  was  directed  as 
soon  as  possible  to  "  order  it  to  be  passed  in  an  assembly  and  settle  the 
country  according  thereto."  Through  his  discretion,  therefore,  the  civil 
policy  of  the  Province  remained  unchanged. 

The  country  made  a  most  favorable  impression  upon  Lawrie.  "There  is 
jiot  a  poor  body  in  all  the  Province,  nor  that  wants,"  wrote  he  to  the  Pro- 
prietors in  ICngland  ;  and  he  urged  them  to  hasten  emigration  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  —  discovering  in  the  spanscness  of  the  population  one  great  cause 
of  the  difficulties  his  predecessors  had  encountered,  an  increase  in  the  num- 
ber of  inhabitants  favorable  to  the  Proprietors'  interests  being  essential. 

The  Proprietors,  liowever,  had  not  been  so  unmindful  of  their  interests 
as  not  to  e.xert  themselves  to  induce  emigration  to  their  newly  acquired 
territory.  Tlie  first  twelve  asst)ciates  directly  after  receiving  the  deed  for  the 
Province  published  a  Bncf  Account  of  the  Province  of  East  Jersey,  \^xc^^\\'i- 
ing  it  in  a  very  favorable  light,  and  in  1683  the  Scotch  I*rop;ietors  issued 
a  publication  of  a  similar  character.  These  publications,  aided  bj'  the 
personal  influence  of  Governor  Harclay  over  their  countrymen,  who  at  that 
time  were  greatly  dissatisfied  with  their  political  condition,  and  sulTering 
under  religious  persecution,  excited  considerable  interest  for  the  Province, 
and  a  number  of  emigrants  were  soon  on  their  way  across  the  Atlantic. 
Many  of  them  were  sent  out  in  the  employ  of  different  Proprietor..,  or 
under  such  agreements  as  would  afford  their  principals  the  benefits  of 
headland  grants,  fifty  acres  being  allowed  to  each  master  of  a  family  and 
twenty-five  for  each  person  composing  it,  whether  wife,  child,  or  servant, — 
each  servant  to  be  bound  three  years,  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  he  or 
she  was  to  be  allowed  to  take  up  thirty  acres  on  separate  account. 

Only  a  limited  success,  however,  attended  these  exertions ;  national  aiui 
religious  ties  were  not  so  easily  severed.  Notwithstanding  the  ills  that 
pressed  so  heavily  upon  them  and  their  countrymen,  the  voluntary  and 
perpetual  exile  which  they  were  asked  to  take  upon  them  required  more 
earnest  and  pertinent  appeals;  and  therefore,  in  1685,  a  work  appeared  en- 
titled The  Model  of  the  Government  of  the  Province  of  East  Neiv  Jersey  in 
America,  written  by  George  Scot  of  Pitlochie  at  the  request  of  the  Propri- 
etors, in  which  the  objections  to  emigration  were  refuted,  and  the  condition 
of  the  new  country  stated  at  length.  Further  reference  to  this  publication 
will  be  made  hereafter;  it  is  sufficient  to  state  at  present  that  it  led  to 
the  embarkation  of  nearly  two  hundred  persons  for  P^ast  Jersey  on  board 
a  vessel  named  the  "  Henry  and  Francis,"  —  a  name  which  deserves  as  per- 
manent a  position  in  the  annals  of  New  Jersey  as  does  that  of  the  "  May- 
flower"  in  those  of  Massachusetts. 

The  instructions  of  the  Proprietors  to  Deputy-Governor  Lawrie  —  while 
firm  in  their  requirements  for  the  execution  of  all  engagements  which  justice 


THK    ENC-LISH    IN    KAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY. 


439 


to  themselves  and  other  settlers  called  upon  them  to  enforce  —  were  calcu- 
lated to  restore  tran<iiiillity,  and  to  quiet,  for  a  time  at  least,  the  opposition 
to  tluir  {^ovirnmcnt.  Tiu-  claims  under  tlie  Indian  purchases  having'  been 
brou^iU  to  tlicir  notice,  and  relief  sought  from  tiie  evils  to  whicii  tiic  claim- 
ants had  been  subjected,  elicited  a  dignified  letter  in  reply,  upholilin^j  the 
proprietary  authority,  and  presenting  in  a  forcible  manner  the  difficulties 
whicli  would  inevitably  arise  shuuld  that  .iiithority  be  subverted.  In  order 
to  prevent  further  difficulties  from  the  acquisition  of  Indian  titles  by  inili- 
viduals  the  right  to  purchase  was  continued  in  the  deputy-governor,  and 
he  was  directed  to  make  a  requisition  ujjon  the  l'roj)rietors  for  the  neces- 
sary funds,  as  had  bieii  done  in  1682,  by  shippin^^  a  cargo  of  goods  valued 
at  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  and  expending  the  imount  for 
that  purpose. 

The  necrssity  for  the  cultivation  of  good  feelings  with  the  I'lov'iicc  of 
New  York  w.is  manifest.  Having  for  its  chief  executive  one  whose  .  rbi- 
trary  temper  and  disposition  led  him  to  disregard  solemn  engagements,  the 
relations  between  the  provinces  were  not  likely  to  be  made  more  l.armoni- 
ous  because  he  was  heir-apparent  to  the  throne  of  Ivigland ;  and  it  was  con- 
sequently in  accordance  both  with  the  principles  of  the  Friends  and  the 
promptings  of  sound  judgment  and  discretion,  that  the  Proprietors  urged 
upon  Lawrie  the  propriety  of  fostering  a  friendly  correspondence  with  New 
York,  and  avoiding  everything  that  might  occasion  misapprehension  or 
cause  aggressions  upon  their  rights. 

Lawrie  conformed  himself  to  the  tenor  of  his  instructions.  He  visited 
Governor  Dongan  and  remained  with  him  two  or  three  daj's,  discussing  their 
mutual  rights  and  privileges,  and  was  treated  by  him  with  kindness  and 
respect ;  and  being  of  a  less  grasping  disposition  than  his  predecessor,  there 
were  no  open  acts  of  hostility  to  the  proprietary  government  manifested  by 
him. 

Immigration  and  a  transfer  of  rights  soon  brought  into  the  Province  a 
sufficient  number  of  Proprietors  to  allow  of  the  establishment  of  a  board 
of  commissioners  within  its  limits,  authorized  to  act  with  the  deputy- 
governor  in  the  temporary  approval  of  laws  passed  by  the  Assembly,  the 
purchasing  and  laying  out  of  lands,  and  other  matters,  —  thus  avoiding  the 
necessarj^  and  consequent  unpleasant  delay  attendant  upon  the  transmission 
of  such  business  details  to  the  Proprietors  in  England  before  putting  them 
in  operation.  This  body  was  formed  August  i,  1684, 
and  became  known  as  the  "  Board  of  Proprietors." 
To  this  board  was  intrusted  the  advancement  of  a 
new  town  to  be  called  Perth,  —  in  honor  of  the  Earl 
of  Perth,  one  of  the  Proprietors,  —  for  the  settlement 
of  which  proposals  had  been  issued  in  1682,  immediately  on  their  obtaining 
possession  of  the  Province. 

The  advancement  of  this  town  was  a  favorite  project,  and  at  the  time  of 
Lawrie's  arrival  several  houses  were  already  erected,  and  others  in  progress 


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NARRATIVIi   AND   CRlllCAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


(Samuel  Groom  having  surveyed  and  laid  out  the  site) ;  and  attention 
was  immediately  given  to  the  execution  of  the  plans  of  the  projectors, 
based  upon  the  expectation  that  it  would  become  the  chief  town  and  sea- 
port of  the  Province.  Lawrie  was  particularly  cautious,  in  carrying  out 
their  views  as  regarded  the  seaport,  not  to  infringe  any  of  the  navigation 
laws  respecting  the  payment  of  duties,  or  otherwise,  —  going  so  far  as  to 
admit  William  Dyrc,  in  April,  1685,  to  the  discharge  of  his  duties  as  collec- 
tor of  the  customs  in  New  Jersey,  which  naturally  led  to  difficulties.  Pre- 
viously vessels  had  been  permitted  by  Lawrie  to  proceed  directly  to  and  from 
the  Province,  and  the  inhabitants  valued  the  privilege  ;  but  Dyre  had  not  been 
in  execution  of  his  office  more  than  two  or  three  months  before  he  com- 
plained to  the  commissioners  of  the  customs  of  the  opposition  encountered 
in  enforcing  the  regulations  he  had  established  for  entering  at  New  York  the 
vessels  destined  to  liast  Jersey,  and  receiving  there  the  duties  upon  their 
cargoes.  This  state  of  affairs  continued  for  some  months ;  for,  although  the 
authorities  in  England  took  the  subject  into  consideration,  it  was  not  until 
April,  1686,  that  a  writ  of  t/uo  tcarratito  was  issued  against  the  Proprietors, — 
it  being  thought  of  great  prejudice  to  the  country  and  His  Majesty's  interest 
that  such  rights  as  they  claimed  should  be  longer  exercised. 

James,  Duke  of  York,  by  the  death  of  Charles  II.  in  May,  1685,  had  been 
raised  to  the  throne  of  England,  and  his  assumption  of  royalty  simplified 
considerably  the  powers  for  ignoring  all  measures  conflicting  with  his  pri- 
vate interests ;  and  although  he  had  thrice  as  Duke  of  York,  by  different 
patents  and  by  numerous  other  documents,  confirmed  to  others  all  the 
rights,  powers,  and  privileges  which  he  himself  had  obtained,  the  increased 
revenue  which  was  promised  him  from  the  rcarquisition  of  New  Jersey 
could  not  admit  of  any  hesitancy  in  adopting  measures  to  effect  it.  The 
Proprietors,  however,  were  firm  in  their  expostulations,  and  made  many 
suggestions  calculated  to  remove  the  pending  difficulties;  but  all  were  of  no 
avail  except  one,  looking  to  the  appointment  of  a  collector  of  the  cus- 
toms to'oside  at  Perth,  —  or  Perth  Amboy  as  it  began  to  be  called,  by  the 
addition  of  Amboy,  from  ambo,  an  Indian  appellation  for  point.  The  first 
session  of  the  Assembly  was  held  there  as  the  seat  of  government,  April 
6,  1686. 


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The  establishment  of  a  local  government  in  \VV.=t  Jersey  in  1677  has  been 
noticed.  The  ne.xt  step  toward  rendering  it  more  perfect  was  the  election, 
by  the  Proprietors  in  England,  of  Edward  Byllynge  as  governor  of  the 
Province,  and  the  appointment  by  him  of  Samuel  Jenings  as  his  deputy. 
These  events  took  place  in  1680  and  1681,  and  Jenings  arrived  in  the  Pro- 
vince to  assume  the  government  in  September  of  the  latter  year,  the  first 
West  Jersey  Assembly  meeting  at  Burlington  in  November  The  represen- 
tatives seem  to  have  had  a  full  sense  of  the  responsibilities  resting  upon 
them,  and  at  once  adopted  such  measures  as  were  deemed  essential  under 
the  altered  condition  of  affairs,  acknowledging  the  authority  of  the  deputy- 


THE   ENGLISH   IN   EAST  AND  WKST  JERSEY. 


44" 


governor  on  condition  that  he  should  accept  certain  proposals  or  fundamen- 
tals of  government  affixed  to  the  laws  they  enacted.  This  Jenings  did. 
putting  his  hand  and  seal  thereto;  as  did  also  Thomas  Olive,  the  Speaker,  by 
order  and  in  the  name  of  the  Assembly. 

Burlington  was  made  the  chief  town  of  the  Province,  and  the  method  of 
settling  and  regulating  the  lands  was  relegated  to  the  governor  and  eight 
individuals.  For  greater  convenience  the  Province  was  divided  into  two 
districts,  the  courts  of  each  to  be  held  at  Burlington  and  Salem.  The  second 
Assembly  met  May  2.  1682.  and  a  four  days'  session  seems  to  have  been 
sufficient  to  establish  the  aflairs  of  the  Province  on  a  firm  basis, — Thomas 
Olive,  Robert  Stacy,  .Mahlon  .Stacy,  William  Biddle.  Thomas  Budd,  John 
Chaffin,  James  Xe\ill,  Daniel  Wills,  Mark  Newbie,  and  Elia.->  I*"arre  being 
chosen  as  the  council. 

Subsequent  meetings  of  the  Assembly  were  held  in  September,  and  in 
May,  1683.  At  this  last  some  important  measures  were  enacted  contributing 
to  good  government.  For  the  despatch  of  business  the  governor  and  coun- 
cil were  authorized  to  prepare  bills  for  the  consideration  of  the  Assembly, 
which  were  to  be  promulgated  tuenty  days  before  the  meetings  of  that  body. 
The  governor,  council,  and  assembly  were  to  constitute  the  (ieneral  Assem- 
bly, and  have  definite  and  decisive  action  u])on  all  hills  so  prepared.  As 
John  Fenwicke  was  one  of  the  representatives  lo  this  Assembly,  it  is  evident 
that  he  recognized  for  his  Tenth  tlie  general  jurisdiction  which  had  been 
established.  It  is  understood  that  Byllynge  at  this  time  had  resolved  to 
relieve  Jenings  from  his  position,  as  his  own  independent  authority  was 
thought  to  be  endangered  by  Jenings's  continuance  in  office. 

At  this  Assembly  the  question  was  discussed  whether  the  purchase  at 
first  made  was  of  land  only  or  of  land  and  government  combined,  and  the 
conclusion  arrived  at  was  that  both  were  purchased ;  and  also  that  an  in- 
strument should  be  prepared  and  sent  to  London,  there  to  be  signed  by 
Byllynge,  confirmatory  of  this  view ;  and.  carrj'ing  out  a  suggestion  of  Wil- 
liam Penn,  Samuel  Jenings  was  by  vote  of  the  A.sscmbly  elected  governor 
of  the  Province, — a  proceeding  which  was  satisfactory  to  the  people,  as  they 
desired  a  continuance  of  his  administration.  Thus  again  did  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  people  assert  their  claim  to  entire  freedom  from  all  authority 
not  instituted  by  themscK'cs. 

As  Byllynge  did  not  acquiesce  as  promptly  as  was  desired  with  the  views 
of  the  Assembly,  it  was  determined  at  a  session  held  in  March,  1684.  that. 
for  the  vindication  of  the  people's  right  to  government.  Governor  Jenings 
and  Thomas  Budd  (George  Hutchinson  subsequently  acted  with  them) 
should  go  vo  England  and  discuss  the  matter  with  Byllynge  in  person, — 
ri'.omas  Olive  being  appointed  deput>-governor  until  the  next  Assembly 
--liould  meet.  This  was  in  the  May  following,  at  which  time  Olive  was 
I  lectcd  governor,  and  his  council  made  to  consist  of  Robert  Stacy,  William 
Hiddlc,  Robert  Dusdale.  John  Gosling.  Flias  Farre,  Daniel  Wills,  Richard 
liuy,  Robert  Turner,  William  Emiey  and  Christopher  White. 
VOL.  m.  —  56. 


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44* 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


The  mission  of  Jcnings  was  only  partially  successful.  The  differences  be- 
hvccn  Hyllyngc  and  the  people  were  referred  to  the  "judgment  and  deter 
mination  "  of  George  Fox,  George  Whitehead,  and  twelve  other  prominent 
Friends;  whose  award  was  to  the  effect  that  the  government  was  rightfully 
in  liyllynge,  and  that  they  could  not  find  any  authority  for  a  governor 
chosen  by  the  people.  This  award  was  made  in  October,  1684,  but  w.is 
signed  by  only  eight  of  the  fourteen  referees,  George  Fox  not  being  one  of 
thcni.  The  document  subsequently  became  the  cause  of  much  discussion. 
As  late  as  1699  it  was  printed  with  the  addition  of  many  severe  reflections 
upon  the  action  of  Jenings  a^d  his  friends,  drawing  from  him  equally  harsh 
anim.-idversions  upon  those  fr  <n  whom  they  emanated.  In  accordc  nee  with 
this  award  Byll>-nge  asserted  his  claims  to  the  chief  authority  over  the 
Province,  and  no  important  concessions  appear  to  have  been  made  to  the 
people. 

In  1685  Byllynge  appointed  John  Skene  to  be  his  deputy-governor ;  and 
on  September  25  the  Assembly,  expressly  reserving  "  their  just  rights  and 
privileges,"  recognized  him  as  such,  Olive  continuing  to  act  as  chairman,  ot 
speaker,  of  the  Assembly. 

Harmony  to  a  great  extent  prevailed  for  some  time,  Skene  not  attempt 
Ing  to  exercise  any  authority  not  generally  acknowledged  by  the  people ; 
but  in  1687  Byllynge  died,  and  Dr.  Daniel  Coxe  of  London,  already  a 
large  proprietor,  having  purchased  the  whole  of  Byllynge's  interest  from 
his  heirs,  after  consultation  with  the  principal  Proprietors  in  England,  de- 
cided to  assume  the  government  of  the  Province  himself.  Rut  wiiile  ho 
thus  a.ssumed,  in  his  own  person,  rights  which  the  people  had  claimed  as 
theirs,  he  did  not  refrain  from  granting  to  them  a  liberal  exercise  of  power, 
giving  assurances  that  all  reasonable  expectations  and  requests  would  be 
complied  with,  and  that  the  officers  who  had  been  chosen  by  the  people 
should  be  continued  in  their  several  positions.  It  is  somewhat  more  than 
doubtful  if  Coxe  ever  visited  the  Province  at  all,  and  indeed  he  probably 
did  not:  meanwhile  Byllynge's  deputy,  John  Skene,  acted  for  him  till 
the  death  of  the  latter  in  December,  1687,  when  Coxe  appointed  Edward 
Hunloke  in  his  stead. 

It  was  during  Lawrie's  administration  in  East  Jersey  that  the  first  steps 
were  taken  to  settle  the  boundary  line  between  that  Province  and  New  York. 
The  subject  was  discussed  by  him  and  Governor  Dongan  at  an  early  date ; 
and  on  June  30,  1686,  a  council  was  held,  composed  of  the  two  deputy-gov- 
ernors and  several  gentlemen  of  both  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  at  which 
the  course  to  be  pursued  in  running  the  line  was  agkeed  upon.  The  points 
>  n  the  Hudson  and  Delaware  rivers  were  subsequently  determined ;  but 
nothing  further  was  done  for  several  years,  and  nearly  a  century  elapsed 
before  the  line  was  definitely  settled. 

There  arc  some  allusions  made  to  the  fact  that  Lawrie  was  much  inter- 
ested in  West  Jersey,  as  accounting  for  his  dismissal  by  the  Proprietors  from 


THE   KNOLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY. 


443 


his  position  as  their  deputy-governor  in  l.ast  Jersey ;  but  so  far  as  the  rec- 
ords of  the  period  give  an  insight  into  the  motives  actuating  him  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  t!ie  alTairs  of  tlie  Province,  there  is  no  evidence  afforded  of 
any  want  of  interest  in  its  prosperity.  As  the  result  of  his  administration  did 
not  meet  their  expectations  of  profit,  it  is  not  surprising  that  they  should  have 
regarded  it  as  due  to  some  mistaken  policy  on  his  part.  In  the  appointment 
of  a  successor  they  were  evidently  led  by  the  large  influx  of  population 
from  Ljcotland  to  look  among  the  Proprietors  residing  tiiere  for  a  suitable 
person ;  and  they  therefore  selected  Lord  Ncill  Campbell,  a  brother  of  the 
Earl  of  Argyle,  who  was  obliged  to  flee  from  Scotland  in  consequence  of 
his  connection  with  that  nobleman,  who  had  been  beheaded  June  30,  1685. 
after  the  unfortunate  termination  of  his  invasion  of  that  country.  He  left 
for  Kast  Jersey  with  a  large  nimibcr  of  emigrants  not  long  after  that  event, 
and  reached  the  Province  in  December  of  the  same  year. 

Lord  Neill  was  appointed  deputy-governor  June  2,  1686.  for  two  years, 
but  his  commission  did  not  reach  him  until  October,  on  the  5th  of  which 
month  it  was  published;  and  on  the  i8th  he  announced  as  his  council 
Gawen  Lawric,  John  Berry  of  Bergen,  Isaac  Kingsland  of  New  Barbadocs, 
Andrew  Hamilton  of  Amboy,  Richard  Townley  of  Elizabethtown.  Samuel 
Winder  of  Chcesequakes,  David  Mudie  and  John  Johnstone  of  Amboy,  and 
Thomas  Codrington  of  Raritan. 

It  is  a  remarkable  circumstance  that  the  great  diversity  existing  in  the 
characters,  religions,  pursuits,  and  political  relations  of  the  Proprietors  of 
East  Jersey  should  have  been  overcome  to  such  an  e.xtent  as  to  allow  of 
harmonious  action  in  the  appointment  of  Lord  Neill  Campbell.  The  Earl 
of  Perth,  a  pron^'ient  member  of  the  body,  was  one  of  the  jury  that  found 
the  Earl  of  Argyie  guilty  of  high  treason ;  and  yet,  stanch  adherent  .is  he 
wa  of  James,  he  could  consent  to  have  his  interests  in  East  Jersey  taken 
care  of  b}-  that  earl's  brother.  Robert  Barclay,  with  all  the  peculiarities 
of  his  peaceful  sect,  the  advocate  of  gentleness  and  non-resistance,  was 
willing  to  be  associated  with  a  stanch  Scotch  Presbyterian  soldier,  and  join 
in  commissioning  him  as  his  subordinate.  It  is  evident  that  private  preju- 
dices and  feelings  were  not  allowed  to  interfere  with  whatever  was  thought 
likely  to  conduce  to  the  advancement  of  their  pecuniary  interests  in  East 
Jersey. 

Lord  Neill's  administration,  however,  was  very  brief.  On  December  10 
of  the  same  year,  "  urgent  necessity  of  some  weighty  matters"  calling  him 
to  England,  he  appointed  Andrew  Hamilton  to  be  his  substitute,  and  sailed, 
it  is  presumed,  the  March  following,  Hamilton's  commission  being  pub- 
lished on  the  1 2th  of  that  month. 

Andrew  Hamilton  had  been  a  merchant  in  London,  and  came  to  the 
Province  with  his  family  in  June,  1686,  as  an  agent  oi  the  Proprietors  in 
London.  He  at  first  declined  accepting  the  position  tendered  him,  and 
Lawrie,  who  was  one  of  the  council,  openly  protested  against  his  appoint- 
ment, because  of  his  unpopularity  with  the  planters  ;  but  his  authority  having 


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444 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


been  confirmed  by  a  commission  from  Governor  Barclay  in  August,  1 68;, 
all  open  opposition  thereto  seems  to  have  ceased.  Hamilton  appears  to 
have  been  a  man  of  intelligence,  and  to  have  acted  in  a  manner  which  ho 
conceived  to  be  calculated  to  advance  the  best  interests  of  the  Proprietors 
without  involving  them  with  the  people,  but  it  is  doubtful  if  any  great  cor- 
diality existed  between  tlie  governor  and  the  governed  at  that  period. 

liefure  his  death  Charles  II.  had  been  led  to  call  for  a  surrender  of  the 
charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  and,  meeting  with  a  refusal  from  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly,  a  writ  of  ^uo  warranto  was  issued  in  1684.  The  death  of 
the  King  left  the  proceedings  to  be  consummated  by  his  successor,  whose 
rapacity  prompted  him  to  subvert  the  liberties  of  all  the  colonies ;  and  his 
pliant  ser\'ant  Andros,  whom  he  had  knighted,  was  sent  over  with  a  com- 
mission that  covered  all  New  England.  Sir  Edmund  took  up  his  residence 
in  Boston,  assumed  the  supreme  authority  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  fol- 
lowing year  dissolved  in  succession  the  governments  of  Rh^-^c  Island  and 
Connecticut,  taking  to  himself  all  power  and  dominion,  even  beyond  the 
limits  granted  by  his  royal  master.' 

The  Proprietors,  finding  it  impossible  to  overcome  the  determination  of 
Ji.mes  to  unite  New  York  and  New  Jersey  to  New  England  under  the  same 
government,  deemed  it  advisable  to  abandon  the  unavailing  contest,  and 
by  acceding  to  the  King's  design  to  obtain  from  him  an  efficient  guarantee 
that  he  would  respect  their  rights  to  the  soil.  A  surrender  of  their  patent, 
so  far  as  the  government  was  concerned,  was  therefore  made  in  April,  1688, 
James  h  wing  agreed  to  accept  it;  and,  the  Proprietors  of  West  Jersey  hav- 
ing ac;eded  also  to  the  arrangement,  a  new  commission  was  issued  to  Sir 
Edmund  Andros,  annexing  both  provinces  and  New  York  to  his  govern- 
ment, and  Francis  Nicholson  was  appointed  his  lieutenant-governor. 

The  course  of  Andros  in  accepting  the  simple  acknowledgment  of  his 
authority  as  sufficient,  without  revolutionizing  the  government  and  dismiss- 
ing the  functionaries  in  office  in  New  Jersey,  was  doubtless  in  a  great  meas- 
ure owing  to  the  fact  that  the  surrender  by  the  Proprietors  of  their  right 
to  govern  rendered  necessary  the  issuing  of  a  new  grant  to  them  from  the 
Crown,  confirmator\'  of  all  the  immunities  of  the  soil ;  and  until  that  could 
be  perfected,  it  may  have  been  considered  expedient  not  to  disturb  the  ex- 
isting rejjfulations.  It  is  nevertheless  remarkable  that  any  considerations  of 
the  kind  should  have  had  so  mollifying  an  effect  upon  one  whose  arrogance, 
disregard  of  the  rights  of  others,  and  impetuosity  of  temper  were  so  intru- 
sively manifest  as  in  Edmund  Andros. 

By  the  seizure  of  Andros  in  New  England  in  April,  1689,  in  anticipation 
of  the  successful  revolution  in  England  in  favor  of  William  and  Mary,  which 
promised  the  subversion  of  his  iuthority  not  only  there  but  also  in  tlie 
other  colonies  that  had  been  placed  within  his  jurisdiction,  an  opportunity 
was  aflforded  the  Proprietors  of  New  Jersey  to  resume  all  the  rights  and 

'  I  See  chapter  iz. ;  and  the  full  treatment  of  the  struggle  to  maintain  the  charter,  given  by  Mr 
I  >eane.  in  tiie  Memi>ruil  History  of  Boston,  i.  329.  —  Ed.] 


f 


7,  ..■ 


THli   ENGLISH    IN    EAST  AND   WEST  JERSEY. 


445 


privileges  of  whicli  tlicy  had  been  despoiled.  But  there  were  impediments 
in  the  way.  They  were  not  sure  of  the  support  of  the  people,  and  being 
separated,  —  some  in  ICngland,  some  in  Scotland,  and  some  in  New  Jersey, 
—  it  was  not  possible  that  unanimity  of  action  could  be  secured.  Many  of 
them,  having  been  closely  allied  to  King  James,  were  probably  disposed  to 
cling  to  him  in  his  misfortunes,  and  had  the  deputy-governor  thrown  of! 
the  responsibilities  he  had  so  recently  resumed  as  the  representative  of  the 
Crown,  for  the  purpose  of  re-establishing  the  authority  of  the  Proprietors, 
it  would  have  been  attended  with  great  doubt  and  uncertainty  as  to  his  suc- 
cess, the  people  having  so  definitely  manifested  their  preference  for  a  royal 
government. 

In  April  Hamilton  received  a  summons  from  the  mayor  of  New  York, 
acting  as  lieutenant  of  Andros ;  and,  attended  by  the  justices  of  Bergen, 
repaired  thither  to  consult  upon  the  proper  course  to  be  pursued  in  the 
peculiar  situation  of  affairs  prevailing  in  the  two  colonies,  but  nothing  of 
consequence  resulted  from  the  conference.  The  deputy-governor  on  sub- 
sequent occasions  was  invited  to  similar  consultations  in  New  York,  but 
does  not  seem  to  have  compromised  himself  in  any  way  with  any  party ; 
and,  as  so  much  doubt  existed  as  to  what  was  the  pioper  course  for  him 
to  pursue,  he  resolved  in  August  to  proceed  to  England  in  person  to  advise 
with  the  Proprietors  there.  On  his  way  thither  he  was  taken  prisoner  by 
the  French,  and  appears  to  have  been  detained  in  France  until  the  May 
following,  when  he,  being  then  in  England,  resigned  his  position  as  the 
deputy-governor.  From  the  time  of  Hamilton's  departure  for  England 
until  169?  the  inhabitants  of  East  Jersey  were  left  to  the  guardianship  of 
their  county  and  town  officers,  who  seemed  to  have  possessed  all  necessary 
powers  to  preserve  the  peace.  So  also  in  West  Jersey.  The  course  of 
events  caused  but  little  alteration  in  the  general  condition  of  the  Province 
after  the  surrender  of  the  government  to  Andros  in  April,  1688,  and  the 
subsequent  suspension  of  his  authority. 

In  1687  George  Keith,  surveyor-general  of  East  Jersey,  under  orders 
from  the  Proprietors  there,  attempted  to  run  the  dividing  line  between  the 
two  provinces,  in  accordance  with  the  terms  of  the  Quintipartite  deed  of 
1676;  but  the  result  was  unsatisfactory  to  West  Jersey,  as  it  was  thought 
too  great  a  quantity  of  the  best  lands  came  thereby  within  the  bounds  of 
East  Jersey.  In  September,  1688,  however,  a  consultation  took  place  in 
London,  between  Governor  Coxc  of  West  Jersey  and  Governor  Barclay  of 
East  Jersey,  with  the  view  of  perfecting  a  settlement  of  Keith's  line,  result- 
ing in  a  written  agreement  signed  and  scaled  by  the  two  parties ;  but  never- 
theless no  satisfactory  termination  of  the  matter  was  arrived  at  for  many 
years.  It  was  in  1688  that  the  "Board  of  Proprietors  of  West  Jersey" 
was  legularly  organized. 

It  would  be  very  gratifying  to  be  able  to  «tate  clearly,  upon  good  author- 
ity, the  condition  of  New  Jersey  at  this  eventful  period  in  its  history,  and 


U  ( 


ii 


■ 


:'  'i 


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o. 


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446 


NARKATIVE  AND  CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF  AMERIC.V. 


note  its  progress  since  its  surrender  to  the  Entjiish  in  1664.  but  from  the 
impcrfcctitin  of  the  details,  the  information  obtainable  is  not  sufficiently 
definite  to  give  satisfactory  results. 

That  the  population  of  ICast  Jersey  had  larjjely  increased  there  can  be  no 
doubt.  It  was  a  constant  cause  of  complaint  by  the  government  of  New 
York  that  tb  freedom  (rom  ta.xation  aiul  various  mercantile  restrictions  had 
tended  fjreatly  to  increase  emiyraticm  to  ICast  Jersey,  much  to  the  detriment 
of  New  York;  and  the  first  towns,  Newark,  I'Uizabethtown,  and  Middle- 
town,  drew  large  numbers  from  New  lingland  ami  I-ong  Island,  leading  to 
their  becoming  centres  for  the  development  of  other  towns  and  villages. 
The  new  capital,  I'erth  Amboy,  became  in  a  very  few  years  an  important 
settlement,  and  both  from  Scotla-.id  and  ICngland  numerous  families  h.u! 
already  arrived  and  settled  in  various  parts  of  the  I'rovince ;  so  that  it  i;? 
probable  the  increase  during  the  quarter  of  a  century  had  been  more  than 
a  hundred-fold,  making  the  total  number  of  souls  in  ICast  Jersey  nearly,  if 
not  quite,  ten  thousand.  There  are  no  figures  upon  which  any  correct 
estimate  can  be  based  of  the  increase  in  West  Jersey,  but  it  may  be  safely 
considered  as  coming  far  short  of  the  eastern  I'rovince. 

Of  the  five  counties  recognized  iii  1670  Monmouth  was  the  most  pop- 
ulous; an'l  of  its  three  towns,  Shrewsbury,  Middletown.  and  Freehold,  the 
first  was  the  most  important.  lisse.v  County  came  ne.\t;  Elizabcthtown 
Newark,  Acquackanock,  and  New  Harbadoes  being  its  towns,  ranking  in  the 
order  in  which  they  are  named.  Middlesex  followed,  H-ith  NV'oodbridge, 
I'iscataway,  and  I'erth  Ambo)-  as  its  towns.  Hergen  stood  fourth,  with 
its  towns  of  Hergen  and  Hackensack;  and  Somerset  came  last,  having 
no  specific:  townships.  There  were,  of  course,  in  all  the  counties  small 
.settlements  r>ot  yet  of  sufficient  importance  to  be  recognized  as  separate 
organizations.  In  1683  Hergen  County  was  third  in  importance,  and  Mid- 
dlese.K  fourth. 

Ciie  gr<^at  h.ndrancc  to  the  development  of  the  agricultural  and  mineral 
resources  of  t'l;:  two  provinccfs  was  the  want  of  roads  and  conveniences  to 
promote  intcrcc»ursc  between  the  different  sections.  The  only  Indian  path 
ran  from  Shrewsbury  River  to  the  northwest  limits  of  the  Province,  and  the 
only  road  opened  by  the  Dutch  appears  to  have  been  that  by  which  inter- 
course was  kept  up  with  the  settlements  on  the  Delaware,  in  what  is  now 
Delaware.  From  New  Amsterdam  a  direct  water  communication  was  had 
with  F.Hzabethtown  Point  (now  Elizabethport),  and  thence  by  land  to  the 
Raritan  River  which  was  crossed  by  fording  at  Inian's  Ferry,  now  New 
Hrunswick.  Thence  the  road  ran  in  almost  a  straight  course  to  the  Dela- 
ware River,  above  the  site  of  the  present  Trenton,  where  there  was  another 
ford.  This  was  called  the  Upper  Road ;  another,  called  the  Lower  Road, 
branclicd  off  from  the  first  about  five  or  si.K  miles  from  the  Raritan,  and  by 
a  circuitous  route  reacliei'  the  Delaware  at  the  site  of  vhat  is  now  Burling- 
ton ;  but  the  whole  country  was  a  wilderness  between  the  towns  in  Mon- 
mouth  County  and  the  Delaware  River  as  late  as  1675. 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY. 


447 


The  first  public  mcar.iircs  for  the  cstiblishmcnt  of  roads  was  in  1675; 
two  men  in  each  town  bein^i  clothed  witlj  authi.iity  to  lay  out  the  common 
hijjhways;  and  in  March,  1683,  boards  were  created  in  the  different  coun- 
ties to  lay  out  all  necessar)-  highways,  brid{;es,  landings,  ferries,  etc.,  and  by 
these  boards  the  first  effective  intercommunication  was  established.  The 
present  generation  have  in  constant  use  miny  of  the  roads  laid  out  by  ther.i. 
In  July,  f683,  instructions  were  given  t'.  Deputy-Governor  Lawrie  to  open  * 
road  between  the  new  capital,  Perthtown,  and  Burlington ;  but,  although  his 
instructions  were  complied  with,  and  the  road  opened  in  connection  with 
w.iter  communication  between  Perth  and  New  \iiik.,  the  route  by  way 
of  New  Brunswick  was  the  most  travelled. 

The  character  of  the  legislation  rnd  laws  for  the  punishment  and  sup- 
pression of  crime  was  very  different  in  the  two  provinces.  The  penal 
laws  in  Fast  Jersey  parlook  more  of  the  severity  of  the  Levitical  law,  origi- 
nating as  they  di'd  with  th"  settlers  coming  from  Puritan  countries,  while 
those  in  West  Jersey  were  exceedingly  humane  and  forbearing.  In  the  one 
there  were  thirteen  classes  of  offences  made  amenable  to  the  death  penalty, 
while  in  the  other  such  a  punishment  was  unknown  to  the  laws. 

As  might  reasonably  be  expected  from  its  proximity  to  New  Amster- 
d:m,  the  first  church  erected  in  New  Jersey  soil,  of  which  any  mention  is 
made,  was  at  Bergen.  This  was  in  1680,  the  congregation  having  been 
formed  in  1662.  The  first  clergyman  heard  of  in  Newark  was  in  1667,  a 
Congrcgationalist,  and  the  first  meeting-house  was  built  in  i66g.  IClizabeth- 
town's  first  congregation  was  formed  in  i668.  Woodbridge  succeeded  in 
getting  one  established  in  1670.  and  its  first  church  was  bui't  in  1681.  The 
Quakers  immediately  after  their  arrival  in  West  Jersey,  in  1675,  organ- 
ized a  meeting  at  Salem  (probably  the  one  which  ICdmondson  says  he 
attended),  and  in  1680  purchased  a  house  and  had  it  fitted  up  for  their 
religious  services.  It  is  said  that  the  first  religious  meetings  of  the  Quakers 
in  New  Jersey  were  held  at  Shrcwsbur>'  as  early  as  1670,  the  settlers  there, 
about  1667,  being  principally  of  that  denomination.  Edmondson  mentions 
a  meeting  held  at  Middletown  in  1675.  The  first  General  Yearly  Meeting 
for  regulating  the  affairs  of  the  Society  was  held  at  Burlington  in  August, 
1 68 1.  Local  meetings  were  held  theii^  in  tents  before  a  house  was  erected. 
John  W  -olston's  was  the  first,  and  its  walls  were  consecrated  by  having 
ivonhip  within  them.  The  Friends  at  Cape  May  in  1676,  Cohansey  in  1683, 
and  Lower  Alloway  Creek  in  1685  secured  religious  services. 

Middletown,  in  Monmouth  County,  had  an  organized  Baptist  congrega- 
tion in  1688;   and  Piscataway  in  Middlesex  County  one  in  1689. 

To  what  c.^;tent  education  had  been  fostered  up  to  this  period  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  determine.  The  first  school-master  mentioned  in  Newark  was  there 
in  1676;  but  Bergen  had  a  school  established  under  the  Dutch  adminis- 
tration in  1661.  The  first  general  law  providing  for  the  establishment  and 
support  of  school-masters  in  East  Jersey  was  not  passed  until  1693. 

The  currency  of  both  East  and  West  Jersey  during  the  whole  period  of 


I!.*' 


O-. 


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I'.'     ' 


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448 


NAKKATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   A.MKRICA. 


tlu'lr  L-olonial  existence,  for  rcavms  which  arc  not  very  apparent,  was  more 
stable  than  that  of  the  nei(;hborin(;  colonics.  The  coins  uf  ICn^^lund  and 
Holland,  and  their  respective  monc>'s  of  account,  were  used,  and  Indian 
wampum  atTordeii  the  means  of  exchange  with  the  Aborigines.  Darter  was 
naturally  the  mode  of  traffic  mr»st  followed,  and  tables  are  now  found  show- 
ing the  value  set  upon  the  different  productions  of  the  soil  that  were  used 
in  these  business  operations,  marking  the  diminution  in  value  from  year  to 
year  as  compjjred  with  "old  Kngland  money."  In  1681  an  act  was  passed 
in  West  Jersey  for  the  enhancing,  or  raising,  the  value  of  coins,  which  was 
extended  also  to  New  Kngland  money.  About  tha»  time  an  individual, 
named  Mark  Newbie,  increased  the  circulating  medium  by  putting  into  circu- 
lation a  large  number  of  Irish  half-pence  of  less  value  than  the  standard  coin, 
which  he  had  brought  with  him  from  Ireland ;  and,  as  thought  by  some,  con- 
tinued the  manufacture  of  them  after  his  arrival.  The  act  of  1681,  however, 
was  repealed  the  following  year,  and  another  passed  making  Newbie's  half- 
pence equal  in  value  to  the  current  money  of  the  IVovince,  provided  he  gave 
security  to  exchange  them  "  ft>r  pay  equivalent  on  demand,"  and  provided  also 
that  no  person  should  be  obliged  to  take  more  than  five  shillings  on  one  pay- 
ment.' No  repeal  of  this  act  appears  in  the  records.  It  became  inoperative 
probably  in  1684,  when  Newbie  disappears  from  the  documentary  history  of 
the  period.  This  supposition  is  in  some  measure  confirmed  by  the  passage 
of  an  act  in  May  of  that  year,  making  three  farthings  "  of  the  King's  coin  to 
go  current  for  one  penny,"  in  sums  not  exceeding  five  shillings.' 

The  only  attempt  to  reguJate  the  value  of  gold  and  silver  in  I'-ast  Jersey 
was  in  1686.  Its  object  was  to  prevent  the  transportation  of  silver  from  the 
Province  by  raising  it  above  its  tnie  value  in  all  business  transactions.  Its 
evil  tendencies,  however,  were  soon  dc\'elopcd.  and  before  the  end  of  the 
year,  at  a  subsecjuent  session  of  the  same  Assembly,  it  was  repealed. 

The  first  grist-mill  is  mentioned  in  1671.  and  was  followed  by  another  in 
1679,  hand-mills  being  generally  used.  The  first  saw-mill  was  erected  in 
1682.  In  1683  Dcputy-fiovemor  Rudyard,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  says 
thai  at  that  time  there  were  two  saw-mills  at  work,  and  five  or  six  more 
projected,  abating  **  the  price  of  boards  half  in  half,  and  all  other  timber 
for  building;  for  altho'  timber  cost  nothing  yet  workmanship  by  hand 
was  Londjn  price  or  near  upon  it,  and  sometimes  more,  which  these  mills 
abate." 

The  cider  produced  at  Newark  was  awarded  the  preference  over  that 
brought  from  New  Kngland,  Rhotle  Island,  or  I^ng  Island.  Clams,  oys- 
ters, and  fish  received  well  merited  commendation  for  their  plcntifulncss 
and  good  qualities. 

In  1685  the  iron-mills  in  Monmouth  County,  belonging  to  Lewis 
Morris,  were  in  full  operation ;  but  it  was  not  until  some  years  had  elapsed 
that  "  the  hills  up  in  the  countr>',"  which  were  "  said  to  be  stony,"  were 

•  ^ajf  /er.tfv  under  the  PrvprieUity  C^rrm-  *  Lcaining  and  Spicer'*  GratUi  and  Cotuef 

ments,  pp.  250,  351.  titni,  pL  493. 


THE   ENOLISH    IX    KAST  AND   WKST  JKRSKY. 


449 


explored,  and  the  mineral  treasures  of  Morris  County  revealed.  Gabriel 
ThomaN.  in  1O98.  mentions  rice  amon^;  the  products  of  West  Jersey,  aiklin^; 
that  larjje  quantities  of  pitch,  tar,  and  turpentine  were  secured  from  the 
pine  forests,  and  that  the  number  of  whales  caught  yearly  gave  the  set- 
tlers abundance  of  oil  and  whalebone. 


CRITICAL  ESSAY  ON    THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 


!    I 


TJIE  relatioiu  existing  between  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  during  the  era  of  discovery 
and  Miilement.  necessarily  le«i  to  their  being  jointly  noticed  hy  all  the  early  writers, 
and  as  Ihey  have  lieen  referred  to  in  what  has  preceded  this  chapter,'  it  ■»  thought  unnec- 
essary to  comment  (onher  upon  their  revelations.  Attention  will  therefore  lie  given  to 
those  whose  object  was  the  making  known  the  peculiarities,  the  advant.iges,  and  attractions 
of  New  Jersey  independent  ot  New  York 

The  first  of  these  was  an  issne  by  Jahn  Fenwicke  of  a  single  folio  leaf,  in  1675,  con- 
taining his  pfoposals  for  pL-'*ing  his  colony  of  New  Ca;s.irea,  or  New  Jersey.  A  copy 
was  for  sale  in  Loadoa  in  185).  —  perhaps  the  same  copy  sold  .it  the  Hrinlcy  sale  to  the 
Pennsrtvania  Historical  5>ociety.     It  is  printed  in  PemM.  Afag-  of  Hist.,  vi. 

In  i6Si  the  Proprieiors  of  E^t  Jersey  published  a  small  (|U.-irto  of  eight  pages,  giving 
an  account  of  their  recently  acquired  province.*  This  publication  is  not  now  obtainable, 
and  it  is  doabtfnl  if  any  copies  have  been  seen  for  several  generations.  It  is  the  basis  of 
all  the  infonnaiiaa  respecting  East  Jersey  contained  in  The  PrescHt  Stale  of  His  Majesty s 
ItUi  iimJ  Terrii^ritf  im  Ameiita.  etc.,  by  Richard  Blome  (London,  1687),  which  is  fre- 
quently quoted,  though  abounding  in  errors.  Although  the  original  edition  may  not  now 
l>e  met  with,  the  Britf  Act»umt  may  be  found  reprinted  in  Smith's  History  if  New  Jersey ^ 
and  in  East  Jerirr  mmder  Ike  Proprietary  Gtrt'eriiments.  It  gives  a  very  fair  and  interest- 
ing account  of  the  I'roxHnce,  and  doubtless  aided  in  inducing  adventurers  to  embark  for 
the  new  Eldorado. 

In  1683  a  snaU  qaarto  of  fifteen  pages,  including  the  titlepage,  was  published  in  Edin- 
burgh for  the  ScMcb  Proprietors,  of  similar  purport  to  the  foregoing.*  The  only  copy  of 
the  original,  known,  is  in  the  possession  of  Samuel  L.  M.  Barlow,  Esq.,  of  New  York.  Tiiis 
was  used  when  the  work  was  reproduced  in  the  New  York  Historical  Magazine,  second 
scries,  voL  i.* 

In  1684  a  work  of  greater  pretensions,  comprising  73  pages,  i3mo,  was  published  in 
Ij>ndon,  entitled  The  Planter's  Speech  to  his  neighbours  ami  criintrynien  of  Pennsyli'aniii^ 
East  and  West  Jersey  ;  ami  to  all  such  as  hax<c  transported  themselves  into  new  Colonies 
for  Ike  sake  ef  a  fmiet.  retired  life.  To  which  is  aililed  the  complaints  of  our  Supra- 
interior  inkakilmnU.  The  title  and  introduction  of  this  volume  are  all  that  have  been  met 
with.  They  will  be  found  in  I'roud's  History  of  Pennsylvania.^  The  author's  name  is 
not  known,  but  it  would  seem  that  his  object  was  more  to  impress  upon  his  "dear  friends 


■  |Sce  chaixer  z.— Ed.] 

*  It  was  entitled  A  Brief  A<(ivtnl  if  the 
Prxinee  ff  E<^U  Jeriey  im  Amuri^a,  fmUiikeJ  by 
the  fresent  Pr^^riifrt,  ftr  imf&rwuitimt  cf  all  such 
/■ersiHu  wk0  are  «r  mar  Ar  imeiimeJ  to  settle  them- 
selves,  families,  and  trrcamts  im  that  (cmutry. 

»  It  was  strtcd  A  Brief  Acewmt  of  the  Prm^ 
im.e  of  East  \evr  Jenrr  im  America.  PmhlisheJ 
hy  the  Seal/  Prjfnetors  kartmg  interest  there.  For 

VOL.  m.  —  S7- 


Ihe  information  of  such  as  may  have  a  desire  to 
Tritnsfvrl  themselves  or  their  Families  thither ; 
tcherein  the  Xature  and  AiHantai^  of  :nd  Inter- 
est in,  a  Forraign  Plantation  to  this  Country  it 
Demonstrated.     Printed  hy  JoHN  ReID. 

*  Twenty-five  copies  were  jirintcd  separately, 
bearing  date  1867.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  xiil 
S3'°79-     Alofsen  Catalogue,  No.  823. 

'"  Vol.  I.  p.  226. 


\    \  : 


450 


\AKK\TIVK   AND   CKITICAI.    HISTORY   (1|     AMIKICA. 


(.1 


and  countrymen  "  ihcir  moni  and  rrligiouii  ilulir*  n«  immigrant!!,  lli.ui  (o  |Nirmy  the  si|> 
v.iniaKC!i  o(  the  »eciion  <rf  country  |Mrticuljrly  rclcrrcci  to. 

I'hc  |)ur|M>rt  of  ihr  lrraii%e  i»  ihu*  nummari/fil  Ity  I'roiid  :  "  Divcrn  |Mrticiilar»  arr 
proposed  .IK  fumUmentjU  (of  future  Uwn  and  rutitomit,  li-ndint;  priiKi|ully  to  ottaltliKh  a 
hi^hi-r  decree  fA  tcin|H>rance  and  <irit;inal  itimplicity  of  inannerH,  —  tnorv  |Mrticularty  a;;ain«t 
the  u»e  of  Hpiriluous  li(|uor*.  —than  had  iH-en  u»ual  licfore.  KvcrythinK  of  a  military  na- 
tiirf,  evi-n  the  um-  of  the  initrumrnl*  thereof,  iit  not  only  diH.ippmved,  and  the  destrurtion 
of  the  human  upctic^  therel>r  cnndt-mncd  in  thiH  Sf><tih,  l>ut  likewise  all  violence  or  cruelty 
towarcJH,  and  the  wanton  kdhitK  of.  the  inferior  living  creatiircx,  and  the  eating  of  animal 
f(NHl  are  aNn  »trnnKly  ;ul«i«cd  aKainit  In  thoitc  pro|MiHed  rt'KulationM.  cuitlomii,  or  lawn,  with 
the  rcasonn  Kiven.  etc  .  to  the  eml  that  a  hii;hcr  decree  of  love,  perfection,  ami  happlne** 
might  more  univertally  lie  intriMluied  and  pre»ervc<l  anxmii;  iiiaiikind  '' 

In  I'>S5  ilie  most  interesting  and  valuable  of  all  the  early  pulilic.itions  wnn  i««ue«l  in 
Kdinl)ur):h,i  reference  to  which  hu  liren  made  on  a  preceding;  pa^e.  The  author,  (ieorge 
Scot,  of  I'itlochie,  wa»  connected  by  dewent  and  marriage  with  many  dixtinfjuished  fami- 
lies in  Siiitland,  which  connection  |>rol>al)ly  led  the  I'roprielors  to  ((inlide  the  prejiara- 
tion  of  the  work  to  him.  as  his  extensive  circle  of  friendx  and  acquaintanei-x  woidd  he  likely 
to  iuHure  for  it  a  more  xenetal  acceptance,  particularly  .is  he  was  ready  to  add  example  to 
precept  by  embarkin-^  himself  ami  family  for  Kast  Jersey.  Accomp.mied  t)y  nearly  two 
hundred  |>erM>ns.  he  sailed  frrmi  Scotland  alniut  Auj;.  i,  1^185,  but  before  the  vessel  reached 
her  destination  Scot  and  his  wife  ami  many  of  their  fellow-|)assen;;ers  were  no  lon;;er 
living.  One  daughter,  Kupham.  fjecamc  the  wife  of  John  Johnstone  tiie  ensuing  year. 
Mr.  Johnstone  was  one  of  her  felhiw-p^issencers.  Their  descendnnlH  became  numerous, 
and  for  years  liefore  the  war  of  Imle|>endence,  and  since  that  period,  they  fiRed  hi^h  civil 
and  military  stations  in  Ka.>t  Jersey. 

The  author  of  The  Modrl  be]<int  his  work  with  a  learnetl  discpiisition  u|K)n  the  manner 
in  which  America  wxs  first  peopled,  and  then  proceeds  to  meet  and  overcome  the  various 
scruples  that  were  presomed  to  operate  against  its  further  settlement  from  Scotland,  by 
arguments  drawn  from  sacre<l  and  profane  history  and  from  the  consideration  due  their 
faniilies  and  the  country:  cunclmling  with  a  jxirtrayal  of  the  .idvantUK*-'!*  t"  l>e  secured  by 
A  residence  in  East  Jersey,  and  the  superiority  of  that  colony  over  others  in  America  and 
the  West  Indies.  In  this  respect  the  value  of  the  work  to  the  historian  is  very  Kre.it.  as 
numerous  letters  are  given  from  the  early  settlers,  presenting  minute  descri|)tioiis  of  va- 
rious localities  and  their  individual  ex|>eriences  in  a  manner  calculated  to  produce  a  oir- 
rcct  and.  at  the  same  time,  a  favorable  impression  U|X)n  their  renders.  The  original  edition 
is  exceedingly  rare,  only  ten  copies  being  known,  but  the  New  Jersey  Historical  S<Kicty 
has  caused  it  to  be  reprinted  as  an  appendix  to  the  first  volume  of  its  ColUt lions,  thus 
jilacing  it  within  the  reach  of  all.' 

The  year  1685  gave  also  to  the  world  the  intere.sting  Iniok  of  Tiiomas  Iludd.  entitled 
Good  Order  establiiktJ  in  Ptnntih-ania  and  aWcw  Jersey*     Mr.  Hudd  arrived  at  Ilurling- 


1     t 


•  It  was  entitled  The  Mcdet'of  the  C<r.ern- 
metil  of  the  Pni-inee  of  Kait  Xeio  Jertey  in 
America  ;  AhJ  /imirura^emetUi  fvr  nuh  as  De- 
sii^ns  to  he  comer neJ  there.  Puhlisked  for  In- 
formation  of  such  as  are  Jesirettt  to  he  InleresteJ 
in  Ihiil  fliice. 

•  [The  copies  known  are  these:  1.  Xc-w  Jer- 
sey Historical  Society.  2.  Hanard  College  Li- 
Iir.iry.  3.  John  Carter  Krown  IJIirary,  I*rovi- 
dentc.  4.  William  \.  \Vhitchea<l.  Xewark.  5. 
J  .'\.  Kinc,  I.nng  Island.  6.  British  Mu-seum. 
7.  Hiith  I.ihrarv,  London.  8.  .Advocates'  Li- 
brary, Kdinburph.  9.  tk>«tingcn  University.  10. 
Lenox  Library,  New  York.  —  El>  J 


'  Tilt  title,  in  full,  is  <niite  a  correct  table  of 
contents,  and  under  the  several  headings  is  given 
very  excellent  advice  as  to  the  course  to  be  fol- 
lowed  to  insure  success  in  the  new  settlements. 
It  is  as  follows  :  Cooii  Onicr  EstnhlisheJ  in  Pcnn- 
sihttniit  and  Xciii  Jersey  in  America.  Being  a 
true  Account  of  the  Country,  With  its  Prodiie 
ami  Commotiilies  there  made.  And  the  f;reat  Im- 
/'rtvements  that  may  he  made  hy  means  of  Puhink 
Store-houses  for  llemf'.  Flax,  and  l.innen-Clolh  : 
also,  the  Aitinintai^es  of  a  Piihlici  School,  the  prof- 
its of  a  Puhlick  Hani;  and  the  Prohahitity  of  it\ 
arising,  if  tliose  directions  here  laid  ditvn  are  fol 
loured  ;  IVilh  the  advantages  of  public  k  Granaries 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WKST  JKRSEY. 


4SI 


portray  the  si|. 


correct  table  of 


tnn.  in  \Ve*t  Jersey,  in  1678.  antl  during  hit  residence  there  held  many  important  nfl\cr% ; 
waa  HKMKiatrd  with  Jenini;«  on  the  committer  4|>|iointed  in  iiA^  u>  «i>n(cr  wiih  I'.ilw.ini 
ItyllynKe.  and  it  w.u  while  lie  wj»  in  Kn^land  that  hi*  InNtk  wa*  printed,  lie  proltalily 
removed  t<i  I'hdadclphia  after  hi*  return  to  New  Jer«ey.  He  nu<le  another  l>riel  \i»it  to 
England  in  l6>i<>,  Imi  omtinued  to  con'«idcr  I'hil4ilfl|>lii.i  a*  lii»  residence  until  hi*  ileath 
In  i6tyi.  Mr.  Uudd  *  work  exhibit*  the  piMscMion  »(  intelliKcnie  and  puMic  *pirit  to  « 
remarkahle  deurte.  Some  nl  his  suKKestioni  4*  to  the  edticalion  whit  h  *lioidd  lie  civeit 
to  the  younK  in  v.iriDtii  piir«uit*  hIiow  him  to  have  l>een  an  early  advocate  of  what  are  now 
termed  Technical  S  h'MiU.  and  4re  •le»ervini{  of  ron»i«feration  even  at  thl»  laic  d.iy.  The 
original  work  i*  »cldom  «een.  I>ul  in  i>V>$  a  reprint  W4«  ^iven  to  the  pulilic  liy  William 
(i<iwans.  of  New  York,  having  an  introduction  and  copious  notes  liy  .Mr.  Kd^ard  Arm- 
•tronK,  of   I'hiladelphi.i. 

In  if»j)i  Oaliriel  Thomas  |Hililished  a  snvill  octavo  of  forty-six  \t*fiv»  on  WcJt  Jersey,  in 
connection  with  a  similar  work  on  Pennsylvania,  with  a  map  of  Ixiih  colimies.  lie  was 
then,  it  it  ihouuhi.  a  resident  of  London,  liul  he  had  resided  in  .\mcrica  aUiut  fifteen 
year*,  the  information  contained  in  the  Iniok  lie-nj;  the  result  of  lii<«  own  ex|ierienccs  and 
oliservation  I  The  l>o<ik  was  dedicated  to  the  West  Jersey  I'roprietors.  and  its  intent  was 
to  induce  emi^rati'm  of  all  who  wished  to  lictier  their  worldly  conitition,  especially  the 
poor,  who  might  in  West  jersey  "  sulMist  very  well  without  either  lieKging  or  stealing." 
French  refu;;ees  or  I'roiesiants  would  find  it  also  to  their  interest  to  remove  thither  where 
they  might  live  "'far  lietter  than  in  (lermany,  llitlland,  Irelaivl.  or  KnglamI  "  The  moile* 
of  life  among  the  Indians,  and  the  prevailing  intercourse  lietween  them  and  the  settlers 
were  fully  discussed,  as  well  as  the  natural  |iroductions  of  the  country  and  the  improve- 
mcnts  already  introduce<l  or  in  |>rogress. 

In  t(»)f)  two  pamphlets  were  published  in  Philadelphia,  referring  to  the  difficulties  in 
West  Jersey  lietwecn  the  people  of  the  Province  and  Ldward  llyllynge  in  l<'>.S4,  which  led 
to  the  des|iatch.  I>y  the  Assembly,  of  Samuel  Jenings  and  Thomas  llu<ld  to  confer  in  |icr> 
son  with  Hyliynge.  The  first  of  these  publications  was  aimeil  at  Jenings,  who  was  accused 
of  l)eing  the  he,id  of  "  some  West  Jcrsians "  op|K>scd  to  Hyliynge.  and  emanated  from 
John  Tatham,  Thomas  Kevell,  and  Nathaniel  Westiand,  altliough  published  anonymously.' 


/.itfui'jf,  ifffial  I'ikfr  fkiHi^t  HffJ/iil  la  Af  itnJtr- 
tltvd  hy  thost  th.it  are  I'r  Ja  ihUhJ  to  Ar  (tymermJ 
im  flantinf  in  Ikt  taiJ  Counlriti.  All  wkuk  is 
liiij  JinoH  xtry  fliiiH  in  this  small  Irfatist:  il 
htiHi;  easit  to  hf  unJtrstivJ  hy  any  orJimtry  Co- 
fruity.  Ta  wkuh  Ike  Ke>iJer  is  referreJ  far  his 
further  satis/a,  ti,m.  Ar  TlluMAS  BuKIX  Printed 
in  the  year  16S5. 

■  The  title,  which  may  also  he  considered  a 
table  of  contents,  was  as  follows  :  An  llishvual 
J)eiiriftion  t'f  tie  fritime  anJ  Country  of  Wat 
\ew  Jersey  in  Amen,  a.  A  short  Vi.to  o^  their 
Lavs,  Customs,  anJ  Keligions,  As  aha  the  Tem- 
perament 0/  the  Air  an  J  Climat.- :  The  fatness  cf 
the  Sett,  icilh  the  fast  /'rot/me  of  A'i.e,  «*  .,  the  im- 
frr.ement  of  the  l^tnjs  as  in  KnglanJ  to  Pasture, 
MeaJouts,  ete.  Their  mahint^  great  quaiUilies  of 
Pit,  h  anil  Tar,  as  also  Turpentine,  whith  proceeds 
from  the  Pine  Trees,  tirilh  Rosen  as  clear  as  Gum 
Araki'k,  teith  particular  Remarks  upon  their 
Towns,  Fairs,  and  Mirkcit ;  xvith  the  great  Plenty 
of  Oyl  and  Whale- Bone,  made  from  the  great 
numher  of  whales  they  yearly  take :  As  also  many 
other  Profitable  and  Xew  Improvements.  S'ettr 
made  Publick  till  navy.     By  GaBRIEL  Thomas. 

[This  book  is  rare,  and  may  be  worth,  when 


found,  %ioa.  C'lipies  have  liri<ui(ht,  however, 
5300  within  ten  years.  (Jrirnvld  Catalogue,  Part 
I.  No.  K51.  It  was  reprinted  in  lithographic  fac- 
simile in  New  Vurk  in  1S4.S  (or  licnry  Austin 
llradr.  <>ne  copy,  on  blue  writing  |>a|<cr  and 
illustrated,  was  in  the  tiriswold  sate.  No.  K5;.  — 
Kill 

•'  It  was  entitled  The  Caie  put  and  decided. 
By  Gefrge  pox,  George  ll'hilchcid,  .Stephen  Crisp, 
and •'ther  ihe  moil  Aniient  and  F.mnient  (Quakers. 
Bct-.oeen  Ed-.isird  Billing,  oil  the  one  part,  and 
some  West  Jcrsians,  headed  hy  .S<imuell  Jeniw-s, 
on  the  other  pitrt.  In  an  A ustrd  relating  to  Ihe  Git- 
ernmeni  of  their  Prinince,  7vhe>etn,  because  not 
moulded  to  the  Pallate  of  Ihe  said  .S-imucll,  the 
Light,  the  Truth,  the  Justice,  and  /nfalUMity  of 
these  great  Friends  are  arreigned  by  him  and  hit 
Accomplices.  Also  Sc-eral  Remarks  and  Annnvr- 
sations  on  Ihe  tame  Aboard,  setting  forth  Ihe  Prem- 
ties.  With  some  Reflections  on  the  Sensless  Opp^ 
sition  of  these  Men  agiinst  Ihe  present  Girfiriumr, 
and  their  daring  Audationsness  in  their  presump- 
lucms  asserting  an  Aulhorifr  here  oi-er  the  Parlia- 
ment of  Fn;land.  Published  for  Ihe  Information 
of  the  Impartial  and  Considerate,  particularly 
tuek  at  Wartkif  God  amJ  profett  CkristiaHity, 


u 


1 

i 

t 

t 

! 

[} 

J. 


I  • 


452 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Jenings  took  exceptions  to  m.-^.ny  of  its  statements  and  answered  it  under  his  own  name  in 
a  small  quarto,  l)ol(ll)-  asserting  his  innocence  of  the  serious  charges  made  against  him.' 
These  publications  throw  considerable  light  ujion  a  |)ortion  of  West  Jersey  history  which  is 
very  obscure,  r.nd  h.ive  l)een  used  in  the  preparation  of  the  foregoing  narrative.  They  arc 
both  exceedingly  rare,  au'.'i  historians  are  indebted  to  Mr.  iJrinion  Coxe,  of  Philadel|>hia. 
for  havin.^  them  reprinted  in  1S81. 

The  Journal  of  William  Edmundson  has  been  referred  to  as  furnishing  .some  interest- 
ing items  respecting  New  Jersey  iluring  the  period  we  have  had  under  review.'''  He  vis- 
ited the  Province  in  1676,  and  hi'  •statements  respecting  the  condition  of  the  country  and 
liis  interviews  with  prominent  Friends  are  valuable. 

In  .iddition  to  these  publications,  there  are  in  the  Secretary  of  .State's  office  at  Trenton 
the  original  records  of  lK)th  the  East  Jersey  and  West  Jersey  Proprietors,  which  were 
transferred  from  Perth  .\mboy  and  Hurlington  .about  the  middle  of  the  last  century,  co|)ies 
only  being  lefl  in  the  original  places  of  deposit. 

The  foregoing  references  include  all  the  works  published,  prior  to  the  surrender  of  the 
government  of  New  Jersey  to  the  Crown  in  1703,  relating  to  the  history  of  the  Province, 
previous  to  its  separation  from  New  York  :  but  others  were  published  subsequently  which 
throw  mxir.h  lighc  u|X)n  that  early  period,  although  not  written  for  that  purjiose  exclusively. 
Thus  in  1747  the  renowned  Elizabethtown  Bill  in  Chancery  was  drawn  and  put  in  print  by 
subscription  the  same  year,*  \vhich  will  ever  be  acknowledged  as  a  structure  of  valuable 
materials  illustrative  of  the  conflicts  between  the  Proprietors  and  their  government  and 
the  discontented  settlers.  The  bill  was  principally  drawn  by  James  Alexander,  who  dur- 
ing a  long  period  was  a  prominent  Lawyer  in  both  provinces.  A  Scotchman  by  birth  he 
came  to  America  in  1715,  and  shortly  .after  his  arrival  entered  the  .Secretary's  office.  New 
York,  and  was  deputy-clerk  of  the  Court  in  1719.  Throughout  his  life,  which  did  not 
terminate  until  April  2,  1756,  he  held  very  highly  important  positions  in  both  New  ^  ork 
and  New  Jersey,  and  was  the  owner  of  large  land  tracts  in  both  provinces.*  This  bii! 
notwithstanding  its  grea'.  length  and  complicated  nature,  is  drawn  with  much  ability  and 
makes  out  a  very  strong  case  for  the  plaintiffs.  The  defendants'  claims  would  seem  to  be, 
beyond  controversy,  invalid ;  but  other  matters  were  introduced  rendering  the  case  one 
not  easily  disposed  of. 

The  answer  to  the  Hill  in  Chancery  was  filed  in  1751  and  printed  in  1752,  —  the  counsel 


no/  in  Faction  and  HyfocrisU,  but  in  Truth  and 
Sinrerily.  Ending  with  the  texts  Isa.  xxx.  I, 
Isa.  .\lvil.  10,  and  fno  Imok  given]  v.  11. 

'  He  entitled  it  Truth  Rcsciud  from  Forgery 
and  Fahhood.  livini^  An  .tnnvcr  to  a  late  Scur- 
ralous picic,  Entitiilcd  The  Case  put  and  Decided, 
etc.  :  Which  Stole  into  the  World  without  any 
known  Author's  name  affixed  thereto.  And  ren- 
ders it  the  more  tike  its  Father,  Who  joas  a  Lyer 
and  ^furtherer  from  the  beginning.    By  Sami'EL 

JhNINCI.S. 

^  A  Journal  of  the  Life,  Travels,  Sufferings, 
and  Labour  of  Lcrre  in  the  Work  of  the  Ministry 
of  that  Worthy  Elder  and  faithful  Servant  of 
fesus  Christ,  William  Edmundson,  Who  departed 
this  Life  the  thirty- first  of  the  sixth  Month,  \~\2. 

•'  It  received  the  following  title :  A  Fill  in 
the  Chancery  of  Xe^u  Jersey,  at  the  Suit  of  fohn, 
Earl  of  Stair,  and  others,  Froprietors  of  the  East- 
erti-Di-'ision  of  Xe-ai  Jersey,  against  Benjamin 
Fond,  and  some  other  Fersons  of  Elizabeth-  Titun, 
distinguished  as  Clinker  Lot  Right  Men  :  With 
three  large  Afaps,  done  f,om  Copper  Flates.  To 
7ohich  is  added  The  Fublications  of  the  Council  of 


Froprietors  of  East  New  Jersey,  and  Mr.  JW-ill's 
Speeches  to  the  General  Assembly,  Concerning  the 
Fiots  committed  in  Xew  Jersey,  and  the  Frelcnccs 
of  the  Rioters,  and  their  Seducers.  These  I\ipcrs 
will  give  a  better  Light  into  the  History  and  Con- 
stitution of  Ne^o  Jersey  than  any  Thing  hitherto 
published,  the  Matters  whereof  haft  been  chiefly 
collected  from  Records.  Fublished  by  Subscrip- 
tion: Frinted  by  James  Farker,  in  AiW  York, 
1747.  and  a  f-,v  Copies  are  to  be  Sold  by  him  ami 
Jienjamin  Franklin,  in  I'hiladelphia.  Frice, 
boii'id,  and  Maps  coloured.  Three  Founds ;  plain 
and  stitcht  only,  Fifty  Shillings,  Proclamalion 
Money. 

<  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  one  who  is  styled 
by  Smith,  the  historian  of  New  York,  "a  Rentle- 
man  eminent  in  the  law,  and  e(iually  distingui.slied 
for  his  humanity,  generosity,  great  ability,  anc! 
hono.  ,l,le  stations,"  shonid  never  have  had  his 
biography  written.  [Alexander's  own  copy  of 
the  bill  was  sold  in  the  Urinlcy  sale,  iSSo,  No. 
3591,  and  contained  considerable  m.inuscript 
additions  in  his  handwriting.  —  En.] 


THE  ENGLISH    IN    EAST   AND   WEST  JERSEY. 


45: 


llie  country  and 


century,  copies 


es.*     This  bill 


!,  —  the  counsel 


for  the  defendants  being  William  Livingston,  afterward  C.overnor  of  New  Jersey,  and  Wil- 
liam Smith.  Jr.,  who  became  Chief-J'  ce  of  New  York,  and  subsequently,  after  the  war 
of  Indejiciuicnce,  Chief- Justice  of  '  .iiada.  The  copies  now  extant  are  very  rare.'  Al- 
though not  as  voluminous  it  was  fully  as  prolix  as  the  document  which  prompted  it.  Not- 
withstanding the  great  amount  of  labor  which  this  case  required  both  in  its  preparation 
and  argument,  it  was  never  brought  to  a  conclusion.  The  Revolution  of  1776  effectually 
interrupted  the  progress  of  the  suit,  and  it  was  never  afterward  revived.  Both  bill  and 
answer,  however,  and  other  smaller  publications  which  resulted  from  the  trial  of  the  case, 
must  ever  be  considered  as  valuable  historical  documents,  emanating  as  they  all  did  from 
parties  more  or  less  interested  in  the  questions  involved,  and  con.sequently  earnestly  de- 
sirous of  eliciting  every  fact  that  could  thtow  any  light  upon  them.'' 

The  first  general  history  of  New  Jersey  was  that  of  Samuel  Smith,  published  in  1765.* 
It  is  valuable  to  all  examining  the  early  history  of  the  State,  from  the  author's  having  had 
acce.  s  to,  and  judiciously  used,  information  obtained  from  various  sources  not  now  acces- 
sible. He  gives  some  interesting  letters  from  early  settlers,  elucidating  the  events  com- 
prehended in  the  period  we  have  had  under  review;  and  although,  as  might  naturally  l)e 
expected,  errors  are  occasionally  found  in  it,  Smith's  History  of  Xew  Jcrst-y  has  ever 


1  The  following  is  the  title  of  the  publica- 
tion :  An  Ansnver  to  n  Pill  in  the  Chiiiicery  of 
AWf  fcrsey,  at  the  suit  of  fohn.  Earl  of  Stair, 
ami  others,  commonly  called  Proprietors  of  the 
Eastern  Di~  ision  of  A'e^u  Jersey,  against  Ben- 
jamin Bond  and  others,  claiming  under  the  orig- 
inal Proprietors  and  Associates,  of  Elizabeth-  Ttnvn. 
To  which  is  added :  Nothing  either  of  The  Piil>- 
lications  of  The  Council  of  Proprietors  of  East 
A'cu'-fcrsey,  or  of  The  Pretences  of  the  Rioters 
and  their  Seducers  ;  Except,  so  far  as  the  Persons 
meant  iy  Rioters  Pretend  Title  against  the  Par- 
ties to  the  ahoTi'e  Ans-,ver  :  hut  a  Great  Deal  of  the 
Controrersy,  Though  Much  Less  of  the  History 
and  Constitution  of  AVrc  Jersey  than  the  said 
Bill.  Audi  Alteram  Partem.  Published  by 
Subscription.  Neio  York :  Printed  and  Sold 
bv  James  Parker  at  the  A\tu  Printing  Office  in 
Beaver  Street.     1752,  pp.  218,  folio. 

'■*  Of  the  minor  publications  meriting  attcn- 
'ion  the  following  are  thought  worthy  of  notice 
here :  — 

A  Brief  Vindication  of  the  Purchassors  Against 
the  Proprietors  in  a  Christian  Manner,  i^  pages 
iomo.     A'lf  Vorh,  1746. 

An  A»s!ver  to  the  Council  of  Proprietors'  t!vo 
Pt'blicalions,  set  forth  at  Perth  Amboy  the  z^lh 
of  March,  1746,  and  the  2t/h  of  Afarch,  1747. 
As  also  some  obsertalions  on  Mr.  .VWvZ/V  Speech 
to  the  House  of  Assembly  in  relation  to  a  Petition 
presented  to  the  House  of  Assembly,  met  at  Tren- 
lif.vn,  in  the  Prtn'ince  of  A'e^u  Jersey,  in  May, 
1746.  iVew  York:  Printed  and  sold  by  the  U'idmv 
Catharine  Zenger,  1747.  Folio,  pp.  13.  This  is 
very  rare,  only  two  copies  known. 

A  Pocket  Commentary  of  the  first  settling  of 
Xc7U  Jersey  by  the  Europeans ;  and  an  Account 
or  fair  detail  of  the  original  Indian  East  Jersey 
Grants,  and  other  rights  of  the  like  tenor  in  East 
A'r.v  Jersey.  Digested  in  order.  AVry  York: 
Printed  by  Samuel  Parker.     1759.     &vo. 


To  these  may  be  added  tht  following  of  an 
earlier  date  :  — 

A  further  account  of  .\'c-u>  Jersey  in  an  Ab- 
stract of  Letters  lately  -writ  from  thence  by  scleral 
inhabitants  there  resident,  (676.  This  h.-.s  'jeen 
reprinted  in  fac-similc  by  Mr.  Hrinton  Coxc. 

The  true  state  of  the  case  betioeen  John  Fen- 
wick,  Esq.,  and  John  Eldridge  and  Edmund 
H'arner,  concerning  Mr.  Femvick's  Ten  Parts  of 
his  land  in  IVest  A'cjo  Jersey  in  America.  Lon- 
don, 1677  ;  Philadelphia,  reprinted  1765.  K  copy 
is  in  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society's  Li- 
brary, as  I  am  informed  by  Mr.  V.  U.  Stone,  the 
librarian. 

An  Abstract  or  Abbreviation  of  some  f-M  of  the 
many  (Later  and  Former)  Testimony  from  the 
inhabitants  of  A'e^o  Jersey  and  other  eminent  per- 
sons who  have  wrote  particularly  Concerning  that 
Place.  lA)ndon,  1 68 1.  4mo.  32  pp.  Several  of 
these  letters,  between  1677  anr"  16S0,  are  print- 
ed in  Smith's  History.  The  preface  and  whole 
tenor  of  the  publication  shows  that  rumors 
published  in  London  were  having  a  detrimental 
effect.  There  is  a  copy  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library. 

"'roposals  by  the  Proprietors  of  East  A'ejv  Jer- 
sey in  America  fr  the  building  of  a  Atc//  on  Am- 
boy Point,  and  for  the  disposition  of  Lands  in  thai 
Prm'ince.     London,  16S2,  4mo.  6  i»p. 

'  The  History  of  the  Colony  of  A'o^a-Casaria, 
or  A'no  Jersey  ;  containing  an  account  of  its  First 
Settlement,  progressive  imprmements,  the  original 
and  present  Constitution,  and  other  events,  to  the 
year  1721,  with  some  particulars  since;  and  a 
short  viexv  of  its  present  state.  Bv  Samuel 
Smith,  Burlington,  in  A'^e^o  Jersey.  Printed  and 
sold  bv  James  Parker.  Sold  also  by  David  Hall, 
in  J'hiladelphia,  MDCCLXV.  %vo.  [Smith 
was  born  in  1720,  and  died  in  1776.  This  edition 
is  a  rare  book,  ami  may  be  wor'.h  $25.00.  Copies 
have  brought  much  higher  sums.  —  Ed.] 


I'     ,•' 


tt 


rj' 


454 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


been  deservedly  considered  a  standard  work.*  Proud,  whose  History  of  Pennsylvania 
contains  much  matter  referring  to  West  Jersey  that  is  usefully  arranged,  acknowledges  his 
indebtedness  to  Smith,  and  gives  him  the  credit  of  being  "the  person  who  took  the  most 
pains  to  adjust  and  reduce  these  materials  into  nice  order,  as  mi^'ht  be  proper  for  the 
public  view,"  previous  to  his  own  undertaking  ;  and  the  old  historian,  ii  cognizant  of  what 
is  taking  place  in  his  native  State  at  this  late  day,  must  be  gratified  to  find  how  freely  mod- 
ern writers  have  transferred  his  pages  to  their  books,  even  though  no  acknowledgment  of 
indebtedness  to  him  has  been  made. 

In  1748  the  acts  of  the  General  Assembly  of  New  Jersey,  from  the  time  of  the  surren- 
der of  the  government  to  the  Crown  in  the  second  year  of  Queen  Anne,  were  published 
under  the  supervision  of  Samuel  Nevill,  second  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Prov- 
ince, and,  in  consequence  '.he  popular  party  were  aroused  into  having  the  early  grants  and 
concessions  also  arranged  and  published.  About  1750  a  committee  was  appointed  to  col- 
late the  early  manuscripts  connected  with  the  proprietary  grants,  and  subsequently  Aaron 
Learning  and  Jacob  Spicer  were  em|X)wered  to  have  them  printed,  and  to  them  does  the 
credit  belong  of  giving  to  their  fellow-citizens  the  admirable  compilation  that  is  generally 
quoted  under  their  names.*  It  contains  all  the  agreements,  deeds,  concessions,  and  public 
acts  from  1664  to  1702,  and  the  object  in  view  by  their  compilation  and  the  estimate  in 
which  they  were  held  are  apparent  from  a  remark  of  the  con.,)ilers  in  their  preface.  '•  If 
our  present  system  of  government,"  say  they,  "  should  not  be  judged  so  equal  to  the  natu- 
ral rights  of  a  reasonable  creature  as  the  one  that  raised  us  to  the  dignity  of  a  colony,  let 
it  serve  as  a  caution  to  guard  the  cause  of  liberty." 

This  volume  has  been  of  great  value  to  members  of  the  Bar  and  of  the  Legislature,  as 
well  as  to  the  historian,  as  it  has  preserved  many  documents  the  original  depository  of 
which  is  not  now  to  be  found.'  At  the  present  time,  however,  the  State  of  New  Jersey  is 
publishing,  under  the  direction  of  a  committee  of  tie  Historical  Society,  a  series  of  vol- 
umes entitled  the  New  Jersey  Archives,  which  is  intended  to  include  all  important  docu- 
ments referring  to  the  colonial  history  of  the  State,  however  widely  the  originals  may  be 
scattered  in  other  dejiositories,  —  including  all  of  interest  now  preserved  in  the  Public  Rec- 
ord Office  of  England, — and  will  probably  be  the  authoritative  reference  hereafter  for 
documentary  evidence  relating  to  the  whole  colonial  period.* 

The  first  volume  issued  by  the  New  Jersey  Historical  Society  as  their  Collections  was 
published  in    1846,  and  contained  "East  Jersey  under  the  Proprietary  Governments.'"* 


'  As  l.itc  as  iiS77,  a  second  edition  was  pub- 
lished withcut  any  aheration,  —  a  questionable 
proceeding,  !;•!*  evincing  the  estimation  in  which 
the  work  is  he'.d  at  the  present  day.  (It  was  is- 
sued by  William  S.  Sharp  at  Trenton,  and  con- 
tains a  brief  memoir  of  the  author  by  his  nephew, 
the  late  John  Jay  Smith,  of  Germantown,  Penn- 
sylvania. —  I'2n.] 

-  It  is  entitled  The  Grants,  Concessions,  and 
Orii^inal  Constituiions  of  the  Prm'ince  of  Nno 
Ji-yscv  :  The  Acts  Passed  during  the  Proprietary 
Co7vrnmenl<  and  other  material  Transactions 
Ih-fore  the  Surrender  thereof  to  Queen  Anne  ;  The 
Iiistriiment  of  Surrender,  and  Her  formal  accept- 
ance  thereof ;  Lord  Cornhury's  Commission  and 
In  striictions  consequent  thereon.  Collected  />y  some 
Centlcmen  emfloyed  hy  the  General  Assembly, 
And  afterguards  Published  by  Vertue  of  an  Act 
of  the  Lei;islatnre  of  the  said  Province.  With 
proper  Tables,  alphabe'ieally  digested,  eontainins; 
the  principal  Matter  in  the  Book.  By  Aaron 
l.KAMlNr.  and  Jacob  Spickr.  Philadelphia: 
Printed  by  W.  Bradford,  Printer  to  the  king's 


Most  Excellent  Majesty  for  the  Pro^'ince  of  A'eu; 
Jersey.  Small  folio,  pp.  763.  The  date  ol  print- 
ing does  not  ap-pear  u|)on  the  titlepagc;  but  it 
is  presumed  to  have  been  in  1758. 

'  Since  this  notice  of  the  book  was  written 
a  new  edition  of  it  has  unexixjctedly  appeared, 
printed  by  Honeyman  &  Co.,  Somerville,  New 
Jersey. 

■•  Documents  relating  to  the  Colonial  History 
of  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  [First  Series.]  £■</- 
//(•.//ic  William  A.  Whitehead.  PW. /.  1631- 
1687.  A^avarh:  Daily  Journal  Establishment. 
1880.  8fo.  Succeeding  volumes  cover  a  ])eriod 
later  than  that  which  now  occupies  us. 

^  Its  full  title  was  East  Jersey  under  the  Pro- 
prietary Girz'ernments ;  a  JVarratrz'e  of  Events 
connected  with  the  settlement  and  progress  of  the 
Province,  until  the  Surrender  of  the  Government 
to  the  Crown  in  1702.  Drawn  principally  from 
original  sources.  ^^  WILLIAM  A.  Whitehead. 
IVith  an  appendix  containing  The  Model  of  the 
Gir,<ernment  of  East  .\'nv  Jersey  in  America. 
By  Georue   Scot,  of  Pitlochie.     Now  first  re 


UCA. 

<)/  Pennsylvania 
iCknowledges  liis 
o  took  the  most 
e  proper  for  the 
ognizant  of  what 
how  freely  mod- 
(nowledgment  of 

le  of  the  siirren- 
,  were  pubic  lied 
urt  of  the  Prov- 
early  grants  and 
ippointed  to  col- 
tsequently  Aaron 

0  them  does  the 
that  is  generally 
sions,  and  public 

1  the  estimate  in 
eir  preface.  '•  1  f 
[jual  to  the  natu- 
t  of  a  colony,  let 

e  Legislature,  as 
nal  depository  of 
of  New  Jersey  is 
,  a  series  of  vol- 

important  docu- 
originals  may  be 

the  Public  Kec- 
ice  hereafter  for 

Collections  was 
Governments.'' ' 

Prart'inct  of  New 

The  date  ol  print- 

titlepagc;  but  it 

58- 

book  was  written 

■ctedly  appeared, 

Somcrville,  New 

Colonial  History 
^irsl  Series^  Ed- 
AD.  Vol.  I.  1631- 
uil  Estahiishment. 
les  cover  a  period 
ipies  us. 

sey  under  the  Pro- 
rratire  of  Events 
mi  progress  of  the 
f  the  Government 
principally  from 
A.  \Vhiteiie.\D. 
The  Model  of  the 
■rsev  i"  America- 
ie.     Now  first  re 


THE  ENGLISH    IX    EAST   AND  WEST  JERSEY. 


455 


The  author  wrote  his  work  fnUj-  sensible  of  the  necessity  for  verifying  much  that  had  been 
allowed  to  pass  as  histoiy.  by  seeking  for  and  using  original  sources  of  information;  and 
the  volume  elucidates  many  rrenis  that  are  alluded  to  in  the  preceding  chapter. 


printed  from  the  origimal  edUifm  ef  1685.  8rw. 
pp.  341.  A  second  cditiaa,  rrrKcd  and  en- 
larged, making  a  rolonie  of  486  pig<:».  with  a 
large  number  of  fac-«;ntiie  aatognph*.  was  pub- 
lished in   1875.      [It  was  alio  pabli>bcd  sepa- 


rate from  the  Collections.  It  contained  a  map 
of  New  Jersey,  1656,  tollowing  Vanderdonck's, 
and  another  of  East  Jersey,  with  the  settle- 
ments  of  alxiut  16S2,  marked  by  Mr.  White- 
head.  —  Ed.| 


Editorial  Xon.  —  The  AVac  Jersey  Ar- 
ehii-es  will  contain  ererr  cMcntial  document 
noted  in  An  Analytical  Index  10  the  CtUmiaJ Docu- 
ments of  New  Jersey  im  the  ilaU-fiaper  ffices  of 
England,  compiled  by  Henry  Slenemi,  edited  ■urith 
notes  and  references  to  primteJ  ■aeirrkt  and  manu- 
scripts in  other  deposittrrtei,  by  William  A.  White- 
head, New  York,  1S5S. 

In  ic'3  a  movement  was  made  in  the  State 
legislature  to  emulate  the  act»>>n  of  New  York 
in  securing  from  the  Ei^lish  Ardiircs  copies 
of  its  early  historical  docorocnt^;  and  in  the  next 
year  the  judiciary  committee  made  a  report  on 
the  subject,  which  is  printed  in  the  preface  of 
this  Inde.v,  p.  vii.  This,  bowerer.  faiied  of  effect, 
as  did  a  movement  in  1S45;  but  it  made  manifest 
the  necessity  of  an  historical  sooetr.  as  a  source 
of  influence  for  such  end;  and  the  same  year  the 
New  Jersey  Historical  Society  was  formed,  of 
which  Mr.  Whitehead  has  been  the  c^espond- 
ing  secretary  from  the  start.  This  socjtty  rein- 
forced the  movement  in  the  Stale  Legislature; 
but  no  result  being  reached,  it  ondcrtook  of  its 
own  action  the  desired  work,  and  in  1^49  gave  a 
roniniission  to  Mr.  Henry  Sterens  to  make  an  an- 
.ilytical  inde.x  of  the  documents  relating  to  New 
Jersey  to  be  found  in  Ei^land.  This  being  fur- 
nished, the  State  legislatnrc  faiUng  to  respond  in 
any  co-operative  measarcs  for  the  enlargement 
uf  it  from  the  domestic  records  of  the  State,  Mr. 
Whitehead  undertook  the  editing,  as  explained 
in  the  title,  and  appended  to  the  voiome  abiblic^g- 
r.iphy  nf  all  the  principal  printed  works  relating  to 
Ne\.-  Jersey  up  to  1S57.  Mr.  Stevens'*  enumer- 
ation l)egan  with  1663-64.  the  editor  adding  two 
earlier  ones  of  1649  and  1651.  But  a  tmall  part 
I  if  the  list,  however  <I3  PP-  oat  of  470*.  refers 
to  the  period  covered  br  the  prcseat  chapter. 


and  many  of  those  mentioned  had  already  been 
printed. 

The  Sparks  Catalogue  shows  "  Papers  relat- 
ing to  New  Jersey,  1683-1775,"  collected  by 
George  Chalmer^,  which  are  now  in  Harvard 
College  Librar)-. 

Some  of  the  later  general  histories  of  the 
State  may  l>e  mentioned  :  — 

The  History  of  Ne7u  Jersey  from  its  Disco^-ery 
to  the  Adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  by 
Thomas  F.  Gordon,  Trenton,  1834.  There  is  a 
companion  volume,  a  Gazetteer. 

Otv/  and  Political  History  of  Neiv  Jersey,  by 
Isaac  S.  Mulford,  Camden,  1848.  The  author 
says  "no  claim  is  advanced  for  originality  or 
learning,"  his  object  being  to  make  accessible 
scattered  information  in  a  "simple  and  compen- 
dious narrative,"  which  is  not  altogether  care- 
fully set  forth.  A  new  edition  was  issued  in 
1851  in  Philadelphia. 

The  History  of  New  Jersey,  by  John  O.  Raum, 
2  vols.  Philadelphia,  1877,  is  simply,  so  far  as 
the  early  chronicles  are  concerned,  a  repetition 
mostly  of  Smith  and  Gordon,  though  no  credit 
is  given  to  those  authorities. 

K  few  of  the  local  histories  also  desen°e  some 
notice:  — 

Contributions  to  the  Early  History  of  Perth 
Amboy  and  adjoining  Country,  by  William  .\. 
Whitehead,  New  York,  1856.  The  author  .says, 
"  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  clothe  with  the 
importance  of  history  these  desultory  gleanings." 
It  has  a  ma|)  of  the  original  laying-out,  following 
what  is  presumed  to  have  been  an  original  sur- 
vey of  16S4. 

An  Historical  Account  of  the  First  Settlement 
at  Salem  in  West  Jersey,  by  John  Fcnwicke,  Esq., 
chief  proprietor  of  the  same ;  with  [contimiationj 


fl 


J.  fi 

■I'. 

b 


.'W 


•i 


456 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


by  R.  S.  Johnson,  rhiladelphia,  1S39,  24mo.  pp. 
173.  Mr.  Johnson's  memoir  of  Fenwicke  is  in 
the  New  Jersey  Hist.  Soc  I'roc.  iv. 

The  Hon.  John  Clement,  of  tiaddonfielcl,  has 
prepared  a  ///story  of  Fetrtoicke's  Colony. 

The  two  hundredth  anniversary 
of  the  settlement  of  Burlington  was 
celebrated  Dec.  6,  1877,  when  the 
late  Henry  Armitt  Brown  delivered 


an  oration,  presenting 

the  early  history  in  a 

rhetorical  way. 

Reminiicences  of  Old  Glotues- 

trr,  .  .  .  Netv  Jersey,   by   Isaac 

.Mickle,  Philadelphia,  1845. 

//islory  of  Elizabeth,  Netv  Jer- 
sey, including  the  Early  //istory 
of  I'nion  County,  by  the  Rev. 
Edwin  F.  Hatfield,  New  York, 
1868.  The  author  differs  from 
the  writer  of  the  present  chap- 
ter with  respect  to  the  merits  of  the  conflict 
between  the  Proprietors  and  the  people.  The 
foot-note  references  are  ample. 


//istory  of  the  County  of  //udson  from  its  Ear^ 
liesl  Settlement,  by  Charles  H.  Winfield,  New 
York,  1874. 

//istorical  Sketch   of  the  County  of  Passaic, 
especially  of  the  First  Settlements  and  Settlers. 
Privately  printed,  by  \Vi|. 
liam     Nelson,     Patcrson, 
1877. 

The  //istory  of  Ne^uark, 
New  Jersey,  being  a  Narra- 
tive of  its  Rise  and  /'ro/^ress 
from  May,  1666,  by  Joseph 
Atkinson,  Newark,  1878;  a 
book  giving,  however,  only 
in  a  new  garb,  the  older 
chronicles  of  the  place.  It 
gives  a  map  of  the  town  as 
laid  out  in  16C6. 

The  annexed  sketch- 
map  \i  an  extract  from  a 
maj)  entitled,  Lc  Canada, 
ou  jVouvellc  France,  etc., 
par  N.  Sanson  d'' Abbeville, 
geographe  ordinaire  du  Roy, 
Paris,  1656,  and  by  its  dotted  lines 
shows  the  limits  conceded  by  the 
French  to  the  different  colonics  ot 
the  northern  seaboard  of  the  pres- 
ent United  States,  a  few  years 
before  the  establishment  of  New 
Caesaria.  New  England  was  de- 
fined on  the  east  by  the  height  of 
land  between  the  waters  of  the 
Penobscot  and  the  Kennebec,  and 
on  the  northwest  by  a  similar  ele- 
vation that  turned  the  rainfall  to 
the  St.  Lawrence.  New  Nether- 
land  stretched  from  Cape  Cod  to  the  Delaware, 
where  it  met  New  Sweden,  which  lay  between 
it  and  Virginia,  —  the  Maryland  charter  not  be- 
ing recognized;  nor  was  the  absorption  of  the 
territory  of  the  Swedes  the  year  before  (1655), 
by  the  Dutch,  made  note  of.  The  mai>maker, 
in  defining  these  limits,  pretends  to  have  worked 
on  English  and  Dutch  authorities ;  but  the  Ply- 
mouth colonists  would  have  hardly  allowed  the 
annihilation  to  which  they  were  subjected,  and 
the  settlers  of  Massachusetts  would  scarcely 
have  recognized  the  names  attached  to  their 
headlands  and  harbors,  and  never  having  any 
existence  but  in  Smith's  map,  which  the  royal 
fceoorapher  seems  to  have  fallen  in  with. 


ilCA. 

iJson/rom  its  Ear- 
H.  Winfield,  New 

'bounty  of  Passaic, 
nents  and  Sittlers. 
ly  printed,  by  Wit 
^Telson,     Paterson, 

History  of  Nnvark, 
rsey,  being  a  Nttrra- 
's  /{ist  ami  Prof>ress 
ay,  1666,  by  Joseph 
>n,  Newarl<,  1878;  a 
ving,  however,  only 
:w  garb,  the  older 
Ics  of  the  place.  It 
map  of  the  town  as 
:  in  1666. 

annexed    sketch- 
an  extract  from  a 
ititled,   Le  Canada, 
ivclle    France,   etc., 
Sanson  d^Ahhcville, 
he  ordinaire  dii  Roy, 
by  its  dotted  lines 
s  conceded  by  the 
liferent  colonics  ot 
iboard  of  the  pres- 
ites,    a   few    years 
blishment   of  New 
I  England  was  de- 
it  by  the  height  of 
:he  waters   of   the 
the  Kennebec,  and 
t  by  a  similar  de- 
ed the  rainfall  to 
New  Nether- 
to  the  Delaware, 
hich  lay  between 
nd  charter  not  be- 
absorption  of  the 
rear  before  (1655), 
The  maivmaker, 
ds  to  have  worked 
ities;  but  the  Ply- 
liardly  allowed  the 
re  subjected,  and 
s  would    scarcely 
attached   to  their 
never  having  any 
,  which  the  royal 
n  in  with. 


NOTE    ON    NEW    ALBION. 


BY  GREGORY  B.  KEEN, 

Latt  Pro/ttser  0/  Mathtmatict  in  Hu  Theological  Seminary  of  St.  Charles  Borromte,  CarretfoniUnt  Secrrletry  rf 

Uu  Historical  Society  of  FennsylvaHia. 

THE  English  did  not  attain  supreme  dominion  in  New  Yorit,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl- 
vania, or  Delaware  until  the  grant  of  King  Charles  II.  to  his  royal  brother,  the  Duke 
of  York,  in  1664;  yet  the  history  of  these  States  and  that  of  Maryland  would  not  be  com- 
plete without  specific  mention  of  the  antecedent  attempt  to  settle  this  part  of  America, 
made  by  the  unsuccessful  colonist  Sir  Edmund  Plowden. 

This  person  was  a  member  of  a  Saxon  family  of  Shropshire,  England,  whose  antiquity 
is  sufficiently  intimated  by  the  meaning  of  its  surname,  "Kill -Dane,"  —  being  the  second 
son  of  Francis  Plowden,  Esq.,  of  Plowden,  Salop,  and  grandson  of  the  celebrated  lawyer 
and  author  of  the  Commentaries,  Serjeant  Edmund  Plowden,  a  Catholic,  who  declined 
the  Lord-Chancellorship  of  England,  offered  him  by  Queen  Elizabeth,  lest  he  should  be 
forced  to  countenance  her  Majesty's  persecutions  of  his  Church.*  In  1632,  this  gentleman, 
who  like  his  ancestors  and  other  relatives  was  a  Catholic,"  and  at  that  time  resided  in 
Ireland,'  in  company  with  "  Sir  John  Lawrence,  Kt.  and  Bart.,  Sir  Boyer  Worsley,  Kt., 
John  Trusler,  Roger  Pack,  William  In  wood,  Thomas  Ryebread,  Charles  Barret,  and 
George  Noble,  adventurers,"  petitioned  King  Charles  I.  for  a  patent,  under  his  Majesty's 
seal  of  Ireland,  for  "  Manitie,  or  Long  Isle,"  and  "  thirty  miles  square  of  the  coast  next 
adjoining,  to  be  erected  into  a  County  Palatine  called  Syon,  to  be  held  of  "  his  '•  Majesty's 
Crown  of  Ireland,  without  appeal  or  subjection  to  the  Governor  or  Company  of  Virginia, 
and  reserving  the  fifth  of  all  royal  mines,  and  with  the  like  title,  dignity,  and  privileges  to 
Sir  Edmund  Plowden  there  as  was  granted  to  Sir  George  Calvert,  Kt.,  in  New  Foundland 
by  "  his  "  Majesty's  royal  father,  and  with  the  usual  grants  and  privileges  to  other  colo- 


'  On  the  family  of  Sir  Edmund  Plowden, 
see  Burke's  Commoners  and  Landed  Gentry  of 
Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  under  "  Plowden  ; " 
Baker's  Korthamptotuhire,  under  "  Fermor ; " 
the  Visitation  of  Oxfordshire,  published  by  the 
Harleian  Society,  and  other  works  cited  below, 
particularly  Records  of  tlie  English  Province 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  by  Henry  Foley,  S.  J. 
(London,  187 5-1882),  especially  vol.  iv.  pp.  537 
ft  seq. 

*  On  this  point,  see  Father  Foley's  Records, 
just  mentioned,  and  "  A  Missing  Page  of  Cath- 
olic American  History,— New  Jersey  colonized 
by  Catholics,"  by  the  Rev.  R.  L.  Burtsell,  D.D.. 
in  the  Catholic  World  ior  November,  1880  (xxxii. 
204  etseq..  New  York,  1881).  Sir  Edmund  Plow- 
den was  not  so  stanch  in  his  adherence  to  his 
faith  as  was  his  illustrious  grandfather,  for  in 
VOL.   III.  —  58. 


1635  ^^  '^  ^■''^  (temporarily,  at  least)  to  have 
counterfeited  conformity  in  religion.  Sec  "  Sir 
Edmund  Plowden  in  the  Fleet,"  by  the  I  v.  Ed- 
ward D.  Neill,  in  the  Pennsylzmnia  Magazine,  v. 
424  el  seq.,  an  artirle  which  "  furnishes  some 
facts  relative  to  the  career  of  Sir  Edmund 
Plowden  just  before  he  left  England  for  Vir- 
ginia," from  "the  calendars  of  Brii  State 
papers  during  the  reign  of  Charles  the  First." 

'  See  "  Sir  Edmund  Plowden  or  Ployden," 
by  "  Albion,"  in  Notes  and  Queries,  iv.  319  et  seq. 
(London,  1852),  containing  so  many  statements 
not  elsewhere  met  with  as  to  have  provoked  a 
series  of  pertinent  queries  from  the  late  Sebas- 
tian F.  Streetcr,  .Secretary  of  the  Maryland  His- 
torical Society,  Ibid.,  ix.  301-2  (London,  1854), 
several  of  which,  unfortunately,  are  still  unan- 
swered. 


!♦ 


i     I 


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ll  i 


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'i 


<  I 


458 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


nies,"  etc.  And  a  modified  form  of  this  prayer  was  subsequently  p'-3soiiled  to  the  mon- 
arch, in  which  the  island  spoken  of  is  called  "  Isle  Plowden,"  and  the  county  palatine 
"  New  Albion,"  and  the  latter  is  enlarged  to  include  "forty  leagues  square  of  the  adjoiuinj; 
continent."  the  supplicants  "  promising  tiierein  to  settle  five  hundred  inhabitants  for  tlie 
planting  and  civilizing  thereof."  The  favor  sought  was  immediately  conceded,  and  ttic 
King'5  wamnt,  authorizing  the  issue  of  a  patent  to  the  petitioners,  i-nd  appointing  Sir 
Edmund  Plowden  "  first  Governor  of  the  Premises,"  was  given  at  Oatlands,  July  24,  the 
same  year:*  in  accordance  with  which,  a  charter  was  granted  to  Plowden  and  his  associates 
above  mentioned,  by  writ  of  Privy  Se.il,  witnessed  l)y  the  Deputy-General  of  Irdap-l,  it 
Dublin.  June  21,  1634.*  In  ihis  document  the  boundaries  of  New  Albion  are  so  defined 
as  to  include  all  of  New  Jersey,  Maryland,  Delaware,  and  Pennsylvania  embraced  in  a 
square,  the  eastern  side  of  which,  forty  leagues  in  length,  extended  (along  the  coast)  froni 
Sandy  Hook  to  Cape  May,  together  with  Long  Island,  and  all  other  "isles  and  islands  in 
the  sea  withia  ten  leagues  of  the  shores  of  tl^e  said  region."  The  province  is  expressly 
erected  into  a  county  palatine,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Sir  Edmund  Plowden  as  earl, 
depending  upon  his  .Majesty's  " royal  person  and  imperial  crown,  as  King  of  Ireland;" 
and  the  same  extraordinary  privileges  are  conferred  upon  the  patentee  as  had  been 
bestowed  two  years  before  upon  Lord  Baltimore,  to  whose  charter  for  Maryland  that 
for  New  Albion  bears  very  close  resemblance. 

Two  of  the  petitioners,  Worsley  and  Barret,  afterward  dying,  "the  whole  estate  and 
interest ''  in  the  grant  became  vested  in  the  seven  survivors,  and  of  these,  Ryebread,  Pack, 
Inwood,  and  Trusler.  in  consideration  of  cifts  of  five  hundred  acres  of  land  in  the  prov- 
ince, abandoned  their  claims,  Dec.  20,  1634,  .-  favor  of  "  Francis,  Lord  Plowden,  son  and 
heir  of  Sir  Edmund,  Earl  Palatine,"  and  George  and  Thomas  Plowden,  two  other  of  his 
sons,  their  heirs  and  assigns,  forever.  The  same  year,  apparently,*  Plowden  granted  to 
Sir  Thomas  Danby  a  lease  of  ten  thousand  acres  of  land  one  hundred  of  which  were  "on 
the  northeast  end  or  cape  of  Long  Island,"  and  the  rest  in  the  vicinity  of  Watsessett,  pre- 
sumed to  be  near  the  present  Salem,  New  Jersey,  with  "  full  liberty  and  jurisdiction  of  a 
court  banon  and  court  leet,"  and  other  privileges  for  a  "  Town  and  Manor  of  Danby  Fort," 
conditioned  on  the  settlement  of  one  hundred  "  resident  planters  in  the  province,"  not 

suffering  "any  to  live  therein  not  believing  or  profess- 
ing the  three  Christian  creeds  commonly  called  the 
Apostolical,  Athanasian,  and  Nicene." 
^  y  The  plans  of  the  Earl  Palatine  were  simultane- 
^ — '  '\,.^  ously  advanced  by  the  independent  voyages  of  Cap- 
7^  tain  Thomas  Yong,  of  a  Yorkshire  family,  and  his 
nephew  and  lieutenant,  Robert  Evelin,  of  Wotton,  Surrey,  undertaken  in  virtue  of  a 
special  commission  from  the  King,  dated  Sept.  23,  1633,  to  discover  parts  of  America  not 


*  The  petitions  and  warrant  mentioned,  with 
a  paper  entitled  "  'k'he  Commodities  of  the  Island 
called  Manati  ore  Long  Isle  wthin  the  Continent 
of  Virginia,"  extracted  from  Strafford's  Letters 
and  Disfalektt  ^\.  72)  and  Colonial  Papers  (\o\.  vi. 
nos.6o,6i),in  the  Public  Record  Office  at  London, 
arc  given  in  the  .V.  Y.Hist.Soc.  Coll.,  1869,  pp.  213 
ft  s^f.(Sew  Vork,  1870).  "  Between  this  period 
ajid  i6rl,*'  according  to  "  Albion,"  "  Sir  Edmund 
was  engaged  in  ful^lling  the  conditions  of  the 
warrant  by  carrving  out  the  colonization  by  in- 
dentures, which  were  executed  and  enrolled  in 
Dublin,  and  St  Man.-'s,  in  Marj-Iand,  ia  Amer- 
ica. In  Dublin  the  parties  were  Viscount 
Muskerry,  100  planters ;  Lord  Monson,  1 00 
planters ;  Sir  Thomas  Denby,  100  planters ; 
Captain  Claybome    (of    American    notoriety), 


50 ;  Captain  Balls ;  and  amounting  in  all  to 
540  colonizers,  beside  others  in  Maryland,  Vir- 
ginia, and  New  Ena;land."  The  same  persons, 
with  "  Lord  Sherrard  "  and  "  Mr.  Heltonhead  " 
and  his  brother,  are  named  as  lessees  under  the 
charter  of  New  Albion,  in  Vario's  /'Uatiiig  Ideas 
of  Nature,  ii.  13,  hereafter  spoken  of. 

2  "Confirmed,"  says  "Albion,"  "24th  July, 
1634."  The  Latin  original  of  this  charter  may 
''le  seen  in  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine,  vol.  vii. 
p.  50  et  seq.  (Philadelphia,  1883),  with  an  Intro- 
ductory Note  by  the  writer,  embracing  Printz's 
account  of  Plowden,  extracts  from  the  wills 
of  Sir  Edmund  and  Thomas  Plowden,  and 
a  portion  of  Vario's  pamphlet,  hereafter  rft 
ferred  to. 

»  So  "  Albion." 


NOTE  ON   NEW  ALBION. 


459 


"  actually  in  the  possession  of  any  Ciiristian  Prince."  *  Tliese  persons  sailed  from  Fal- 
mouth, Friday,  May  i  j,  1634,  and  arriving  between  Capes  Charles  and  Henry  the  3d  of 
July,  left  Virginia  on  the  20th  to  explore  the  Delaware  for  a  "  Mediterranean  Sea," 
said  by  the  Indians  "to  be  four  days'  journey  beyond  the  mountains,"  from  which  they 
hoped  to  find  an  oui.et  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  affording  a  short  passage  to  China  and  the 
East  Indies.  On  the  25th  they  entered  Delaware  Bay  and  proceeded  leisurely  up  the 
river  (which  Yong  named  "  Charles,"  in  honor  of  his  sovereign),  conversing  and  trading 
with  the  savages,  as  far  as  the  present  Trenton  Falls,  which  they  reached  the  29th  of 
August,  and  where  they  were  obliged  to  stop,  on  account  of  the  rocks  and  the  shallowness 
of  ''  e  water.  On  the  ist  of  September  they  were  overtaken  here  by  some  "  Hollanders 
of  Hudson's  River,"  whom  Yong  entertained  for  a  few  days,  but  finally  required  to  depart 
under  the  escort  of  Evelin,  who  afterward  explored  the  coast  from  Cape  M.-xy  to  Man- 
hattan, and  on  his  return  made  a  second  ineffectual  attempt  to  pass  beyond  the  rocks  in 
the  Delaware.*  Both  Yong  and  Evelin  "resided  several  years"  on  this  river,  and  under- 
took to  build  a  fort  there  at  "  Kriwomeck,"  in  the  present  State  of  New  Jersey.  Tidings 
of  their  actions  were  frequently  reported  to  Sir  Edmund  Plowden,  and  in  1641  was  printed 
a  Direction  for  Adventurers  and  Description  of  New  Albion,^  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
Lady  Plowden,  written  by  Evelin.  Books  concerning  the  province  were  likewise  published, 
it  is  said,*  in  1637  and  1642. 

About  the  close  of  1641,  the  Earl  Palatine  at  length  visited  America  in  person,  and, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  Lord  Baltimore,*  "in  1642  sailed  up  Delaware  River,"  one 
of  his  men,  named  by  Plantagenet  "  Master  Miles,"  either  then  or  about  that  time 
"swearing  the  officers"  of  an  English  settlement  of  seventy  persons,  at  "Watcessit" 
(doubtless  the  New  Havon  colonists  at  Varkens  Kil,  now  Salem  Creek,  New  Jersey*),  to 
"obedience"  to  him  "as  governor."  Plowden's  residence  was  chiefly  in  Virginia,  where, 
it  is  recorded,  he  bought  a  half-interest  in  a  barque  in  1643;'  and  it  is  probable  that  he 
had  communication  with  Governor  Leonard  Calvert,  of  Maryland,  since  a  maid-servant 
belonging  to  him  accompanied  Margaret  lirent,  the  intimate  friend  of  the  latter,  on  a  visit 
to  the  Isle  of  Kent,  in  Chesapeake  Bay.^  The  longest  notice  of  him  during  his  sojourn  on 
our  continent  occurs  in  a  report  of  Johan  Printz,  Governor  of  New  Sweden,  to  the  Swedish 
West  India  Company,  dated  at  Christina  (now  Wilmington,  Delaware),  June  20,  1644,*  the 
importance  of  which  induces  the  writer  to  translate  the  whole  of  it.     Says  Printz, — 

"  In  my  former  communications  concerning  the  English  knight,  I  have  mentioned  how  last 
year,  in  Virginia,  he  desired  to  sail  with  his  people,  sixteen  in  number,  in  a  barque,  from  Hecke- 


'  Printed  in  Rymer's  Fccdcra,  xix.  472  et  se</., 
A.D.  1633,  '*"''  reprinted  in  Ebcnezcr  Hazard's 
Historical  Collections,  i.  338  et  seq.,  Philadelphia, 
1792.  For  biographical  accounts  of  Yong  and 
Evelin,  see  Memoir  and  Letters  of  Captain  VV. 
Glanville  Evelvn  (Oxford,  1S79),  and  Tlic  Eve- 
lyns in  America  (Ibid.,  1881),  both  edited  and 
annotated  by  G.  D.  Scull ;  cf.  also  "  Robert 
Evelyn,  Explorer  of  the  Delaware,"  by  the  Rev. 
E.  D.  Neiii,  in  the  Historical  Mai;azinc,  second 
series,  vol.  iv.  pp.  75,  76;  and  Ncill's  Founders 
of  Maryland,  p.  54,  note. 

■^  These  facts  are  stated  in  letters  from  Yong 
to  Sir  Tobie  Matthew,  referred  to  in  the  chapter 
on  Maryland,  which  also  contains  a  fac-simile  of 
the  signature  of  Thomas  Yoi.g. 

*  Direction  for  Adventurers,  and  true  descrip- 
tion of  the  healthiest,  pleasantest,  and  richest  Plan- 
tation of  New  Albion,  in  North  Virginia,  in  a 
letter  from  Mayster  Robert  Eveline,  tliat  lived  there 
many  years.     Small  410.     ("  Liber  rarissimus," 


AUibone.)  It  was  reprinted  in  chapter  iii.  of 
Plantagenet's  Description  of  Ncm  Albion,  here- 
after mentioned. 

*  So  Beauchamp  Plantagenet. 

^  Hefore  the  Committee  of  Trade.  See  Sam- 
uel Hazard's  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  p.  lov). 

*  With  regard  to  whom  see  Vol.  IV.,  chapter 
on  "  New  Sweden." 

'  Hazard's  Annals,  pp.  109,  no,  cidng  "Al- 
bany Records,"  iii.  224. 

»  "Sir  Edmund  Plowden,"  by  the  Rev.  Ed- 
ward D.  Neill,  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  His- 
tory, v.  20J  et  seq.,  citing  "  Manuscri])t  records 
of  Maryland,  at  Annapolis." 

'  Printed  at  the  end  of  Kolonien  Nya  Sveriges 
Grundldggning  1637-1642,  af  C.  T.  Odhner 
(Stockholm,  1876),  referred  to  in  Vol.  IV.,  chap- 
ter on  "  New  Sweden."  The  "  former  com- 
munications "  spoken  of  in  it  cannot  be  found, 
although  they  have  been  diligently  sought  for, 
on  behalf  of  the  writer,  in  Sweden. 


Sir    1,1 

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46o 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


mal<  to  Kikath  ins  ;  >  and  when  they  came  to  the  Bay  of  Virginia,  the  captain  (who  had  ■ireviously 
consipired  with  ihc  knight's  people  to  kill  hiin)  directed  his  course  not  to  Kikelhan,  but  to  Cape 
Henry,  passing  which,  they  came  to  an  isle  in  the  high  sea  called  Smith's  Island,  when  they 
touk  counsel  111  what  way  they  should  put  him  to  death,  and  thought  it  best  not  to  slay  him  wiih 
thcii  hands,  but  to  set  him,  without  food,  clothes,  or  arms,  on  the  above-named  island,  which  was 
inhabited  by  no  man  or  otlicv  animal  save  wolves  and  bears ;  and  this  they  did.  Nevertheless, 
two  young  noble  retainers,  who  had  lK<cn  brought  up  by  the  knight,  and  who  knew  nothing  of  that 
plot,  when  they  beheld  this  evil  fortune  of  their  lord,  lea|>ed  from  the  barque  into  the  ocean,  swai* 
ashore,  md  remained  with  their  master.  The  fourth  day  following,  an  English  sloop  sailed  by 
Smith's  .sland,  coming  so  close  that  the  young  men  were  able  to  hail  her,  when  the  knight  was 
taken  aboard  (half  de.id,  and  as  black  as  the  ground),  and  convced  to  tiackemak,  where  he  re- 
covered. The  knight'.--,  people,  however,  arrived  with  tne  barque  May  6, 1643,  at  our  Fort  Elfsborg, 
and  asked  after  ship>  to  Uld  England.  Hereupon  I  demanded  their  pass,  and  inquired  from 
whence  they  came  ;  and  as  soon  as  '  perceived  that  they  were  not  on  a  proper  .rrand,  I  took  them 
with  me  (though  with  their  consent)  to  Christin?,  to  bargain  about  dour  and  other  provisions,  and 
questioned  them  until  a  maid-servant  (\s  ..>  had  been  the  knight's  washerwonia,:)  confessed  the 
truth  and  l)etraycd  them.  I  at  once  caused  in  inventory  to  be  taken  of  their  gootls,  in  their  pres- 
ence, and  held  the  people  prisoners,  until  the  very  English  sloop  wl.ich  had  rescued  the  knight 
arrived  with  a  letter  from  ;nm  concerning  the  matter,  addressed  not  alone  to  me,  but  to  all  the 
governors  and  commandants  of  the  whole  coast  of  Florida.  Thereupon  I  surrendered  to  him  the 
people,  barcjue,  and  gooiK  (in  precise  accordance  with  the  inventory),  and  he  paid  me  425  riksdaler 
for  my  e.\penses.  The  chief  of  these  traitors  the  knight  has  had  executed.  He  himself  is  stii,  in 
Virginia,  and  (as  he  constantly  professes)  expects  vessels  and  people  from  Ireland  and  England. 
To  all  shijis  and  barques  that  come  from  thence  he  grants  free  commission  to  trade  here  in  the  river 
with  the  savages ;  but  I  have  not  yet  permitted  any  of  thexn  to  pass,  nor  shall  I  do  so  until  [ 
receive  order  and  command  to  that  effect  from  my  most  gracious  queen,  her  Royal  Majesty  of 
Sweden." 


I! 


,'  v 


I'rintz's  opposition  to  Plowden's.encroachment  within  his  territory  was  never  relaxed, 
and  wa.s  entirely  successful.  In  the  course  of  his  residence  in  Amerira,  the  Earl  Palatine 
of  New  Albion  visited  New  Amsterdam.  "  both  'n  the  time  of  Director  Kieft  anH  in  that 
of -General  Stuyvesant,"  and,  according  to  the  ,  -rioogh  iian  A'itu  Xederlatid.}  •' zXvimitA 
that  the  land  on  the  west  side  of  the  North  River  to  Virginia  was  his  by  gift  of  Kinjj 
James  [Charles]  of  England,  but  said  he  did  not  wish  to  have  any  strife  with  the  Dutch, 
though  he  was  very  much  piqued  at  the  Swedish  governor,  John  Printz,  at  the  South 
River,  on  account  of  some  affront  given  him,  too  long  to  relate;  adding  that  when  an 
opportunity  should  ofler,  he  would  go  there  and  take  possession  of  the  river."  Before 
re-crossing  the  ocean,  he  went  to  Boston,  his  arrival  being  recorded  in  the  Journal  of  Gov- 
ernor John  Winthrop,  under  date  of  June  4,  1648,  having  "been  in  Virginia  about  seven 
years.  He  came  first,"  says  the  Governor,  "  with  a  patent  of  a  County  Palatine  for  Dela- 
ware Bay,  i)ut  wanting  a  pilot  for  that  place,  went  to  Virginia,  and  there  having  lost  the 
estate  he  brought  over,  and  all  his  people  scattei  1  from  him,  he  came  hither  lo  return  to 
England  for  supply,  intending  to  return  and  plant  Delaware,  if  he  could  get  s;'fficient 
strength  to  dispossess  the  Swedes." 

Inimedi.itely  on  reaching  Europe,  Plowden  set  about  this  task,  and,  to  obtain  the 
greater  credit  for  his  title  as  "  Earl  Palatine  of  New  Albion,"  both  in  and  out  of  that 
province,  as  well  as  recognition  of  the  legality  and  completeness  of  his  charter,  submitted 
a  copy  of  the  latter  to  Edward  Bysshe,  "Garter  Principal  King  of  Arms  of  Englishmen," 
who  received  favorable  written  opinions  on  the  subject  from  several  Serjeants  and  doctors 
of  laws,  which,  with  the  letters  patent,  were  recorded  by  him  Jan.  23,  16489,  "in  the 


'  Accomack  and  Kecoughtan  (as  it  is  usually 
spelled  by  English  writers),  the  present  Hamp- 
ton. The  diverse  orthogmphy  of  the  text  con- 
forms to  the  original.  The  places  are  noted  on 
contemporary  maps. 


2  Cited  in  Vol.  IV.,  chapter  on  "  New  Swe- 
den." John  Romeyn  Brodhead,  in  his  HisUyry 
of  the  State  of  New  York,  i.  3S1,  484,  mentions 
Pl^wden's  visits  to  Manhattan  as  occurring  in 
1643  A"<1  i^- 


NOTE  ON    NEW  ALBION. 


461 


( .  ce  of  arms,  there  to  remain  in  perpetual  memory."  >  At  the  same  time  (December, 
1648)  there  was  published  another  advertisement  of  IMowden's  enterprise,  entitled  A 
Desoipiion  of  the  Proi'inie  of  Xesv  Albion^''  by  "  Deauchamp  I'lantagenet,  of  Belvil,  in 
New  Albion,  Esquire,"  purporting  to  contain  "  9.  full  abstract  and  collection  "  of  what  had 
already  been  written  on  the  theme,  with  additional  information  acquired  by  the  Earl  Pala- 
tine during  his  residence  in  America.  The  work  is  dedicated  "  To  the  Right  Honourable 
and  migh'y  Lord  Edmund,  by  Divine  I'rovidence  Lord  Proprietor,  Earl  Palatine,  (lover- 
nour,  and  Captain-! ienerall  of  the  Province  of  New  Albion,  and  to  the  Right  Honourable 
the  Lore  Vicount  Monson  of  Castlemain,  the  Lord  Sherard,  Baron  of  Letrim,  and  to  all 


'  Scull's  Evelyns  in  America,  p.  361  tt  /<y. 
The  lawyers  rcfcrrtd  to  were  llcnry  Clerk  and 
Arthur  Turner,  serje. ,  »-.it-'iw,  and  Arthur 
Ducke,  Thomas  Ryves,  ixobcrt  Mason,  William 
Merrickc,  (iiles  .Sweit,  Robert  King,  and  Wil- 
liam Turner,  doctors  of  laws;  of  whom,  says 
the  editor,  two  at  least,  Uucke  and  R)-%'es,  arc 
"  recognized  as  very  able  and  learned  lawyers 
in  their  day."  The  rest,  as  well  as  Bysshe,  speak 
of  the  letters  patent  as  "  under  the  Great  Seal 
of  Ireland."  I  am  informed  by  Mr.  Scull  that 
the  documents  mentioned  constitute  a  manu- 
script folio  volume  now  In  the  Bodleian  Library, 
Cxford. 

*  A  Description  of  the  Proz'inee  of  Xew  Al- 
bion.  Ami  a  Direction  for  Aekentiirers  toilk  small 
stock  to  j^et  tti'o  for  one,  and  lyoJ  Ian  J  freely :  And 
f.'r  Gentlemen,  and  all  Sen'ants,  Labourers,  and 
Artijicirs  to  trie  plentifully.  And  a  former  De- 
scription re-printed  of  the  healthiest,  pUasantest, 
and  richest  Plantation  of  Xe^o  Albion  in  Xorth 
Virginia,  pra^rd  by  thirteen  witnesses.  To};ether 
with  a  Letter  from  Afaster  Robert  Evelin,  that 
lived  there  many  years,  sh.-.oim^  the  particulari- 
ties, and  excell-^ncv  thereof.  Illth  a  briefe  of  the 
charge  if  ■:i\i'iiall,  and  necessaries,  to  transport 
and  buy  stock  for  each  Planter,  or  Labourer, 
there  to  get  his  .Master  jQy>  per  Annum,  nr 
more  in  tivelve  trades,  at  £,\o  charges  onely  a 
man.  Printed  in  the  Year  1648.  Small  4to, 
32  pp.  (Sabin's/)/f//<>/i(jr»',  vol.  V.  no.  19,714.)  On 
the  verso  of  the  titlepage  (reproduced  here  from 
the  copy  of  the  book  in  the  Philadelphia  Li- 
brary) appear :  "  The  Order,  Medall,  and  Riban 
of  the  Albion  Knights,  of  the  Conversion  of 
23  Kings,  their  support ;  "  the  medal  (given 
also  in  Mickle's  Reminiscences  of  Old  Gloucester) 
bearing  on  its  face  a  coroneted  effigy  of  Sir 
Kdniund  Plowden,  surrounded  by  the  legend, 
*  Edmundus  .  Comes.  Pai..\tinus.  et.Gi-her. 
N  .  Alii  ION,'  and  on  the  reverse  two  coats  of 
arms  impaled  ;  the  de.xter,  those  of  the  Province 
of  New  Albion,  namely,  the  open  Gospel,  sur- 
mounted by  a  hand  dexter  issuing  from  the  parti- 
line  grasping  a  sword  erect,  surmounted  by  a 
crown ;  the  sinister,  those  of  Plowden  himself,  a 
fesse  dancettle  with  two  fleurs-de-lis  on  the  upper 
points;  supporters,  two  bucks  rampant  gorged 
with  crowns,  —  the  whole  surmounted  by  the 
coronet  of  an  Earl  Palatine,  and  encircled  with 


the  motto,  'Sic  suos  ViRTfs  dkat;'  and  the 
order  consistinK  of  this  achievement  encircled 
by  twenty-two  heads  coupcd  and  crowned,  held 
up  by  a  crowned  savage  kneeling,  —  the  whole 
surrounded  with  the  legem!,  '  DocElio  l.Nlgros 
VIAS  Tl'AS,    KT    l.Ml'II    AD   TK   CONVKRTKNTUR.' " 

These  engravings  are  accompanied  by  Latin 
mottoes  and  English  verses  on  "  Ployden  "  and 
"  Albion's  Arms."  The  work  is  the  subject  of 
an  e.s.say  entitled  "  An  Examination  of  Beau- 
champ  Plantpponet's  Description  of  the  Prov- 
ince of  New  Albion,"  by  John  Penington,  in  the 
Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
vol.  iv.  pt.  i.  pp.  133  et  seq.  (Philadeljihia,  1840), 
for  which  the  writer  is  very  justly  censured  by  a 
reviewer  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine  for  Au- 
gust, 1840,  in  these  terms:  "  He  has  shown  him- 
self not  unskilful  in  throwing  ridicule  upon  the 
exaggerations  and  falsifications  with  which  (as 
unhappily  has  been  generally  the  case  with  such 
compositions  in  all  ages)  the  prospectus  of  Ploy- 
den, or  Plow<len,  abounds ;  but  he  has  failed  in 
the  more  diflicult  task  of  separating  truth  from 
falsehood."  The  same  critic  says :  "  It  is  clear 
to  us  that  the  pamphlet  was  issued  with  the  con- 
sent, and  probably  at  the  procuration  and 
charges,  of  Sir  Edmund  Ployden;"  and  he  at- 
tempts to  throw  some  light  upon  the  personality 
of  the  author,  whose  name  of  "  Plantagenet," 
undoubtedly,  is  fictitious.  Besides  the  copy  of 
the  Description  of  A'no  Albion  in  the  Philadeljihia 
Library,  there  is  another  in  the  Carter-Brown  Li- 
brary (Catalogue,  vol.  ii.no.  649),  at  Providence; 
three  are  mentioned  by  Mr.  Penington  as  in- 
cluded in  private  libraries  ;  and  two,  says  the 
writer  in  the  Gentleman's  Magazine,  are  preserved 
in  the  British  Museum.  The  book  was  reprinted 
from  the  Philadelphia  copy  in  Tracts  and  Other 
Papers  collected  by  Peter  Force,  vol.  ii.  no.  7 
(Washington,  1838),  and  again  reprinted  from 
Force  in  Scull's  Evelyns  in  America,  p.  67  et 
sei/.  The  citations  in  the  text  are  taken  directly 
from  the  Philadelphia  and  Carter-Brown  copies, 
which  will  account  for  some  variations  from 
these  occasionally  inaccurate  reprints.  A  sec- 
ond edition  of  the  original  is  mentioned  by 
Lowndes  as  published  in  1650.  See  the  /Luth 
Catalogue,  which  says  t  "  The  original  edition 
was  doubtless  published  at  Middleburgh  in 
1641  or  1642." 


i    I 


i        i 


».•• 


I 


<  I 

11 


'    I 

If' 

I 


'  \ 


463 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OK   AMKRICA. 


\ 


other  the  Vicnunts,  (iarons,  lUroiiets.  Knif^hu.  Cenllemen.  Merchants,  Adventurrrfi,  and 
Planters  of  the  hopefull  Com|>any  of  New  AIImoo,  in  all  44  undertakers  and  xuhm-rihiTH. 

Inmnd  hy  Indent- 
ure ti>  hrinn  and 
settle  3,<xo  aide 
tralneil  men  in  i>iir 
said  several!  Plan- 
tations  in  the  .said 
I'rovinte,"  the 
author,  himself 
"one  of  the  Ccini- 
pany,"  professing 
to  ••  have  hail  llic 
honour  to  be  ad- 
mitted as  "  the 
"  fa  mi  liar  "  of 
I'lowdcn,  and  to 
"  have  marched, 
lodged,  and  calt- 
bined  "  with  him, 
both  "  amon;;  the 
Indians  and  in 
Holland."'  It 
o|>ens  with  a  short 
treatise  "of 
Counts  or  Karl.s 
created, and  Coun- 
ty Palatines.''  fol- 
lowed by  an  adu- 
latory account  ol' 
the  family  of  tlie 
Proprieior,  and  a 
defence  of  his  title 
to  his  province, 
comprising    some 

sober,  adurnid  with 
much  Learning,  en- 
riched with  >i.\e 
Languages,  most 
grounded  and  expe- 
rienced in  furain 
matters  of  State  |)ol- 
icy,  and  g  ove  r  n- 
ment,  trade,  and  sea 
voyages,  by  4  years 
travel!  in  Germany, 
France,  Italy,  and 
Belgium,  by  5  years 
living  an  Officer  in 
Ireland,  and  this 
last  7  years  in  Amer- 
ica." "  Sir  Kdmund 
"was  not  inferior  to 
ability,  fortune,  posi- 


JtiK  TiRoemoaittd  aloft  ooRi 
'in  a  Serene  Coofiaeiicc  u  dor  ai 


^t 


•'mtAttltt'      AU  (Hwcr  on  life  and  <lr"V,iteS«ordandiCrQiB^ 
On  CofpcU  Ttmh  ihii^  looov  and  ^xmrnST 

'4»,  MtdatOld  Mm  tfibt  Albion  KJHf^t^Ae  Cmvtrfim  eft: 

tbti.fMtnru 


'  An  intimacy  which  authorized  Plantagenet 
to  speak  thus  of  the  Earl  Palatine :  "  I  found  hU 
conversation  as  sweet  and  winning,  as  grave  and 


Plowden,"  says  "  Albion," 
any  of  hi*  co^ovemors  in 
tion,  or  family.** 


M- 


NOTE  ON    NEW  ALBION. 


463 


origiiul  »uiciBenu  vith  regard  lo  ihe  Dutch  '  and  Swede*.  Specific  mention  Is  made  of 
■cverjl  trib««  of  iDdUns  dmellio};  in  New  .\ll)ion,  and  of  numerous  "  choice  seals  for 
EnjclUh,"  tone  ot  which  have  been  approximately  i<lcntilied.'  "  For  the  rdititiuc  and 
Cmll  GoTcrnmeai.  and  Justice,"  says  the  writer,  •'  Virginia  and  New  l.ngland  Is  our 
president:  first,  the  Lord  head  (iovernour,  a  Ocputy  Ciovernour,  Secret.iry  of  Ksttate,  r)r 
ScaJkeepcr.  and  t»el\-e  of  the  Counccll  of  State  or  upper  House;  ami  these,  or  live  of 
them,  is  also  a  Chancery  Court.  .N'ext.  out  of  Counties  and  Towns,  at  a  free  election 
and  day  prefixed,  thirty  Kurgesscs.  or  Commons.  t)nce  yearly  these  meet,  .is  at  a  I'.irlia- 
ment  or  (irand  .\uenibly.  and  make  I^ws,  .  .  .  and  without  full  lon.sent  of  Lord,  upper 
ami  lower  House,  nothing  i»  done."'  "  For  Religion,"  ob.ierves  the  author,  "  I  conceive 
the  lloUand  way  now  practised  best  to  content  all  (wrties  :  first,  by  Act  of  I'arliament 
or  Grand  .\ss«mbly.  to  setdc  and  establish  .ill  the  Fundamentals  necessary  to  salvation. 
.  .  .  But  no  persecution  to  any  dis.senting,  and  to  all  such,  .ns  to  the  Walloons,  free  Chap- 
els:  and  to  {Ninish  all  a<>  seditious,  and  for  contempt,  as  bitterly  rail  and  condemn  others 
of  the  contrary:  for  this  argument  or  |>crswasion  of  Religion,  Ceremonies,  or  Church- 
Discipline.  shouU  be  acted  in  mildnesse.  love,  and  charily,  anil  gentle  language,  not  to 
disturb  the  peace  or  quiet  of  the  Inhabitants,  but  therein  to  obey  the  Civill  .Magistrate," 
—  the  latter  remarkable  programme  of  universal  tolerance  in  m.itter.-  of  f.iith  being  prob- 
ably designed  to  protect  Catholic  colonists  in  the  same  manner  as  the  famous  '•  Act  con- 
cerning Religion"  passed  by  the  Maryland  Assembly  the  following  year.  The  book 
closes  with  some  practical  ad\-ice  to  "  Adventurers,"  and  promises  all  such  "  of  /500  to 
bring  fifty  men  shal"  have  5.000  acres,  and  a  manor  with  Royalties,  at  ^s.  rent;  and 
whosoever  is  willing  so  to  transport  himself  or  servant  at  ^10  a  man  shall  for  each  man 
have  100  acres  freely  granted  forever." 

The  only  e\ideace  we  possess  that  any  result  flowed  from  this  fresh  attempt  to  pro- 
mote emigration  to  New  .Albion  is  derived  from  documents  in  the  I'ublic  Record  Office  at 
London.*  staling  that  March  21.  1649-50.  a  "Petition  of  the  liarl  of  .\cw  Albion  relat- 
ing to  the  piantation  there "  was  "  referred  to  the  consideration  of  the  Committee  of 
Council; "  that  .April  3.  1650,  it  was  "referred  to  the  Committee  for  Plantations,  or  any 


'  Keproduced  ia  Hcylin's  Cuimi^griiphif,  in 
i'hilips's  enlarged  edition  of  Speed's  Pros/vet  of 
tk^  Mftt  /itaumt  Pirts  tf  tke  WorlJ,  in  Stith's 
History  ^  l~irgimn  tWQliamsburg.  1747),  and  in 
Ihe  P^htt  CmmmumUry  e/tJu/tra  SMjimg  of  \,-j> 
^-r*rjr*r  iAr  £jr«;^o««/(Xew  York,  1759).  Com- 
pare "ConncclU  Opinioos  concerning  Coll. 
Nichdls  piitcM  and  Indian  purchases,"  in 
Dot.  Cci.  Itut.  X.  v.,  xiu.  4S6.  487  (Albany, 
iSSi).  On  certain  d  these  points,  see  "  Exjic- 
dilion  of  Captain  Samuel  Arfjall,'*  by  George 
Folsom,  in  .V.  V.  Hitt.  Stic.  Coil.,  second  scries, 
i.  333  tt  K^.  (Xew  York.  1&41),  .'nd  Brodh<-ad"« 
//iit,nrr  of  tkr  Sljtt  of  Xeta  York,  i  54,  55,  140, 
and  notes  E  and  F. 

*  See  ShAkiS  ef  llu  Primitzrr  S,-ttlnHfnts  on 
tki  Kivrr  Ddtwtn,  by  James  N.  Barker  ( Phila- 
delphia. lS27>.  Penii^toa's  work  already  cited, 
and  **  An  Inqnirr  into  the  Location  of  Mount 
rioyden,  ibe  S<Mt  of  the  Raritan  Kmg,"  by  the 
KcT.  George  C.  ochanck,  in  XfTeJrruy  Hiil.  Soc. 
Prof.,  Tu  i,  et  Iff.  (Newark.  N.  J-  1853).  .Ao 
cording  10  Plantagrnet,  **  The  bounds  is  a  thou- 
sand miles  cooipasse.  of  this  most  temperate,  rich 
ProTince,  for  oar  Sooth  bound  is  Maniland 
North  boond*.  and  betnnncth  at  Aquats  or  the 
Soutbcnnost  or  first  Cape  of  Delaware  Bay  in 


thirty-eight  anc  forty  minutes,  and  so  runneth 
by,  or  through,  ur  including  Kent  Isle,  through 
Chisapcack  H.iy  to  I'ascatway,  including  the  fals 
of  I'awtomecke  river  to  the  hc.id  or  Norther- 
most  branch  of  that  river,  being  three  hundred 
miles  due  West ;  and  thence  Northward  to  the 
he.id  of  Hudson's  river  fifty  Icigues,  and  so 
down  Hudson's  river  to  the  Ocean,  sixty  leagues; 
and  thence  by  the  Ocean  and  Isles  a  crossc  DcKv 
warc  Hay  to  the  South  Ciipe,  fifty  leagues  ;  in  all 
seven  hundred  and  eighty  miles.  Then  all  Hud- 
son's river.  Isles,  Long  Isle,  or  I'amunke,  and  all 
Isles  within  ten  le.igues  of  the  said  Province 
iKing;  and  note  Long  Isle  alone  is  twenty  broad, 
and  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles  long,  so  that 
alone  is  four  hundred  miles  compassc."  These 
limits  of  New  .Albion,  as  given  in  Smith's  J/is- 
ton'  of  .\'i-!o  J,-r.uy,  are  cited  by  the  Rev.  Wil- 
liam .Smith,  D.D.,  in  An  Kxami nation  of  the 
Connecticut  Claim  to  /.anils  in  Pennsylvania 
(Phil.idelphia,  1774),  with  the  remark,  p.tge  83: 
"  This  Grant,  which  was  intended  to  include  all 
the  Dutch  Claims,  was  the  Foundation  of  the 
Duke  of  York's  Grant." 

'  Domestic  Interregnum,  Entry  Book,  xcii. 
108,  159,  441.  Reprinted  in  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc 
Coll.  1S69,  pp.  221-22. 


.M 


m 

iiu9 
rinn 

^bIW' 

' 

Jul  jH* 

1 

t  - 


f- 


f 


»^  < 


464 


NAKKATIVE  AM)  CRITICAL   HISTORY   OK   AMKKICA. 


three  of  them,  to  eoaftt  with  the  Karl  of  Albion  concerning  the  giving  good  iieciirity  to 
Council,  that  the  men.  arm*,  ami  ammunition,  wliicli  Iil-  liatli  now  Hliipia-d  in  order  to  hi« 
voyage  to  New  Albion.  »hall  go  Ihitlier.  and  siiall  not  be  employed  either  there  or  tUt- 
ulivri  to  the  di»»ervice  o(  the  (lublii  ;  "  and  llut  June  11,  i6jo,  "a  pas*  "  waii  "grantei! 
for  Mr.  ilatt  and  .Mr.  I)anl>y.  thcm»4:lve<i  and  Heven  ncore  pemonH,  men.  women,  and 
tliililrei),  to  go  to  New  Albion."  We  have  no  otiicr  proof  of  the  nailing  of  thene  people. 
nor  any  knowledge  uf  their  arrival  in  America. 

In  1651,  there  wa*  offered  for  tale  in  U)ndon,  .-f  mti/>/)  of  X'irj^inia,  compiled  by 
"  Domina  N'ir^inia  Karrer."'  designatinij  the  territory  on  the  IJciaw.ire  an  "  Nova  Albion." 
as  well  as  "  Sweed»*  I'Unutiun."  with  a  note :  "  Thi.H  River  tiie  Lord  I'loyden  hath  .1 
I'.itien  of.  and  calU  it  .New  Albion  ;  but  the  Swee<l»  are  planted  in  it,  ami  have  a  ({reat 
traiie  of  Furrs."  On  the  Jersey  side  of  the  stream  are  indicated  the  sites  of  •'  Kichnek 
Woods,"  ••  Kariuns."  ••  .Mont  I'loyden,"  "  Eriwoms,"  and  "  Axion,"  and  on  the  sea-coast 
"  Mgg  Hay,"  all  of  which  arc  mentioned  in  l'lant.ij;enet's  t\'ew  Albion. 

At  that  time  I'lowden  was  still  in  I'.ngland,'  and  we  do  not  know  tliat  he  ever  returned 
to  his  province.  In  his  will,  dated  July  29,  1655,  ho  styles  liimself  "  Sir  Kdmund  Plowden. 
of  WanstccI,  in  the  County  of  Southton  [.Southampton],  Kni);iii,  Lord,  Marie  I'alatine,  (iov- 
enior  and  Captain-Generall  of  the  Province  of  New  Albion  in  America,"  and  thinks  "it  lit 
that"  his  ••  Km^lish  lands  and  estates  be  settled  and  united  to"  his  "  Honour,  County  I'al- 
atine, and  Province  of  N.:w  Alb'on.  for  the  nuintenance  of  the  same.''  In  consequence 
of  the  "  sinister  and  undue  practises  "  of  his  eldest  son,  Francis  Plowden,  by  whom,  he 
.says,  "he  h.id  t>een damnified  and  hindered  these  ci^hteenc  yeares."  "his  mother. a  mutable 
woman,  bcin^  by  him  per\'erte<L''  he  l)e<|ueaths  all  his  titles  and  property  in  Kn^laml  and 
America,  includini;  hi*  "  Peerage  of  Ireland,"'  to  his  second  soii,  Thomas  Plowden.  speci- 
ally mentioning  "the  |)rovince  and  County  Palatine  of  New  Albion,"  whereof,  he  says. 
*'  I  am  sei/cd  a.s  of  free  principality,  and  held  of  the  Crowne  of  Ireland,  of  which  I  am  a 
Peerc  hich  Honor  and  title  and  province  <is  Arundcll,  and  many  other  Earledomes  and 
il.ironics,  is  aasi;;nable  and  saleable  with  the  province  and  County  I'.ilatine  as  a  locall 
Karledome."  He  provides  for  the  occupation  and  cultivation  of  New  Albion  as  follows: 
•'  I  doe  order  and  will  that  my  sonne  Thomas  I'lowden,  and  after  his  decc.ise  his  eldest 
hcirc  male,  and  if  he  be  under  age.  then  his  guardian,  with  all  speed  after  my  decease,  tloc 
iinploy,  by  consent  of  Sir  William  Mason,  of  Orcys  Inne,  Knt.,  otherwise  William  .MaMjn. 
Esquire,  whom  I  make  a  Trustee  for  this  my  Plantation,  all  the  cleare  rents  and  profit.*  of 
my  l^nds,  underwoods,  tyihes.  debts,  stocks,  and  moneys,  for  full  ten  yeares  (excepted  what 
is  beqeathed  aforesaid),  for  the  planting,  fortifying;,  peopling,  and  stocking  of  my  province 
of  New  .Mljion  :  and  to  summon  and  enforce,  according  to  Covenants  in  Indentures  and 
subscriptions,  .nil  my  undertakers  to  transplant  thither  and  there  to  settle  their  number  of 
men  with  such  as  my  estate  yearly  can  transplant,  —  namely,  Lord  .Monson,  fifty;  Lord 
Sherrard,  a  hundre<l ;  S'  Thomas  Danby,  a  hundred  ;  Captain  Halts,  his  heire,  a  hun- 
dred ;  Mr.  Eltonhead,  a  Master  in  Chancery,  fifty;  his  eldest  brother  Kltonhe.id.  fifty; 
Mr.  Howies,  late  Clerke  of  the  Crowne.  forty  ;  Captain  Clayl)ourne,  in  Virginia,  fifty  ; 
Viscount  .Muskery.  fifty:  and  many  others  in  England.  Virginia,  and  New  England,  sub- 
scribed as  by  direction  in  my  manuscript  bookes  since  I  resided  six  yeares  there,  and  of 
policie  a  government  there,  and  oi  the  best  seates,  i)rofits.  mines,  rich  trade  of  furrs,  and 
wares,  and  fruites.  wine,  wormc  silke  and  grasse  silke,  fish,  and  beasts  there,  rice,  and 
floatable  grounds  for  rice,  flax,  maples,  hempe,  barly,  and  corne,  two  crops  yearely  ;  to 
build  Churches  and  Schooles  there,  and  to  indeavour  to  convert  the  Indians  there  to 


'  Reproduced  herewith  from  a  copy  in  the 
possession  of  John  Cadwalader,  Emj.,  of  Phila- 
delphia. It  will  be  seen  that  Mr.  Peniiigton  was 
correct  In  his  account  of  this  map,  op.  cit.,  not- 
withst.inding  the  criticisms  of  the  reviewer  of 
his  work  in  the  GentlemaHt  Magazine,  which  were 


based  not  on  this,  but  on  a  similar  map  in  Thi 
Disimvry  of  Xiiv  Britaine  (London,  1651),  in 
the  Itritish  Mu.scum,  collated  by  "John  Farrer, 
Esq."  Cf.  Editorial  Note  A,  following  chap- 
ter v. 

'■*  NeiU's  Sir  Edmund  Plmuden,  before  cited 


.A' 


\^ 


// 


'^' 


i 


;kica. 

;  good  securiljr  to 

L'd  in  firder  to  hi« 
her  Iherc  ur  elw 
I*  "  was  "  granlet! 
ncn,  women,  and 
[  of  these  pco|>le. 

Hill,  compiled  \>y 
%  "  Nova  Alliion," 
I    rioyden  hath  i 

.uiil  have  a  nmt 
litc.H  of  ••  Kichnck 

on  the  sea-coast 

I  he  ever  rclurnc<: 
Kdmund  Flowdcn, 
rie  Palatine,  (iov- 
and  thinks  "it  fit 
nour.  County  I'al- 

In  consequence 
Icn,  hy  whom,  he 
mother,  a  mutahle 
y  In  Kn^land  and 
,s  IMowdcn,  speci- 
ivhereof,  he  says, 
,  of  which  I  am  a 
r  Earlvdomes  and 
Jatine  as  a  local! 
Ibion  as  follows ; 
Iccease  his  eldest 
my  decease,  doe 
William  .Mason, 
nts  and  profit.*  of 
s  (excepted  what 
g  of  my  province 

Indentures  and 

their  number  of 
nson,  fifty  ;  Lord 
hi.s  hi-irc,  a  hun- 
liltonhead,  fifty ; 

Virginia,  fifty  : 
w  England,  sub- 
Lres  there,  and  of 
ade  of  furrs,  and 

there,  rice,  and 
rops  yearely  ;  to 
Indians  there  to 


nilar  map  in  TAi 
Liindon,  1651),  in 
by  "John  Karrer, 
,   following   chap- 

t/irn,  before  cited 


•  I  I 


If! 


i^ 

I'  i 

if  m 

y 

Haf 

1 11 

ym 

ifiH 

HH] 

!i  v'J  1 


466 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


Christianity,  and  to  settle  there  my  family,  kindred,  and  posterity."  To  each  of  eleven 
parishes  in  England,  where  he  owned  land,  he  left  forty  pounds  ;  and  directs  that  he  be 
buried  in  the  chapel  of  the  Plowdens  at  Ledbury,  in  Salop,  under  a  stone  monument,  with 
"  brasse  plates  "  of  his  "  eighteene  children  had  affixed  at  thirty  or  fourty  powndes  charges, 
together  with  "  his  "  perfect  pedigree  as  is  drawne  at"  his  "house."  He  "died,"  says 
"Albion,"  "  at  VVanstead,  county  of  Southampton,  in  1659,"  his  will  being  admitted  to 
probate  in  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury.  July  27  of  that  year.'  Thomas  Plow- 
den  survived  his  father  forty  years,  but  what  benefit  he  derived  from  the  inheritance  of 
New  Albion  does  not  appear.  His  own  will  is  dated  May  16,  1698,  and  was  admitted  to 
probate  in  the  Prerogative  Court  of  Canterbury  the  loth  of  the  following  September.  In 
it  he  describes  himself  as  "  Thomas  Plowden,  of  Lasham,  in  the  county  of  Southton, 
Gent;  "  and  after  leaving  all  his  children  and  grandchildren  "ten  shillings  a  piece  of  law- 
full  English  money,"  proceeds  :  "  I  do  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  son  Francis  Plowden 
the  Letters  Pattent  and  Title,  with  all  advantages  and  profitts  thereunto  belonging,  And 
as  it  was  granted  by  our  late  Sovereign  Lord  King  Charles  the  first  over  England,  under 
the  great  Seal  of  England,  unto  my  ffather,  Sir  Edmund  Plowden,  of  Wansted,  in  the 
County  of  Southton,  now  deceased.  The  province  and  County  palatine  of  New  Albion,  in 
America,  or  in  North  Virginia  and  America,  which  pattent  is  now  in  the  custody  of  my 
son-in-law,  Andrew  Wall,  of  Ludshott,  in  the  said  County  of  Southton,  who  has  these 
severall  years  wrongfully  detained  it,  to  my  great  Loss  and  hinderance.  And  all  the 
rest  and  residue  of  my  goods,  chatties,  and  personall  Estate,  after  my  debts  and  Legacies 
be  paid  and  funerall  discharged,  I  give  and  devise  unto  my  wife,  Thomazine  Plowden,  of 
Lasham."  * 

That  Plowden's  claim  to  the  territory  of  New  Albion  was  not  forgotten  in  America, 
appears  from  the  following  allusions  to  it.  In  a  conversation  recorded  by  the  Swedish 
engineer,  Peter  Lindstrom,*  as  occurring  in  New  Sweden,  June  18,  1654,  between  the 
Swedes  and  "  Lawrence  Lloyd,  the  English  Commandant  of  Virginia,"  concerning  the 
rights  of  their  respective  nations  to  jurisdiction  over  the  Delaware,  the  latter  laid  par- 
ticular stress  upon  the  fact  that  "  Sir  Edward  Ployde  and  Earl  of  Great  Albion  had  a 
special  grant  of  that  river  from  King  James."  On  the  other  hand,  on  occasion  of  the 
embassy  of  Augustine  Herman  and  Resolved  Waldron  on  behalf  of  the  Director-General 
of  New  Netherland  to  the  Governor  of  Maryland,  in  October,  1659,  Plowden's  title  was 
spoken  of  by  them  as  "  subretively  and  fraudulently  obtained  "  and  "  invalid  ; "  while 
Secretary  Philip  Calvert  affirmed  that  "Ployten  had  had  no  commission,  and  lay  in  jail  in 
England  on  account  of  his  debts,  relating  thai  he  had  solicited  a  patent  for  Novum 
A /bin  in  from  the  King,  but  it  was  refused  him,  and  he  thereupon  applied  to  the  Viceroy 
of  Ireland,  from  whom  he  had  obtained  a  patent,  but  that  it  was  of  no  value,"*  —  allega- 
tions, it  is  understood,  of  interested  parties,  which  therefore  possess  less  weight  as  testi- 
mony against  the  rights  of  Plowden.  At  the  same  time  the  title  of  the  Earl  Palatine  to 
his  American  province  was  recognized  in  the  last  edition  of  Peter  Heylin's  Cosmographie, 
which  was  revised  by  the  author,  and  published  in  London  in  1669,^  and  in   Philips's 


'  The  document  is  on  file  in  the  Preroga- 
tive Court  of  Canterbury,  London,  and  has  two 
seals  attached  toil, —  described  by  "Albion" 
as  Sir  Edmund's  ''  private  seal  of  the  Plowdens, 
and  his  Earl's  with  supporters,  signed  '  Albion,' 
the  same  as  is  given  in  Beauchamp  Plant.igenet's 
A'eiK)  Albion."  The  extracts  in  the  text  were 
copied  from  the  original  will  by  a  London  cor- 
respondent of  the  writer. 

-  E.xtract  courteously  made  from  the  original 
at  Somerset  House,  London,  by  the  same  corres- 
pondent. This  gentleman  assures  me  that,  not- 
withstanding the  declaration  of  "  Albion  "  to  the 


contrary,  the  will  contains  "  no  allusion  whatever 
to  the  death  of  anybody  at  the  hands  of  Amer- 
ican Indians." 

*  In  his  manuscript  Journal,  preserved  in 
Sweden. 

*  See  Doc.  Col.  Hist.  N.  K,  ii.  82,  92. 

*  In  these  terms :  "  A  Commission  was 
granted  to  Sir  Edmund  Ploydon  for  planting 
and  possessing  the  more  Northern  parts  [of 
New  Netherland],  which  lie  towards  New  Eng- 
land, by  the  name  of  New  Albion."  Similarly 
(following  Heylin)  the  Pocket  Commentary  of  the 

first  Settling  of  A\-o  Jersey. 


lal,  preserved  in 


NOTE   ON    NEW  ALBION. 


467 


enlarged  edition  of  John  Speed's  Theatre  of  the  Empire  of  Great  Britain  and  Prospect 
of  the  Most  Famous  Parts  of  the  World,  printed  in  London  in  1676.* 

From  this  period  the  history  of  New  Albion  is  more  obscure.  There  is  proof,  how- 
ever, of  the  residence  in  Maryland,  in  May,  1684,  of  certain  Thomas  and  George  Plowden, 
affirmed,  on  grounds  of  family  tradition,  by  persons  who  claim  to  be  descended  from  one  of 
them,  to  be  sons  of  a  son  of  the  original  patentee,  who  had  brought  his  wife  and  children 
to  /Vmerica  to  take  possession  of  his  estates,  but  had  been  murdered  by  the  Indians. 
That  the  ancestral  jurisdiction  over  the  province  was  never  entirely  lost  sight  of,  is  shown 
by  the  circumstance  that  the  title  peculiar  to  it  was  constantly  retained  by  later  genera- 
tions of  this  race-  Just  before  the  American  Revolution,  Charles  Varlo,  Esq.,  of  Eng- 
land, purchased  the  third  part  of  the  Charter  of  New  Albion,  and  in  17.S4  visited  this 
country  with  his  family,  "  invested  with  proper  power  as  Governor  to  the  Province,  .  .  . 
not  doubting,"  as  he  says,  "  the  enjoyment  of  his  property."  He  made  an  extended 
tour  through  Long  Island,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and  Maryland,  and  distri- 
buted among  the  inhabitants  a  pamphlet,'  comprising  a  translation  in  English  of  the  Latin 


1  Maps  of  "  New  England  and  New  York  " 
and  "  Virginia  and  Maryland,"  in  this  work, 
name  the  region  on  the  west  side  of  the  Dela- 
ware south  of  the  Schuylkill  "  Aromaninck," 
which  was  understood  by  Mr.  Neill  to  be  the 
"  Eriwomeck "  of  Yong  and  Evelin,  placed, 
therefore,  at  that  point  by  him  in  articles  in  the 
Historical  Afas^aziiie  and  the  Pennsylvania  Mag- 
azine of  History,  before  referred  to.  "  Aroman- 
ink  "  is  given  on  another  map,  one  of  Visscher's 
(from  which  these  in  Speed's  work  were  partly 
derived),  agreeing  with  several  of  the  period  in 
assigning  "  Ermonv  ^  "  (quite  as  likely  the  true 
"  Eriwomeck  "  )  to  the  eastern  side  of  the  Dela- 
ware. Modern  historians  of  New  Jersey,  fol- 
lowing a  statement  of  Evelin,  place  Yong's 
Fort  near  Pensaukin  Creek. 

*  For  information  with  regard  to  this  family, 
see  Note  B  to  Mr.  Henry  C.  Murphy's  transla- 
tion of  "  The  Representation  of  New  Nether- 
land,"  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  second  series,  ii. 
323  et  seq.  (New  York,  1849),  and  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Burtsell's  article,  already  quoted.  The  latter 
lays  particular  stress  upon  the  devout  fidelity  to 
the  Catholic  Church  of  the  kinsfolk  of  the  Earl 
Palatine  of  New  Albion,  whether  in  England  or 
America,  and  intimates  the  Catholic  character 
of  Sir  Edmund  Plowden's  projected  colony. 

>•  In  8vo,  30  pp.,  with  the  following  titlepage; 
The  Finest  Part  of  America.  To  be  Sold,  or  Lett, 
From  Eight  Hundred  to  Four  Thousand  Acres,  in 
a  Farm,  All  that  Entire  Estate,  called  Long  Island, 
in  A'tiv  Alhion,  Lying  near  A'do  York :  Pelonging 
to  the  Earl  Palatine  of  Alhion,  Granted  to  His  Pre- 
decessor, Earl  Palatine  of  Albion,  By  A'ini;  Charles 
the  First.  •*•  The  Situation  of  Long  Island  is 
well  knfficn,  therefore  needs  no  Description  here. 
iVeiv  Albion  is  a  Part  of  the  Continent  of  Terra 
Firma,  described  in  the  Charter  to  begin  at  Cape 
.)/iil' ;  from  thence  fVestivard  i  :o  Miles,  running 
hv  the  Fiver  Delaware,  closely  folhm'ing  its  Course 
by  the  North  Latitude,  to  a  certain  Rivulet  there 
arising  from  a  Spring  of  Lord  Baltimore's,  in 


Maryland ;  to  the  South  from  thence,  taking  its 
Course  into  a  Square,  bending  to  the  A'orth  by  a 
Fight  Line  1 20  Miles  ;  from  thence  also  into  a 
Square  inclining  to  the  East  in  a  right  Line  1 20 
Miles  to  the  Fiver  and  Fort  of  Reacher  Cod,  and 
descends  to  a  Savannah  or  Meadozu,  turning  and 
including  the  Top  of  Sandy  Hook ;  from  thence 
along  the  Shore  to  Cape  May,  7vhere  it  began,  form- 
ing a  Square  of  1 20  Afiles  of  good  Land.  Long 
Island  is  mostly  impro^'ed  and  ft  for  a  Course  of 
Husbandry.  N.B.  —  Great  Encouragement  will 
be  given  to  improving  Tenants,  by  letting  the  Lands 
very  cheap,  on  Leases  of  Liies,  renewable  for  er^rr, 
^^^^^  Letters  (Post paid)  signed  with  real  Names, 
directed  for  F.  P.,  at  Mr.  ReyneWs  Printing-Office, 
No.  21,  Piccadilly,  near  the  Hay-Market,  will  be 
answered,  and  the  Writer  directed  where  he  may 
be  treated  with,  relative  to  the  Conditions  of  Sale, 
Charter,  Title  Deeds,  a  Map,  with  the  Farms 
allotted  thereon,  etc.,  etc.  Just  Published,  and 
may  be  liad  as  abot^e  (Price  One  Shilling),  A 
True  Copy  of  the  Abcrve  Charter,  With  the  Condi- 
tions  of  Letting,  or  Selling  the  Land,  and  other 
Articles  relating  thereto.  A  copy  of  this  rare 
tract  (that  collated  by  Sabin,  and  consulted  by 
the  writer)  is  owned  by  Mr.  Charles  H.  Kall> 
fleisch,  of  New  York;  others  are  mentioned  in 
Mr.  Whitehead's  East  Jersey  under  the  Propri- 
etors (2d  ed.),  p.  II,  note,  as  belonging  to  the 
late  John  Ruthurfurd,  of  Newark,  N.  J.,  and  the 
late  Henry  C.  Murphy,  of  New  York.  The  copy 
formerly  pertaining  to  Varlo's  counsellor,  Will- 
iam Rawlc,  long  since  passed  out  of  the  posses- 
sion of  his  family.  Of  the  contents  of  the  book 
mentioned  in  the  text,  the  translation  of  the 
charter  and  the  lease  and  release  were  reprinted 
in  Hazard's  Historical  Collections,  i.  160  f/  seq.; 
the  address  is  given  (with  the  I'lor  "Sir 
Edward  "  for  "  Sir  Edmund  Plow  iil  a  ")  in  a 
"parergon"to  Penington's  essay  ;  and  the  con- 
ditions for  letting  or  selling  land  appear  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  vii.  54,  as  be- 
fore intimated. 


•fH 


\  i  'I    i 


i  I     ^ 


J. 


^Vm 


\n 


468 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


^^     ^1 


charter  enrolled  at  Dublin,  copies  of  the  lease  to  Danby,  and  the  release  of  Ryebread  and 
others,  before  referred  to,  an  address  of  the  "  Earl  Palatine  of  Albion  "  to  the  public,  and 
conditions  for  letting  or  selling  land  in  New  Albion.  He  likewise  issued  "a  proclamation, 
in  form  of  a  handbill,  addressed  to  the  people  of  New  Albion,  in  the  name  of  the  Earl  of 
Albion,"  1  and  published  in  the  papers  of  the  day  (July,  1785)  "A  Caution  to  the  Good 
People  of  the  Province  of  New  Albion,  alias  corruptly  called,  at  present.  The  Jerseys.'' 
not  to  buy  or  contract  with  any  person  for  any  land  in  said  province.*  He  formed  tiie 
acquaintance  of  Edmund  (called  by  him  Edward)  Plowden,  representative  of  St.  Mar)'"s 
County  in  the  Legislature  of  Maryland,  a  member  of  the  family  already  mentioned,  and 
endeavored  to  interest  that  gentleman  in  his  schemes.  Finding  his  land  settled  under  the 
grant  to  the  Duke  of  York,  he  also  sought  counsel  of  William  Rawle,  a  distinguished 
lawyer  of  Philadelphia,  and  "  took  every  step  possible,"  he  affirms,  "  to  recover  the  estate 
by  law  in  chancery,  but  in  vain,  because  judge  and  jury  were  landowners  therein,  con- 
sequently parties  concerned.  Therefore,  after  much  trouble  and  expense,"  he  "  returned 
to  Europe."  *  Varlo's  last  act  was  to  indite  two  letters  to  the  Prince  of  Wales,  reciting 
his  grievances  and  appealing  for  redress,  but  conceived  in  such  a  tone  as  would  seem  to 
have  precluded  a  response.*  Thus  ended  this  curious  episode  in  the  history  of  English 
colonization  in  America.^ 


^-il-^trvw  S    I'lsUU^ 


'  "The  Proclamation,"  says  Mr.  Murphy, 
"has  not  been  republished.  The  only  copy  which 
we  know  of  is  the  one  for  the  use  of  which  we 
are  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  the  Hon.  Peter 
Force,  of  Washington." 

-  Notice  was  also  given  that  "  True  copies  '.n 
Latin  and  English  of  the  original  charter  regis- 
tered in  Dublin,  authenticated  under  the  hand 
and  seal  of  the  Lord  Mayor  of  Dublin,  1784, 
may  be  seen,  by  applying  to  Captain  Cope,  at  the 
State  Arms  Tavern,  New  York." 

•^  An  account  of  Varlo's  "  Tour  through  Am- 
erica "  was  given  in  his  Nature  Displayed,  p. 
wb  et  seq.  (London,  1794),  and  was  reprinted 


(with  slight  variations  of  phrase)  in  his  Floating 
Ideas  of  Nature,  ii.  5j  et  seq.,  London,  1796.  A 
copy  of  the  former  book  is  in  the  Mercantile 
Library  of  Philadelphia,  and  one  of  the  latter 
is  in  the  Library  of  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania. 

*  The  letters  appear  in  the  Floating  Ideas  of 
Nature,  ii.  9  et  seq. 

*  The  authorities  cited  in  this  paper  contain, 
it  is  believed,  all  the  facts  in  print  concerning 
New  Albion,  although  the  subject  is  mentioned 
in  all  the  general  and  in  many  of  the  local  annals 
of  New  Jersey,  as  well  as  in  several  histories  of 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  New  York. 


Floating  Ideas  of 


CHAPTER    XII. 

THE  FOUNDING  OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 

BY  FREDERICK   D.   STONE, 
LilrmnMM  ff  the  Hutarual  Sccitty  »/  Pemuylvania. 

THE  founding  of  Pennsylvania  was  one  of  the  immediate  results  of 
Penn's  connection  with  West  Jersey;  but  the  causes  which  led  to 
the  settlement  of  both  colonies  can  be  clearly  traced  to  the  rise  of  the 
religious  denomination  of  which  he  was  a  distinguished  member.  This 
occurred  in  one  of  the  most  exciting  periods  of  English  history.  The 
Long  Parliament  was  in  session.  Events  were  directly  leading  to  the 
execution  of  the  King.  All  vestiges  of  the  Church  of  Rome  had  been 
well-nigh  swept  away  in  a  country  in  which  that  Church  had  once  held 
undisputed  sway,  and  its  successor  was  faring  but  little  better  with  the 
armies  of  the  Commonwealth.  The  conflict  between  Presbyterians  and 
Churchmen,  —  in  the  efforts  of  the  former  to  change  the  Established 
Church,  and  of  the  latter  to  maintain  their  position, — was  scarcely  more 
bitter  in  spirit  than  the  temper  with  which  the  Independents  denounced 
all  connection  between  Church  and  State.  Other  dissenting  congrega- 
tions at  the  same  time  availed  themselves  of  a  season  of  unprecedented 
religious  liberty  to  express  their  views,  and  religious  discussions  became 
the  daily  talk  of  the  people. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  the  mifkistry  of  George  Fox 
began.  Born  in  the  year  1624.  a  native  of  Leicestershire,  he  was  from 
his  youth  noted  for  "  a  gravity  and  stayedness  of  mind  and  spirit  not 
usual  in  children."  As  he  approached  manhood,  he  became  troubled 
about  the  condition  of  his  soul,  and  passed  through  an  experience  siniilai 
to  that  which  tried  his  contemporary,  John  Bunyan.  when  he  imagined 
that  he  had  sinned  against  the  Holy  Ghost.  His  friends  had  advised  him 
to  marry  or  to  join  the  army:  but  his  immediate  recourse  was  rather  to 
spiritual  counsel.  He  naturally  sought  this  from  the  clerg>'men  of  the 
Established  Church,  in  which  he  had  been  bred ;  but  they  failed  to  satisfy 
his  mind.  The  first  whom  he  consulted  repeated  to  his  servants  what 
George  had   said,  until   the  young  man  was   distressed   to  find  that  his 


i  \ 


J  *-^ 


470 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


ii 


troubles  were  the  subjects  of  jests  with  the  milk-maids.     Another  told  him 
to  sinjj  psalms  and  smoke  a  pipe.      A  third   flew  into  a  violent  passion 

because,  as  the  talk 
turned  upon  the  birth 
of  Christ,  F"ox  inadver- 
tently placed  his  foot 
upon  the  flower-bed. 
A  fourth  bled  and  phys- 
icked him.  Such  con- 
solations, presented 
while  he  was  earnestl>' 
seeking  to  comprehend 
the  greatest  question  of 
life,  disgusted  him.  ile 
then  turned  for  comfort 
to  the  Dissenters ;  but 
they,  as  he  tells  us,  were 
unable  to  fathom  his 
condition.  P'rom  this 
time  he  avoided  pro- 
fessors and  teachers  of 
all  kinds.  He  read  the 
Scriptures  diligently, 
and  strove,  by  the  use 
of  the  faculties  which 
God  had  given  him,  to 
understand  their  true 
meaning.  He  was  not 
a  man  of  learning,  and  was  obliged  to  settle  all  questions  as  they  arose  by 
such  reasonings  as  he  could  bring  to  bear  upon  them.  The  anguish  which 
he  experienced  was  terrible,  and  at  times  he  was  tempted  to  despair ;  but 
his  strong  mind  held  him  to  the  truth,  and  his  wonderfully  clear  perception 
of  right  and  wrong  led  him  step  by  step  towards  the  goal  of  his  desires. 
By  degrees  the  ideas  which  had  been  taught  him  in  childhood  were  put 
aside.  It  became  evident  to  him  that  it  was  not  necessary  for  a  man  to  be 
bred  at  Oxford  or  Cambridge  to  become  a  minister  of  Christ  and  he  felt 
as  never  before  the  meaning  of  the  words,  "  God  dwelleth  not  in  temples 
made  with  hands."  To  one  of  his  understanding  such  convictions  seemed 
as  revelations  from  Hea/en.  That  all  men  are  capable  of  receiving  the 
same  Light  to  guide  them,  and  that  all  who  would  follow  this  Light  would 
be  guided  to  the  same  end,  became  his  belief;    and  to  preach  this  faith 


GEORGE   FOX.' 


'  [This  follows  Holmes's  engraving  of  the 
portrait  of  Fox,  by  Honthorst,  in  1654,  when 
Fox  w.is  in  his  thirtieth  year.  This  Dutch  paint- 
er, if  Gerard  Honthorst,  was  born  in  Utrecht 
in  1 592,  was  at  one  time  in  England,  and  died 


in  1660;  if  his  brother  William,  he  died  in  1683, 
^g*^'!  73-  The  original  canvas  was  recently  of- 
fered for  sale  in  England.  A  view  of  Swarth- 
more  Hall,  where  Fox  lived,  is  in  Gay's  Pofuhxr 
History  of  the  United  States,  ii.  173.  —  Ed.) 


'H\1, 


^nr;'; 


RICA. 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


471 


other  told  him 
iolcnt  passion 
as     the     talk 
pon   the   birth 
,  Fox  inadver- 
accd    his    foot 
e    flower-bed. 
bled  and  phys- 
n.     Such  con- 
is,     presented 
was  earnestly 
o  comprehend 
est  question  of 
isted  him.    He 
led  for  comfort 
•issenters ;   but 
le  tells  us,  were 
to   fathom    his 
1.      From   this 
avoided   pro- 
md  teachers  of 
.     He  read  the 
ires  diligently, 
ve,  by  the  use 
"acuities  which 
given  him,  to 
nd    their    true 
He  was  not 
they  arose  by 
anguish  which 
3  despair;  but 
ear  perception 
of  his  desires, 
lood  were  put 
or  a  man  to  be 
and  he  felt 
lot  in  temples 
ictions  seemed 
receiving  the 
s  Light  would 
;ach  this  faith 

111,  he  died  in  1683, 
IS  was  recently  of- 
view  of  Swartli- 
s  in  Gay's  Popular 
173.- Ed.) 


constituted  his  mission.  He  also  felt  that  they  who  were  guided  b>'  this 
Inner  Light  should  be  known  by  the  simplicity  of  their  speech  and  man- 
ners ;  that  as  the  temples  of  the  Lord  were  the  hearts  of  his  people,  the 
ceremonies  of  the  prevailing  modes  of  worship  were  empty  forms ;  that 
tithes  for  the  support  of  a  ministry,  and  taxes  for  the  promotion  of  war 
and  like  measure::,  should  not  be  paid  by  persons  who  could  not  approve  of 
the  purposes  for  which  they  were  collected ;  and  that  the  taking  of  an 
oath,  even  to  add  weight  to  testimony,  was  contrary  to  the  teachings  of 
the  Scriptures. 

These,  in  brief,  were  the  views  of  the  people  called  Quakers.  That  a 
movement  so  purely  spiritual  in  its  aims  should  have  exercised  a  political 
influence  seems  remarkable.  But  the  principles  upon  which  the  movement 
was  founded  claimed  for  the  mind  a  perfect  freedom ;  they  counted  as 
nought  the  privileges  of  rank,  and  demanded  an  entire  separation  of 
Church  ana  State. 

The  first  followers  of  George  Fox  were  from  the  neighborhood  of  his 
own  home ;  but  his  views  soon  spread  among  the  yeomanr)-  of  the  adjoin- 
ing counties.  His  theology  may  have  been  crude,  his  grammar  faulty,  and 
his  appearance  ludicrous ;  yet  there  was  a  personal  magnetism  about  the 
man  which  drew  to  him  disciples  from  all  classes. 

Nothing  could  check  the  energy  with  which  he  labored,  or  silcnc^  the 
voice  which  is  yet  spoken  of  as  that  of  a  prophet.  In  his  enthusiasm  the 
people  seemed  to  him  like  "  fallow  ground,"  and  the  priests  but  "  lumps 
of  clay,"  unable  to  furnish  the  seed  for  a  harvest.  Jeered  at  and  beaten  by 
cruel  mobs,  reviled  as  a  fanatic  and  denounced  as  an  impostor,  he  trav- 
elled from  place  to  place,  sometimes  to  be  driven  forth  to  sleep  under 
haystacks,  and  at  other  times  t  be  imprisoned  as  a  disturber  of  the 
peace.  But  through  all  trials  his  faith  remained  unshaken,  and  he  de- 
nounced what  he  believed  to  be  the  falsehoods  of  the  times,  until,  as  he 
says,  the  priests  fleci  when  they  heard  that  "  the  man  in  leathern  breeches 
is  come." 

In  1654,  but  ten  years  after  George  Fox  had  begun  to  preach,  his  fol- 
lowers were  to  be  found  in  most  parts  of  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland. 
Notwithstanding  the  persecutions  with  which  an  avowal  of  Quakerism  was 
met,  they  adhered  to  their  convictions  with  a  steadfastness  equal  to  that  of 
their  leader.  Imprisonment,  starvation,  and  the  lash,  as  the  penalties  of 
their  religion,  had  no  fears  for  them.  Their  estates  were  wasted  for  tithes 
and  taxes  which  they  felt  it  wrong  to  pay.  Their  meetings  were  dispersed 
by  armed  men,  and  all  laws  that  could  be  so  construed  were  interpreted 
against  them.  All  such  persecution,  however,  was  of  no  avail.  "  They 
were  a  people  who  could  not  be  won  with  either  gifts,  honors,  offices,  or 
place."  Nor  is  it  surprising  that  their  desire  to  share  equally  such  suflTer- 
ings  in  the  cause  of  truth  should  have  touched  the  heart  of  one  educated 
in  the  severe  school  of  the  Commonwealth.  When  Fo.x  lay  in  Lanceston 
jail,  one  of  his  people  called  upon  Cromwell  and  asked  to  be  imprisoned  in 


11  „, 


■ii:< 


■■  I 


472 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


.  I . 


his  stc-"l.     "  Which  of  you,"  said  Cromwell,  turning  to  his  Council,  "would 
do  so  much  for  me  if  I  were  in  the  same  condition?  " 

Satisfied  in  their  hearts  with  the  strength  which  their  faith  gave  them, 
the  Quakers  could  not  rest  until  they  had  carried  the  glad  tidings  to  others. 
In  1655,  Fox  tells  us,  "  many  went  beyond  the  sea,  where  truth  also  sprung 
up,  and  in  1656  it  broke  forth  in  America  and  many  other  places." 

It  has  ever  been  one  of  the  cardinal  principles  of  the  followers  of  Fox 
to  obey  the  laws  under  which  they  live,  when  doing  so  does  not  inter- 
fere with  their  consciences.  When  this  last  is  the  case,  their  convictions 
impel  them  to  treat  the  oppressive  measures  as  nullities,  not  even  so  far 
recognizing  the  existence  of  such  statutes  as  to  cover  their  violation  of  them 
with  a  shadow  of  secrecy.  It  was  against  what  Fox  considered  ecclesias- 
tical tj-ranny  that  the  weight  of  his  ministry  was  directed.  Those  who  lived 
under  church  government  he  believed  to  be  in  as  utter  spiritual  darkness  as 
it  is  the  custom  of  Christendom  to  regard  the  other  three-fourths  of  man- 
kind ;  and  it  was  with  a  feeling  akin  to  that  which  will  to-day  prompt 
a  missionarj'  to  carrj'  the  Bible  to  the  wildest  tribes  of  Africa,  that  the 
Quakers  of  1656  came  to  the  Puritan  commonwealths  of  America. 

The  record  of  the  first  landing  of  the  Quakers  in  this  country  belongs  to 
another  chapter,'  and  the  historians  of  New  England  must  tell  the  sad  story, 
which  began  in  1656,  of  the  intrusive  daring  for  conviction's  sake  which 
characterized  the  conduct  of  these  humble  preachers.  In  June,  1657,  si.x 
of  a  part}'  of  eight  Quakers  who  had  been  sent  back  to  England  the 
year  previous,  re-embarked  for  America.  They  were  accompanied  by  five 
others,  and  on  October  i  five  of  them  landed  at  New  Amsterdam.  The  rest 
remained  on  the  vessel,  and  on  the  3d  instant  arrived  at  Rhode  Island.  It 
was  chiefly  through  the  labors  of  this  little  band  that  the  doctrines  of  the 
Quakers  were  spread  through  the  British  colonies  of  North  America. 

It  was  in  1 66 1  that  the  first  Yearly  Meeting  of  Friends  in  America  was 
established  in  Rhode  Island,  and  in  1672  the  government  of  the  colony 
was  in  their  hands.  The  Dutch  of  New  Amsterdam  did  not  hold  as  broad 
views  of  religious  liberty  as  were  entertained  by  their  kinsfolk  in  Holland ; 
but  while  the  Quakers  were  severely  dealt  with  in  that  city,  on  Long  Island 
they  were  allowed  to  live  in  comparative  peace.  In  Maryland  the  treat- 
ment of  the  Friends,  severe  at  times,  grew  more  and  more  tolerant,  and 
when  Fox  visited  them  in  1672  he  found  many  to  welcome  him;  and  prob- 
ably the  first  letter  from  a  Meeting  in  England  to  one  in  America  was 
directed  to  that  of  Maryland.  In  Virginia  the  Episcopalians  were  less 
liberal  than  their  neighbors  in  other  provinces.  The  intolerance  with  which 
Dissenters  were  met  drove  many  beyond  her  borders,  and  thus  it  was  that 
some  Friends  gathered  in  the  Carolinas. 

The  outbreak  of  the  Fifth  Monarchy  men  in  1660,  immediately  after  the 
restoration  of  Charles  II.,  dispelled  any  hopes  which  the  Quakers  might 
have   gathered  from  that  monarch's   proclamation   at  Breda,  since  they 

1  See  chapter  ix. 


■1    :J 


I     I 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


473 


were  suspected  of  being  connected  with  that  party.  It  is  at  this  time  that 
we  find  the  first  evidence  that  Fox  and  his  followers  wished  to  obtain 
a  spot  in  America  which  they  could  call  their  own ;  and  the  desire  was 
obviously  the  result  of  the  troubles  which  they  encountered,  both  in  Eng- 
land and  America.  Before  this  was  accomplished,  however,  the  Quakers 
experienced  many  trials.  In  1661  Parliament  passed  an  Act  for  their 
punishment,  denouncing  them  as  a  mischievous  and  dangerous  people. 

In  1672  Charles  II.  issued  his  second  declaration  regarding  liberty  of 
conscience,  and  comparative  quiet  was  for  a  few  years  enjoyed  by  his  Dis- 
senting subjects.  In  1673  Parliament  censured  the  declaration  of  the  King 
as  an  undue  use  of  the  prerogative.  The  sufferings  of  the  Quakers  were 
then  renewed.  It  is  unnecessary  to  repeat  in  detail  the  penalties  inflicted 
under  the  various  Acts  of  Parliament.  Fox  was  repeatedly  imprisoned, 
and  many  of  his  followers  died  in  confinement  from  ill  usage.  In  1675 
West  Jersey  was  offered  for  sale.  The  advantages  its  possession  would 
afford  were  at  once  appreciated  by  the  men  of  broad  views  who  had  ob- 
tained control  of  the  Quaker  affairs.  Fox  favored  the  scheme.  Some  of 
his  followers  felt  that  to  emigrate  was  to  fly  from  persecution  and  to  desert 
a  cause;  but  Fox,  with  more  wisdom,  had  as  early  as  1660  proposed 
the  purchase  of  a  tract  of  land  in  America.  Between  1656  and  1675  he 
and  his  devoted  followers  were  from  time  to  time  br  iving  all  kinds  of 
danger  in  the  propagation  of  their  faith  throughout  thi  English  colonies 
in  America.  Their  wanderings  often  brought  them  into  contact  with  the 
Indians,  and  this  almost  always  led  to  the  friendliest  of  relations.^ 

William  Penn  possessed  more  influence  with  the  ruling  class  of  England 
than  did  any  other  of  the  followers  of  Fox.  His  joining  the  Friends  in 
1668  is  a  memorable  event  in  the  history  of  their  Society.  The  son  of 
Admiral  Sir  William  Penn,  the  conqueror  of  Jamaica,  and  of  his  wife  Mar- 
garet, daughter  of  John  Jasper,  of  Amsterdam,  he  was  born  in  London 
Oct.  14,  1644,  the  year  in  which  Fox  began  to  preach  to  his  neighbors  in 
Leicestershire.  The  Admiral  was  active  in  bringing  about  the  restoration 
of  the  Stuarts,  and  this,  together  w  ith  his  naval  services,  gave  him  an  influ- 
ence at  Court  which  would  have  enabled  him  to  advance  the  interests  of  his 
son.  But  while  a  student  at  Oxford,  the  young  Penn  chanced  to  hear  the 
preachirig  of  Thomas  Loe,  a  Quaker,  and  so  impressed  was  he  by  it  that  he 


•  As  early  as  1658  Josiah  Coale  and  Thomas 
Thurston  visited  the  Susquehanna  Indians. 
They  were  received  with  great  kindness,  and 
spent  some  weeks  with  the  red  men,  travelling 
over  two  hundred  miles  in  their  company. 
Coale  also  visited  the  tribes  of  Martha's  Vine- 
yard and  others  of  Massachusetts.  He  returned 
to  them  after  being  liberated  from  prison  at  Sand- 
wich, and  was  told  by  a  chief:  "  The  Englishmen 
do  not  love  Quakers,  but  the  Quakers  are  honest 
men  and  do  no  harm;  and  this  is  no  English- 
man's sea  or  land,  and  the  Quakers  shall  come 
here  and  welcome."  Of  this  early  teacher  Penn 
VOL.  TII.  —  60. 


wrote  :  "  Therefore  shall  his  memorial  remain 
as  a  sweet  oyntment  with  the  Righteous,  and 
time  shall  never  blot  him  out  of  their  remem- 
brance." Fox  had  several  meetings  with  the 
Indians,  and  at  on-  he  says,  "  They  sat  very 
grave  and  sober,  and  were  all  very  attentive, 
beyond  many  called  Christians."  After  Fox's 
return  to  England,  his  interest  in  the  Indians 
continued,  and  in  1681  he  wrote  to  the  Burling- 
ton Meeting  to  invite  the  Indians  to  worship 
with  them.  It  was  thus  that  the  way  was  pre- 
pared for  the  peaceful  settlement  of  West  Jer. 
sey  and  Pennsylvania. 


i  I  i 


''.">}  J 


474 


NARRATlVli   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


k.^1 


ceased  to  attend  the  religious  services  of  his  College.  For  this  he  was  ex- 
pelled from  the  University.  His  father,  after  a  brief  impulse  of  anger  which 
this  disgrace  caused,  sent  him  to  Paris,  and  in  that  gay  capital  the  impres- 
sions made  by  the  Quaker  preacher  were  nearly  effaced.     F"rom  Paris  he 

went  to  Saumur  and 
became  a  pupil  of 
Moses  Amyrault.  a 
learned  professor  of 
the  French  Reformed 
Church.  At  the  con- 
clusion of  his  studies 
he  travelled  in  France 
and  Italy,  and  in  1664 
returned  to  I'Ingland, 
—  a  fashionable  gen- 
tleman, with  an  "  af- 
fected manner  of 
speech  and  gait." 
The  dreadful  scenes 
which  occurred  the 
next  year  in  London 
during  the  Plague 
again  turned  his 
thoughts  from  world- 
ly aft'airs.  To  over- 
come this  seriousness 
his  father  sent  him  to 
Ireland.  While  there, 
an  insurrection  broke 
out  among  the  sol- 
diers at  Carrickfergus 
Castle,  and  he  ser\ed 
as  a  volunteer  under 
Lord  Arran  in  its  sup- 
pression. The  Vice- 
roy of  Ireland  was  willing  to  reward  this  service  by  giving  him  a  military 
command,  but  Admiral  Penn  refused  his  consent.     It  was  at  this  time  that 


,    w 


*  [There  are  papers  on  the  portraits  of  Penn 
in  Scri/i/wr's  Monf/i/y,  xii.  I,  by  F.  M.  Etting, 
and  m  the  .1/ii!^-  of  Amer.  Hist.,  October,  1SS2. 
Cf.  also  Penn.  Ma^.  pf  Hist.\o\.  vi.  pp.  174,  252. 
The  above  cut  represents  liim  at  twenty-two.  It 
follows  a  large  private  steel  plate,  engraved  by 
S.  A.  .Schoff,  of  Boston,  with  the  aid  of  a  crayon 
reduction  by  Willi.am  Hunt,  and  represents  an 
original  likeness  painted  in  oils  in  1666  by  an 
unknown  artist,  possibly  Sir  Peter  Lely.     It  was 


one  of  two  presen'ed  at  Stoke  Poges  for  a  long 
time,  and  this  one  was  given  in  1833  by  Penn's 
grandson,  Granville  I'cnn,  to  the  Historical  So- 
ciety of  Pennsylvania.  (Catalogiu  of  Paintings, 
etc.,  belonging  to  the  flistorical  Society,  1872,  no.  50.) 
There  are  other  engravings  of  it  in  the  Pennsyl- 
taniti  Magazine  of  History,  \.  361 ;  in  Janney's  Lite 
of  Penn  ;  in  Stoughton's  William  Penn  ;  and  in 
Watson's  Annals  of  Philadelphia.  A  portrait  by 
Francis  Place,  representing  Penn  at  fifty-two,  is 


%v] 


THE    FOLNDING   OF    I'ENNSVLVANIA. 


475 


he  was  cx- 

antjcr  which 
the  iniprcs- 
>m  Paris  he 
>aumiir  and 
1  pupil  of 
.myrauh.  a 
irofessor  of 
h  RcformLcl 
At  the  coii- 
"  his  studies 
;d  in  France 

and  in  1664 
to  Kn^land. 
onable  }jen- 
ith  an  '•  af- 
nanner  of 
and  gait." 
idful  scenes 
ccurred  the 
r  in  London 
the  Plague 
urncd     his 

from  world- 
.  To  over- 
>  seriousness 

sent  him  to 
While  there. 

ction  broke 
ng  the  sol- 
Tarrickfergus 
id  he  ser\ed 
mteer  under 
an  in  its  sup- 
The  Vice- 
m  a  military 

lis  time  that 

Poges  for  a  long 
1S33  by  Penn's 
e  Historical  So- 
lie  of  Paintings, 
,/r,  iSri.no.  50.) 
t  in  the  Pennsyl- 
in  lanney's /.//<■ 
«  Finn  ;  and  in 
A  jHjrtrait  by 
n  at  fifty-two,  is 


the  accompanying  portrait  was  painted.  While  in  Ireland,  Pcnn  again  came 
under  the  influence  of  the  preaching  of  Loe,  and  in  his  heart  became  a 
Quaker.  He  was  shortly  aftenvards  arrested  with  others  at  a  Quaker  meet- 
ing. I  lis  conduct  alienated  his  father  from  him,  but  a  reconciliation  followed 
when  the  Admiral  learned  how  sincere  the  young  Quaker  was  in  his  views. 

Penn  wrote  industriously  in  the  cause,  and  endeavored  by  personal  soli- 
citation at  Court  to  obtain  for  the  Quakers  more  liberal  treatment.  Im- 
prisoned in  the  Tower  for  heresy,  he  passed  his  time  in  writing  iVo  Cross, 
No  Crown.  Released  through  his  father's  influence  with  the  Duke  of 
York,  he  was  soon  again  arrested  under  the  Conventicle  Act  for  having 
spoken  at  a  Quaker  meeting,  and  his  trial  for  this  offence  is  a  celebrated 
one  in  the  annals  of  Knglish  law. 

In  September,  1670,  his  father  died,  leaving  him  an  ample  fortune,  be- 
sides large  claims  on  the  Government.  But  the  temptations  of  wealth  had 
no  influence  on  Penn.  He  continued  to  defend  the  faith  he  had  embraced, 
and  in  the  latter  part  of  the  year  was  again  in  Newgate.  There  he  wrote 
The  Great  Case  of  Liberty  of  Cotiscience  debated.  Had  his  services  to 
humanity  been  no  greater  than  those  rendered  by  the  pen,  they  would  have 
secured  for  him  a  lasting  remembrance ;  but  the  experience  he  gained  in 
defending  the  principles  of  the  Friends  was  fitting  him  for  higher  responsi- 
bilities. His  mind,  which  was  naturally  bright,  had  been  improved  by 
study.  In  such  rough  schools  of  statesmanship  as  the  Old  Bailey,  New- 
gate, and  the  Tower,  he  imbibed  broad  and  liberal  views  of  what  was  neces- 
sary for  the  welfare  of  mankind,  which  in  the  end  prompted  him  to  a'ii.empt 


engraved  from  the  National  Museum  copy  of  the 
original  in  Gay's  Pofntar  History  of  the  L'ltitcd 
States,  ii.  487.  It  was  discovered  in  England  in 
1S74,  and  its  story  is  told  in  Mr.  Etting's  paiier. 
There  is  another  engraving  of  it  in  Egle's  Penn- 
sylvania. Maria  Webb's  Ptnns  and  Pcningtons 
(1867)  gives  an  account  of  a  recently  discovered 
crayon  likeness.  (Cf.  Catalot^ueof  Paintings,ttc., 
belonging  to  the  Historical  Society,  1 87  2,  p.  27.)  A 
stet!  engraving  was  issued  in  Germany  some 
years  since,  purpouing  lu  'uc  from  a  ]>ortrait  by 
Kneller,  —  which  is  quite  possible,  —  and  this 
engr.iving  is  reproduced  a  little  larger  than  the 
German  one  in  the  Mag.  of  .Amcr.  Hist.,  October, 
1882.  The  likeness  best  known  is  probably  the 
one  introduced  by  West  in  his  well-known  pic- 
ture of  the  making  i  the  Treaty.  In  this,  West, 
who  never  saw  Penn,  seemingly  followed  one  of 
the  medallions  or  busts  made  by  Sylvanus  Bcvan, 
a  contemporary  of  Penn,  who  had  a  natural  skill 
in  cutting  likenesses  in  ivory.  One  of  these  me- 
dallions is  given  in  Smith  and  Watson's  American 
Historical  and  Literary  Curiosities,  i.  pi.  xv.,  and  in 
the  Mag.  of  Amer.  Hist.,  October,  1SS2.  Bevan's 
bust  was  also  the  original  of  the  head  of  the 
statue,  with  a  broad-brim  hat,  which  has  stood  in 
the  grounds  of  the  Pennsylvania  Hospital  since 


John  Penn,  son  of  the  Proprietary,  bought  it 
from  the  estate  of  Lord  Le  Despenser  at  High 
Wycombe,  and  gave  it  to  the  hospital.  The 
same  head  was  again  used  as  the  model  of  the 
wooden  bust  which  was  in  the  Loganian  Library, 
but  was  destroyed  by  fire  in  1831.  Proud's  His- 
tory of  Pennsylvania  ( 1797)  gives  an  engraving  of 
it ;  and  the  likeness  in  Clarkson's  Life  of  Pcnn  is 
also  credited  to  one  of  lievan's  busts.  Inman's 
picture,  which  appears  in  Janney's  Penn  and  in 
Armor's  Cor^eruors  of  Pennsylvania,  is  to  be  traced 
to  the  same  source,  as  also  is  the  engraving  in 
the  Encyclopicdia  l^ondiniensis. 

Penn  is  buried  in  the  graveyard  at  Jordan's, 
twenty  miles  or  so  from  London  ;  and  the  story 
of  an  unsuccessful  effort  by  the  State  of  Penn- 
sylvania to  secure  his  remains,  encased  in  a 
leaden  casket,  is  told  in  The  Remains  of  IVilliant 
Penn,  by  George  L.  Harrison,  privately  printed, 
Philadelphia,  1S82,  where  is  a  view  of  the  grave 
and  an  account  of  the  neighborhood.  There 
is  a  picture  of  the  grave  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Historical  Society.  Cf.  Catalogue  of  Paintings, 
etc.,  belonging  to  the  Historical  Society  {1872),  no. 
151  ;  and  Mrs.  .S.  C.  Halls  article  in  National 
.Vai;a:ine,  viii.  109;  and  .Vag.  of  Amer.  Hist., 
October,  1882,  p.  661.  —  Ed.] 


i 


476 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRmCAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


a  practical  interpretation  of  the  phiUwophy  of  More  and  Ilarriiif^ton.  His 
interest  in  West  Jersey  '  led  him  to  make  extensive  investments  in  the  enter- 
prise ;  but  notwithstanding  the  zeal  and  energy  with  which  it  was  pushed,  the 
result  was  far  from  satisfactorj'.  The  disputes  between  l-enwick  and  tiic 
creditors  of  Hyllynge,  and  the  transfer  by  the  former  of  a  large  portion  of 
his  interest  to  ICIdridge  and  Warner  in  security  for  a  debt,  left  a  cloud  upon 
the  title  of  land  purchased  there,  and  naturally  deterred  people  from  emi- 
grating. False  reports  detrimental  to  the  colony  were  also  circulated  in 
England,  while  the  claim  of  Byllynge,  that  his  parting  with  an  interest  in 
the  soil  did  not  affect  his  right  to  govern,  and  the  continued  assumption  of 
authority  by  Andros  over  I'.;«t  Jersey  and  the  ports  on  the  Delaware,  added 
to  the  feeling  of  dissatisfaction.  This  is  clearly  shown  in  a  pamphlet  pub- 
lished in  l68i,  the  preface  of  which  says  it  was  put  forth  "  to  contradict  the 
Disingenuous  and  False  Reports  of  some  men  who  have  made  it  their  busi- 
ness to  speak  unjustly  of  New  Jersey  and  our  Proceedings  therein:  As 
though  the  Methods  of  Settlement  were  confused  and  Uncertain,  no  man 
Knowing  his  own  Land,  and  several  such  idle  L)ing  Stories."* 

It  was  in  this  condition  of  affairs  that  Penn  conceived  the  idea  of  obtain- 
ing a  grant  of  land  in  -America  in  settlement  of  a  debt  of  ;{;' 16,000  due  the 
estate  of  his  father  from  the  Crown.  We  have  no  evidence  showing  when 
this  thought  first  took  form  in  his  mind,  but  his  words  and  actions  prove 
that  it  was  not  prompted  in  order  to  better  his  worldly  condition.  Certain 
it  is  that  the  eyes  of  the  Friends  had  long  been  turned  to  what  is  now  Penn- 
sylvania as  a  spot  upon  which  they  might  find  a  refuge  from  persecution. 
In  1660,  when  George  Fo.x  first  thought  of  a  Quaker  settlement  in  America, 
he  wrote  on  this  subject  to  Josiah  Coale,  who  was  then  with  the  Sus- 
quehanna Indians  north  of  Mar>'iand.  The  reply  from  Maryland  is  dated 
"eleventh  month,  1660,"  and  reads, — 

"  De.\r  George,  —  .As  concerning  Friends  bujlng  a  piece  of  Land  of  the  Susque- 
hanna Indians,  I  have  spoken  of  it  to  them,  and  told  them  what  thou  said  concerning 
it ;  but  their  answer  was  that  there  is  no  land  that  is  habitable  or  fit  for  situation  beyond 
Baltimore's  lilierty  till  they  come  to  or  near  the  Susquehanna's  fort." 

In  168 1  Penn,  in  writing  about  his  province,  said  :  "  This  I  can  say,  that  I 
had  an  opening  of  joy  as  to  these  parts  in  the  year  1661  at  O.xford  twenty 
years  since."  The  interest  which  centred  in  West  Jersey  caused  the 
scheme  to  slumber,  until  revived  by  Penn  in  1680. 

The  petition  to  the  King  was  presented  about  the  1st  of  June,  1680. 
It  asked  for  a  tract  of  land  "  lying  North  of  Maryland,  on  the  East  bounded 
with  Delaware  River,  on  the  West  limited  as  Maryland  is,  and  Northward  to 
extend  as  far  as  plantable,  which  is  altogether  Indian."  This,  "  his  Maj'*' 
being-  j.   ciously  disposed  to  gratify,"  was  referred  to  the  Lords  of  Trade 


'  [See  Mr.  Whitehead's  chapter  in  the  pres-     e/  the   Afany  {Latter  and  Former)    Testimonys 
ent  volume.  —  Ed.]  from  the  Inhabitants  of  New  Jersey,  etc.     Lon- 

*  An  Abstract  or  Abbreviation  of  lome  Fear     don,  1681. 


THE   FOUNDING   OK    I'HNNSYLVANIA. 


477 


and  Plantations,  and  if  it  should  meet  with  their  approval,  they  were  to  con- 
sider "  such  restrictions,  Umitations,  aiid  otlier  Clauses  as  were  fitting  to  be 
inserted  in  the  Grant." 

The  proceedings  which  followed  prevented  the  issue  of  the  charter  for 
some  time.  "A  caution  was  used,"  says  Chalmers,  "in  proportion  to  the 
inattention  with  which  former  patents  had  been  given,  almost  to  every 
petitioner.  Twent)-  years  had  now  taught  circumspection,  and  the  recent 
refractoriness  of  Massachusetts  had  impressed  the  ministers  with  a  proper 
sense  of  danger,  at  least  of  inconvenience."  The  agents  of  the  Duke  of 
York  and  of  Lord  Baltimore  were  consulted  about  the  proposed  boundaries, 
and  the  opinions  of  Chief-Justice  North  and  the  Attorney-General  were 
taken  on  the  same  subjects,  as  well  as  on  the  powers  that  were  to  be  con- 
ferred. The  charter  as  granted  gave  to  I'enn  and  his  successors  all  the 
territory'  between  the  fortieth  and  forty-second  degrees  of  latitude,  extend- 
ing through  five  degrees  of  longitude  west  from  the  Delaware  River,  with 
the  e.xception  of  that  part  which  would  fall  witliin  a  circle  drawn  twelve 
miles  around  New  Castle,  the  northern  segment  of  which  was  to  form  the 
boundar>'  between  Penn's  province  and  the  Duke  of  York's  colonies  of 
Delaware.  It  was  supposed  that  such  a  circle  would  be  intersected  on  the 
west  by  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  the  proposed  boundary  between 
Pennsylvania  and  Marj'Iand.  This  erroneous  opinion  was  the  cause  of  a  pro- 
longed litigation.  The  allegiance  of  the  Proprietary  and  of  the  inhabitants 
was  reserx'ed  to  the  Crown.  The  right  to  govern  was  vested  in  Penn.  He 
could  appoint  officers,  and  with  the  consent  of  the  people  make  such  laws 
as  were  necessar)-;  but  to  insure  their  unison  with  those  of  ICngland  they 
were  to  be  submitted  to  the  Crown  within  five  years  for  approval.  He 
could  raise  troops  for  the  defence  of  his  province,  and  collect  taxes  and 
duties ;  but  the  latter  were  to  be  in  addition  to  those  ordered  by  Parliament. 
He  could  pardon  all  crimes  except  treason  and  wilful  murder,  and  grant  re- 
prieves in  such  cases  until  the  pleasure  of  the  King  should  be  known.  The 
Bishop  of  London  had  the  power  to  appoint  a  chaplain  on  the  petition  of 
twentj-  of  the  inhabitants,  and  an  agent  was  to  reside  near  the  Court  to 
e.xplain  any  misdemeanor  that  might  be  committed. 

The  charter  was  signed  March  4,  1681,  and  on  the  next  da/  Penn  wrote 
to  Robert  Turner,  — 


"  -After  many  waitings,  watchings.  soliritings,  and  disputes  in  Council,  this  day  my 
country  was  coniinned  to  me  under  the  Great  Seal  of  England,  with  large  powers  and 
pri\-ifcges,  by  the  name  of  Pennsilvania,  a  name  the  King  would  have  given  in  honor 
of  my  father.  I  chose  New  Wales,  being  as  this  a  pretty  hilly  country,  ...  for  I 
feared  lest  it  should  be  looked  as  a  vanity  in  me  and  not  as  a  respect  in  the  King,  as 
it  truly  was,  to  my  father,  whom  he  often  mentions  with  praise.  Thou  mayst  com- 
municate my  giaunt  to  friends,  and  expect  shortly  my  proposals  ;  't  is  a  clear  and  just 
thing ;  and  my  God,  that  has  given  it  me  through  many  difficulties,  will,  1  believe, 
bless  and  make  it  the  seed  of  a  nation.  I  shall  have  a  tender  care  to  the  government, 
that  it  wiD  be  well  laid  at  first." 


M 


478 


NAKRATIVL   AND   CKITICAL   HISTOKY   OK    AMLKICA. 


On  the  2d  of  April  a  royal  proclamation,  adclrcsscd  to  those  who  were 
already  settled  within  the  province,  infornud  tluin  of  tiic  ({ranting  of  the 
patent,  and  its  character.  Six  days  afterwanls  IVnn  prepared  a  letter  to 
be  read  to  the  settlers  by  his  representative,  couched  in  lanj;uaj{e  of  friend- 
ship and  affection,  lie  t()ld  them  frankly  that  government  was  a  business 
he  hail  never  undertaken,  but  that  it  was  his  wish  to  ilo  it  uprit^htly.  You 
are  "  at  the  mercy  of  no  governor,"  he  saiil,  "  who  comes  to  make  his  for- 
tune great;  you  shall  be  tjovcrned  by  laws  of  your  own  making,  and  live  a 
free  and,  if  you  will,  a  s<jber  and  industrious  people."  On  the  same  day  he 
gave  to  his  kinsman,  William  .Markham,  whom  lie  had  selected  to  be  his 
deputy-governor,  and  who  was  to  precede  him  to  Pennsylvania,  instructions 
regarding  the  first  business  to  be  transacted.  Two  days  afterwards  he  fur- 
nished him  with  his  commission  and  more  e.vplicit  directions,  and  Markham 
shortly  after\vards  sailed  for  .America,  and  probably  landed  in  Boston,  where 
his  commission  is  recorded.  By  the  15th  of  June  he  had  reached  .\cw 
York,  and  Hrockholls  on  the  2 1st  issued  an  order  addressed  to  the  civil 
officers  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania,  yielding  to  Maikham  his  authority 
as  the  representative  of  the  I  Juke  of  York.  Markham  carried  letters  from 
the  King  and  from  I'cnn  to  Lord  Baltimore.  The  former  recommended  "the 
infant  colony  and  its  leader  to  his  friendly  aid."  He  also  required  the  pat- 
entee of  Maryland  "to  make  a  true  division  of  the  two  provinces  according 
to  the  boundaries  and  degrees  expressed  in  their  patents."  The  letter  of 
Penn  authorized  Markham  to  settle  the  boundaries.  Markham  met  Lord 
Baltimore  in  August.  1681,  and  while  at  his  hou.sc  was  taken  so  ill  that 
nothing  was  decided  upon. 

Soon  after  the  confirmation  of  his  charter,  Penn  issued  a  pamphlet,  in 
which  the  essential  parts  of  that  instrument  were  given,  together  with  an 
account  of  the  countrj-  and  the  views  he  entertained  for  its  government. 
The  conditions  on  which  he  proposed  to  dispose  of  land  were,  a  share  of 
five  thousand  acres  free  from  .luy  Indian  incumbrance  for  ;tloo,  and  one 
shilling  Knglish  quit-rent  for  one  hundred  acres,  the  quit-rent  not  to  begin 
until  after  1684.  Those  who  hired  were  to  pay  one  penny  per  acre  for  lots 
not  exceeding  two  hundred  acres.  I^'ifty  acics  per  head  were  allowed  to 
the  masters  of  ser\'ants.  and  the  same  quantity  was  given  to  every  servant 
when  his  time  should  e.xpirc.  A  plan  for  building  cities  was  also  suggested, 
in  which  all  should  receive  lots  in  proportion  to  their  investments. 

The  unselfishness  and  purity  of  Penn's  motives,  and  the  religious  feelings 
with  which  he  was  inspired,  are  evident  from  his  letters.  On  the  1 2th  of 
April,  1681,  he  wrote  to  three  of  his  friends, — 

"  Having  published  a  paper  with  relation  to  my  province  in  America  (at  least  what 
I  thought  advisable  to  publish*,  I  here  inclose  one  that  you  may  know  and  inform 
others  of  it.  I  have  been  these  thirteen  years  the  servant  of  truth  and  Friends,  and 
for  my  testimony  sake  lost  much,  not  only  the  greatness  and  preferments  of  this  world, 
but  j{]' 1 6.000  of  my  estate,  that  had  I  not  been  what  I  am  I  had  long  ago  obtained. 
But  I  murmur  not ;  the  Ijord  is  good  to  me,  and  the  interest  his  truth  has  given  me 


THE    FOl  NDINC.   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


479 


with  his  people  may  more  than  reiwir  it ;  for  many  arc  drawn  forth  to  l)C  conrcmol 
with  me  :  an<l  |K.-rhapi  this  way  of  •kititlai  lion  h.Ls  more  (he  hand  of  (kmI  in  it  tkm  a 
downright  |>ayment.  .  .  .  For  the  nutter  of  lilterty  and  privilc){e,  I  pro|M)!>e  that  wlii«  h 
is  extraordinary,  and  to  leave  mystelf  and  siueevsors  no  |iower  of  doing  iniiwhief, —  that 
the  will  of  one  man  may  not  hinder  the  ){ood  of  an  whole  ( ixintry.  Hut  to  piil)li<th 
those  things  now  and  here,  as  matteri  stand,  would  not  be  wise,  and  I  was  advi»cd 
to  reser\e  that  until  I  tame  there." 

To  another  he  wrote, — 

"  Ami  because  I  have  l)cen  somewhat  exercised  at  times  al>out  the  nature  and  end 
«>f  government  among  men,  it  is  reasonal)le  to  exjxxt  that  I  should  emieavor  to 
establish  a  just  and  righteous  one  in  this  province,  that  others  may  take  example  by 
it.  —  tnily  this  my  heart  desires.  For  the  nations  want  a  pre«  etient.  ...  I  «io,  there- 
fore, desire  the  Lonl's  wisdom  to  guitle  me,  and  those  that  may  be  concerned  with 
me,  that  .»e  may  do  the  thing  «hat  is  truly  wise  and  just." 

And  a^^ain,  — 

"  For  my  countr)-,  I  eye<l  the  Lord  in  obtaining  it,  and  more  was  I  drawn  inward 
to  look  to  him,  anil  to  owe  it  to  his  hand  and  )>ower  th;m  to  any  other  way.  I  have 
so  obtained  it.  and  desire  to  keep  it  that  I  may  not  Ik;  unworthy  of  his  love,  but  do 
that  which  may  answer  his  kimi  I*rovidence  and  sene  his  truth  and  people,  that  an 
example  may  lje  set  up  to  the  nations.  There  may  Ix:  room  there,  though  not  here, 
for  such  an  holy  experiment." 

The  scheme  grew  apace,  and,  as  Penn  says.  "  many  were  drawn  forth  to 
be  concerned  with  him."  His  prominence  as  a  Quaker  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  Quakers  in  all  quarters.  He  had  travelled  in  their  service  in  Wales, 
and  from  thence  some  of  the  first  settlers  came.  Two  visits  to  Holland  and 
Germany  had  made  him  known  to  the  Mennonites  and  like  religious  bodies 
there.  His  pamphlet  was  reprinted  at  Amsterdam,  and  the  seed  sown  soon 
brought  forth  abundantly.  By  July  1 1,  j6Si,  matters  had  so  far  progressed 
that  it  was  necessary  to  form  a  definite  agreement  between  Fenn  and  the 
purchasers,  and  a  paper  known  as  "  Certain  Conditions  or  Concessions  "  was 
executed. 

By  this  time  also  (July,  i68l)  troubles  with  Lord  Baltimore  were  antici- 
pated in  England,  and  some  of  the  adventurers  were  deterred  from  pur- 
chasing. Penn  at  once  began  negotiations  for  the  acquirement  of  the  Duke 
of  York's  interests  on  the  Delaware.  Meanwhile,  in  the  face  of  all  these 
rumors,  Penn  refused  to  part  with  any  of  his  rights,  except  on  the  terms 
and  in  the  spirit  which  he  had  announced.  Six  thousand  pounds  were 
offered  for  a  monopoly  of  the  Indian  trade,  but  he  declined  it;  "I  would 
not,"  are  his  words,  "  so  defile  what  came  to  me  clean." 

William  Crispin,  John  Bezar,  and  Nathaniel  Allen  were  commissioned 
by  Penn  (Sept.  30,  1681)  to  assist  Markham.  They  were  to  select  a  site 
for  a  town,  and  superintend  its  laying  out.  William  Haigc  was  subse- 
quently added  to  the  number.     By  them  he  sent  to  the  Indians  a  letter 


i  f  it 


iHi 


t 


480 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


'.I  .^ 


\'% 


■'«  (', 


;.  M 


■Ml' 


of  an  affectionate  character,  and  another  to  be  read  to  the  Swedes  by 
their  ministers. 

Tiic  first  commissioners  probably  sailed  on  the  "  John  Sarah,"  which 
cleared  for  Pennsylvania  in  October,  She  is  supposed  to  have  been  the 
first  vessel  to  arrive  there  after  Tenn  received  his  grant. 

On  August  24,  1682,  Penn  acquired  from  the  Duke  of  York  the  town 
of  New  Castle  and  the  country  twelve  miles  around  it,  and  the  same  day 
the  Duke  conveyed  to  him  the  territory  lying  south  of  New  Castle,  reservin;^ 
for  himself  one  half  the  rents.  The  first  of  these  gifts  professed  to  liavo 
been  made  on  account  of  the  Duke's  respect  for  the  memory  of  Sir  W'illiaiu 
Penn.  A  deed  was  also  obtained  from  the  Duke  (August  20)  for  any  right 
he  might  have  to  Pennsylvania  as  a  part  of  New  Netheriand. 

Having  completed  his  business  in  England,  Penn  prepared  to  sail  for 
America.  On  the  4th  of  August,  from  his  home  at  Worminghurst,  he 
addressed  to  his  wife  and  children  a  letter  of  singular  beauty,  manliness, 
and  ahection.  It  is  evident  from  it  that  he  appreciated  the  dangers  before 
him,  as  well  as  the  responsibilities  which  he  had  assumed.  To  his  wife, 
who  was  the  daughter  of  Sir  William  Springett,  he  wrote:  "  Remember  tii>- 
mother's  example  when  thy  father's  public-spiritedness  had  worsted  his 
estate,  which  is  my  case."  To  his  children,  fearing  he  would  see  them  no 
more,  he  said :  "  And  as  for  you  who  are  likely  to  be  concerned  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  Pennsylvania  and  my  parts  of  East  Jersey,  especially  the  first, 
I  do  charge  you  before  the  Lord  God  and  His  holy  angels,  that  you  be 
lowly,  diligent,  and  tender,  fearing  God,  loving  the  people,  and  hatini; 
covetousness."  To  both,  in  closing,  he  wrote :  "  So  farewell  to  my  thrice- 
dearly  beloved  wife  and  children.  Yours  as  God  pleaseth,  in  that  which 
no  waters  can  quench,  no  time  forget,  nor  distance  wear  away." 

On  the  30th  of  August  he  wrote  to  all  faithful  friends  in  lingland,  ami 
the  ne.xt  day  there  "  sailed  out  of  the  Downs  three  ships  bound  for  Penn- 
sylvania, on  board  of  which  was  Mr.  Pen,  with  a  great  many  Quakers  who 
go  to  settle  there."  Such  was  the  announcement  in  the  London  Gazette  •)f 
September  4,  of  the  departure  of  those  who  were  to  found  one  of  the  most 
prosperous  of  the  British  colonies  in  America. 

With  the  exception  of  a  narrow  strip  of  land  along  the  Delaware,  on 
which  were  scattered  a  few  Swedish  hamlets,  the  tract  covered  by  the  royal 
grant  to  Penn  was  a  wilderness.  It  contained,  e.xclusive  of  Indians,  about 
five  hundred  souls.  The  settlements  extended  from  the  southern  limits  of 
the  province  for  a  few  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  Schuylkill,  and  then 
there  was  nothing  until  Crewcorne  was  reached,  opposite  the  Falls  of  Dela- 
ware. None  of  these  settlements  rose  to  the  dignity  of  a  village,  unless  it 
was  Upland,  at  which  place  the  Court  was  hekl.  The  territory  acquired 
from  the  Duke  of  York  contained  about  the  same  number  of  persons  as 
did  Pennsj'lvania.  Many,  however,  who  lived  in  either  section  were  Swedes 
or  iMnns.  A  few  Dutch  had  settled  among  them,  and  some  Quaker  families 
had  crossed  from  New  Jersey  and  taken  up  land. 


■jl  'l 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    I'FNNSVLVANIA. 


481 


he  Swedes  by 


Penn  found  the  Swedes  "  a  stron<:[,  industrious  people,"  who  knew  little 
beside  the  rudiments  of  agriculture,  and  cared  not  to  cultivate  beyond  their 
needs.i  Xhe  fertile  country  in  which  they  dwelt  yieldetl  adequate  supply 
with  moderate  labor,  and  to  the  English  settlers  it  appeared  to  be  a  paradise. 
The  reports  which  Penn's  people  sent  home  encouraged  others  to  come, 
and  although  their  accounts  were  highly  colored,  none  of  the  new-comers 
seem  to  have  been  disappointed.  The  first  descriptions  we  ha\e  of  the 
country  after  it  became  Pennsylvania  are  in  the  letters  of  Markham.  To 
his  wife  he  wrote,  Dec.  7,  1681, — 

"  It  is  a  very  tine  Country,  if  it  v/ere  not  so  overgrown  with  Woods,  and  very 
Healthy.  Here  i)C()i)le  live  to  be  above  one  hundred  years  of  Age.  Provisions  of  all 
sorts  are  iiiililTerent  plentiful,  I'aiison  especially;  I  have  seen  iowr  Bucks  bought  for 
less  than  5^.  The  Indians  kill  them  only  for  their  Skins,  and  if  the  Christians  will  not 
buy  the  Flesh  they  let  it  hang  and  rot  on  a  Tree.  In  the  Winter  there  is  mighty 
plenty  of  WM  Fowl  of  all  sorts.  Partridges  I  am  cloyed  with ;  we  catch  them  by 
hundreds  at  a  time.  In  the  fall  of  the  leaf,  or  after  Harvest,  here  are  abundance  of 
wikl  Turkeys,  which  are  mighty  easie  to  be  Shot;  Duck,  Mallard,  '"icese,  and  Swans 
in  abundance,  wild  ;  F'ish  are  in  great  plenty.  In  short,  if  a  Country  Lite  be  liked  by 
any,  it  might  be  here." 

Markham,  after  his  arrival,  had  taken  such  steps  as  were  necessary  to 
establish  the  authority  of  Penn.  On  the  3d  of  August  nine  of  the  res- 
idents, selected  by  him,  took  the  oath  to  act  as  his  council.  A  court  was 
held  at  Upland  September  13,  the  last  court  held  there  under  the  authorit>- 
of  the  Duke  of  York  having  adjourned  until  that  time.  V>y  Penn's  instruc- 
tions, all  was  to  be  done  "  according  to  the  good  laws  of  ICngland.  Hut  the 
new  court  during  the  first  year  of  its  existence  failed  to  comply  with  these 
laws  in  a  very  essential  particular,  —  persons  were  put  upon  trial  without 
the  intervention  of  a  grand  jury.  No  provision  was  made  under  the  Duke's 
laws  for  the  safeguard  of  the  citizen,  and  the  new  justices  acted  for  a  time 
in  accordance  with  former  usage.  ;\.  petit  jury,  so  rare  under  the  former 
court,  now  participated  in  every  trial  where  facts  were  in  dispute.  In 
criminal  cases  the  old  practice  was  adhered  to,  of  making  the  prosecutor 
plaintiff."  '^ 

During  168 1  at  least  two  vessels  arrived  with  settlers.  Of  the  com- 
missioners who  were  sent  out  in  October  to  assist  Markham,  Crispin  died 
at  Harbadoes.  April  23,  1682,  Thomas  ITolme,  bearing  a  commission  of 
surveyor-general,  sailed  from  England,  and  arrived  about  June.  Already 
the  site  for  Philadelphia  had  been  selected,  as  James  Claypoole,  who  was 
in  England,  wrote,  July  14,  that  he  "  had  one  hundred  acres  where  our 
capital  city  is  to  be,  upon  the  river  near  Schuylkill."  July  15,  1682, 
Markham  purchased  from  the  Indians  a  tract  of  land  on  the  Delaware 
below  the  Falls. 

'  [The  history  of  the  Swedish  period  is  told  in  Vol.  IV.  ^- Kl).] 
'•'  Ifistory  of  Cluster  Coitnly,  J\i.,  by  Judge  J.  Smith  KiUhey  and  Gilbert  Cope,  p.  i3. 
VOL.    Ul.  — fil. 


ft  ■ 


!    i 


'■■■\ 


i  f 


482 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


i  , 


1.^ 


The  first  Welsh  emigrants  arrived  on  the  13th  of  August,  1682.  They 
were  Quakers  from  Merionethshire  who  had  felt  the  hand  of  persecution. 
They  had  bought  from  Penn  in  lingland  five  thousand  acres  of  unsurvejcd 
land,  and  had  been  promised  by  him  the  reservation  of  a  large  tract  exclu- 
sively for  Welsh  settlers,  to  the  end  that  they  might  preserve  the  customs 
of  their  native  land,  decide  all  debates  "  in  a  Gospel  order,"  and  not  entangle 
themselves  "  with  laws  in  an  unknown  tongue."  At  Philadelphia  they  found 
a  crowd  of  people  endeavoring  to  have  their  farms  surveyed,  for  although 
the  site  of  the  city  was  chosen,  the  town  lots  were  not  laid  out.  In  a  few 
days  the  Welshmen  had  the  first  part  surveyed  of  what  became  known  as 
the  Welsh  Barony.  It  lay  on  the  west  side  of  the  Schuylkill,  north  of 
Philadelphia.  The  warrant  for  surveying  the  entire  tract,  which  containcil 
forty  thousand  acres,  was  not  issued  until  1684.  Special  privileges  appear 
to  have  been  accorded  to  these  settlers.  Township  officers  were  not  chosen 
for  their  districts  until  1690,  and  their  Friends'  Meetings  exercised  authority 
in  civil  affairs.  From  these  facts  it  is  possible  that  the  intention  was  to  pro- 
tect the  Welsh  in  the  rights  of  local  self-government  by  erecting  the  tract 
into  a  manor.  By  a  clause  in  the  royal  charter,  Penn  could  erect  "  manors, 
to  have  and  to  hold  a  court  baron,  with  all  things  whatsoever  to  a  court 
baron  do  belong."  To  a  company  known  as  the  "  Free  Society  of  Traders" 
he  had  (March  20,  1682)  granted  these  extraordinary  privileges,  empow- 
ering them  to  hold  courts  of  sessions  and  jail  deliveries,  to  constitute  a 
court-leet,  and  to  appoint  certain  civil  officers  for  their  territory.  This  was 
known  as  the  Manor  of  Frank.  To  Nicholas  More,  the  president  of  the 
Company,  the  Manor  of  Moreland  was  granted,  with  like  privileges;  but 
neither  More  nor  the  Company  seem  to  have  exercised  their  rights  as  rulers. 
Whatever  special  rights  the  Welshmen  had,  were  reserved  until  1690,  when 
regular  township  officers  were  appointed.  Goshen,  Uwchlan,  Tredyffrcn, 
Whiteland,  Newtown,  Haverford,  Radnor,  and  Merion,  —  the  names  these 
ancient  Britons  gave  to  their  townships  —  show-  what  parts  of  the  present 
counties  of  Delaware,  Chester,  and  Montgomery  the  Welsh  tract  covered. 
Some  of  these  people  settled  in  Philadelphia  and  Bucks  County.  They 
were  chiefly  Quakers,  although  Baptists  were  found  among  them. 

The  ship  which  bore  Penn  to  America  was  the  "  Welcome."  The  small- 
pox made  its  appearance  among  the  passengers  when  they  had  been  out  a 
short  time,  and  nearly  one-third  of  them  died.  Two  vessels  which  left 
England  after  Penn  had  sailed,  arrived  before  him ;  but  at  last,  after  a  trying 
voyage  of  nearly  two  months,  the  "  Welcome  "  came  within  the  Capes  of 
Delaware.  Penn  dated  his  arrival  from  the  24th  of  October,  1682,  but  it  was 
not  until  the  27th  that  the  vessel  lay  opposite  New  Castle.  The  next  day 
he  exhibited  his  deeds  from  the  Duke  of  York,  and  took  forma!  possession 
of  the  town  and  surrounding  country.  He  received  a  pledge  of  submis- 
sion from  the  inhabitants,  issued  commissions  to  six  justices  of  the  peace, 
and  empowered  Markham  to  receive  in  his  name  possession  of  the  coun- 
try below,  which  was  done  on  November  7.     The  29th  of  October  (O.  S.) 


1    ' 


I',;  f ' 


tlCA. 


THE    KOLXDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


483 


,  1682.  They 
f  persecution, 
if  unsiirvc}cd 
je  tract  e.xclu- 
2  the  customs 
J  not  entangle 
Ilia  they  fouml 
,  for  although 
out.  In  a  few 
ime  known  as 
Ikill,  north  of 
lich  contained 
aleges  appear 
;re  not  chosen 
ised  authority 
on  was  to  pro- 
:ting  the  tract 
rect  "  manors, 
ver  to  a  court 
ty  of  Traders  " 
leges,  empow- 

0  constitute  a 
iry.  This  was 
esident  of  tlie 
rivileges;  but 
ghts  as  rulers, 
til  1690,  when 
n,  TredyftVcn, 

names  these 
jf  the  present 
tract  covered, 
ounty.  They 
em. 

The  small- 
ad  been  out  a 
els  which  left 
,  after  a  trying 

the  Capes  of 
582,  but  it  was 
The  next  day 
nal  possession 
ge  of  submis- 

of  the  peace, 

1  of  the  coun- 
tober  (O.  S.) 


found  him  within  the  bounds  of  Pennsylvania,  at  the  Swedish  village  of 
Upland,  the  name  of  which,  tradition  says,  he  then  changed  to  Chester. 
I*"rom  this  point  notices  were  sent  out  for  the  holding  of  a  court  at  New 
Castle  on  the  2d  of  November.  At  this  meeting  the  inhabitants  of  the 
counties  of  Delaware  %vcre  told  that  their  rights  and  privileges  should  be 
the  same  as  those  of  the  citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  and  that  an  assembly 
would  be  held  as  soon  as  convenient. 

The  attention  which  Penn  gave  to  the  constitution  of  his  province  was  a 
duty  which  had  for  him  a  particular  interest.  His  thoughts  had  necessarily 
dwelt  much  on  the  subject,  and  his  experience  had  made  him  acquainted 
with  the  principles  of  law  and  the  abuses  of  go\'ernment.  The  drafts  of 
this  paper  which  have  been  preserved  show  how  deeply  it  was  considered. 
Henry  Sidney,  Sir  William  Jones,  and  Counsellor  Bamfield  were  consulted. 


LETm*  COTTAGE.' 

and  portions  of  it  were  framed  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the  Qua- 
kers. In  the  Introduction  to  this  remarkable  paper,  the  ingenuousness  of 
its  author  is  clearly  discernible.  Recognizing  the  necessity  of  government, 
and  tracing  it  to  a  divine  origin.  Penn  continues, — 

"  For  particular  frames  and  models,  it  will  become  me  to  say  little,  and  compara- 
tively I  will  say  nothing.  My  reasons  are,  first,  that  the  age  is  too  nice  and  difficult 
for  it,  there  l)eing  nothing  the  wits  of  men  are  more  busy  and  divided  upon.  .  .  . 
Men  side  with  their  passions  against  their  reason,  and  their  sinister  interests  have  so 
strong  a  bias  upon  their  minds,  that  they  lean  to  them  against  the  good  of  the  things 
they  know. 

'  A  city  residence  for  Penn  was  begun  by  of  Market.    The  above  cut  is  a  fac-simile  of  the 

his  commissioners  before  he  arrired.    Parts  of  it  view  given  in  Watson's  Annals  of  rhiladclpkia 

were  prepared  in  Engla'id.     .\  portion  of  it  still  (1S45),  p.  158.     Ct  Gay's  Popular  //istory  of  (he 

stands  on  the  west  side  of  Letitia  Street,  south  United  States,  ii.  493. 


1       •'' 


■\\ 


'\W 


U-  3  , 


'■ 


484 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


\l 


(J.  a 


•'  I  do  not  find  a  model  in  the  world  that  time,  place,  and  some  singular  emergen- 
cies have  not  necessarily  altered,  nor  is  it  easy  to  frame  a  civil  government  that  shall 
serve  all  places  alike.  I  know  what  is  said  by  the  several  admirers  of  monarchy, 
aristocracy,  and  democracy,  which  are  the  rule  of  one,  a  few,  and  many,  and  are  the 
three  common  ideas  of  government  when  men  discourse  on  that  subject.  But  I 
choose  to  solve  the  controversy  with  this  small  distinction,  and  it  belongs  to  all  three, 
—  any  government  is  free  to  the  people  under  it  (whatever  be  the  frame)  where  the 
laws  rule  and  the  people  are  a  party  to  those  laws ;  and  more  than  this  is  tyranny, 
oligarchy,  or  confusion.  .  .  .  Liberty  without  obedience  is  confusion,  and  obedience 
without  liberty  is  slavery." 


■S 


ris-fciokeyn  ^  fmtoV 


m 


SEAL  AND    SIGNATURES   TO   THE    FRAME   OF   GOVERNMENT.' 

The  good  men  of  a  nation,  he  argues,  should  make  and  keep  its  govern- 
ment, and  laws  should  bind  those  who  make  laws  necessary.  As  \visdom 
and  virtue  are  qualities  that  descend  not  with  worldly  inheritances,  care 
should  be  taken  for  the  virtuous  education  of  youth. 

The  Frame  of  Government  which  followed  these  remarks  was  signed  by 
Penn  on  the  25th  of  April,  1682.  By  this  Act  the  government  was  vested 
in  the  governor  and  freemen,  in  the  form  of  a  provincial  council  and  an 
assembly.  The  provincial  council  was  to  consist  of  seventy-two  members. 
The  first  election  of  councilmen  was  to  be  held  on  the  20th  of  February, 
1682-83,  and  they  were  to  meet  on  the  loth  of  the  following  month.  One- 
third  of  the  number  were  to  retire  each  year  when  their  successors  were 
chosen.  An  elaborate  scheme  was  devised  for  forming  the  council  into 
committees  to  attend  to  various  duties. 

The  assembly  for  the  first  year  was  to  consist  of  all  the  freemen  of  the 

1  [This  is  reduced  from  the  fac-simile  in  tion  will  be  found  ir.  Mag.  of  Amer.  Hist., 
Smith  and  Watson's  American  Historical  and  October,  1882  ;  cf.  Lossing's  Fieldbook  of  the 
Literary  Curiosities,  pi.  Ivii. ;  and  another  reduc-     Revolution,  ii.  256. — Ed.] 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   "ENNSYLVANIA. 


485 


•eemen  of  the 


province,  and  after  that  two  hundred  were  to  be  annually  chosen.  They 
were  to  meet  on  April  20;  the  governor  was  to  preside  over  the  council. 
Laws  were  to  originate  with  the  latter,  and  the  chief  duty  of  the  assembly 
was  to  approve  such  legislation.  The  governor  and  council  were  to  see 
the  laws  executed,  inspect  the  treasury,  determine  the  situation  of  cities 
and  ports,  and  provide  for  public  schools. 

On  May  5  forty  laws  were  agreed  upon  by  the  purchasers  in  England  as 
freemen  of  the  province.  By  these  all  Christians,  with  the  exception  of 
bound  ser/ants  and  convicts,  who  should  take  up  land  or  pay  taxes  were 
declared  freemen.  The  merits  of  this  proposed  form,  which  was  to  be 
submitted  for  approval  to  the  first  legislative  body  assembling  in  Penn- 
sylvania, have  been  w'.dely  debated.  Professor  Ebeling  says  it  "  was  at  first 
too  highly  praised,  and  afterwards  too  lightly  dej.  jciated."  It  was  with- 
out doubt  too  elaborate  in  some  of  its  details,  and  the  number  proposed 
for  the  council  and  assembly  were  out  of  all  proportion  to  the  wants  of  a 
new  country. 

Shortly  after  his  arrival,  Penn  found  circumstances  to  require  that  the 
laws  should  be  put  in  force  with  as  little  delay  as  possible.  He  therefore 
decided  to  call  an  assembly  before  the  time  provided,  and  extended  to  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Delaware  counties  the  right  to  participate  in  it.  Writs 
were  issued  to  the  sheriffs  of  those  parts  to  hold  elections  on  the  20th 
of  November  for  the  choice  of  delegates  to  meet  at  Chester  on  the  4th  of 
December,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Pennsylvania  were  notified  to  attend. 

The  Assembly  met  at  the  appointed  time.  Upon  petition  from  the  lower 
counties,  an  Act  uniting  them  with  Pennsylvania  was  passed,  and  at  the 
request  of  the  Swedes  a  bill  of  naturalization  became  a  law.  Penn  sub- 
mitted to  the  House  the  Frame  of  Government  and  the  code  of  laws  agreed 
upon  in  England,  together  with  a  new  series  which  he  had  prepared.  In 
doing  this  he  acted  without  the  advice  of  a  provincial  council.  The  laws 
agreed  upon  in  England,  "  more  fully  worded,"  were  passed,  together  with 
such  others  as  were  thought  to  be  necessary,  and  the  Assembly  adjourned 
for  twenty-one  days.  The  members,  however,  do  not  appear  to  have  met 
again 

In  January  Penn  issued  writs  for  an  election,  to  be  held  on  the  20th  of 
February,  of  seventy-two  members  of  the  provincial  council,  and  gave 
notice  that  an  assembly  would  be  held  as  provided  in  the  Frame  of  Gov- 
ernment. This  was  not  strictly  in  accord  with  that  document,  as  it  pro- 
vided that  the  seventy-two  councilmen  should  be  chosen  from  the  province 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  Penn  made  the  passage  apply  equally  to  the  Delaware 
counties,  over  which  he  had  had  no  jurisdiction  at  tht  time  the  Frame  was 
signed. 

Before  the  election  took  place,  it  was  discovered  that  the  number  pro- 
posed for  the  council  was  much  larger  than  could  be  selected,  and  that  a 
general  gathering  of  the  inhabitants  would  not  furnish  such  an  assembly 
as  the  organization  of  the  government  demanded.     On  the  suggestion  of 


irhl 


486 


NAKRATiVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AMERICA. 


( 


|i    , 


Penn  t^vclve  persons,  therefore,  were  elected  from  each  of  the  six  counties; 
r  nd  through  their  respective  sheriffs  the  freemen  petitioned  the  Governor 
that  as  the  number  of  the  people  was  yet  small,  and  but  few  were  acquainted 
with  public  business,  those  chosen  should  be  accepted  to  represent  them 
in  both  council  and  assembly,  —  three  in  Lie  former,  and  nine  in  the 
latter.  The  Council  met  at  the  appointed  time,  the  petitions  of  the  free- 
men were  duly  presented  by  the  sheriffs,  and  the  prayers  granted  by  the 
Governor.  It  was  then  moved  by  one  of  the  members  that,  as  the  charter 
granted  by  the  Governor  had  again  fallen  into  his  hands  by  the  negligence 
of  the  freemen  to  fulfil  their  part,  he  should  be  asked  that  the  alterations 
which  had  been  made  should  not  affect  their  chartered  rights.  The  Gover- 
nor answered  that  "  they  might  amend,  alter,  or  add  for  the  Public  good, 
and  he  was  ready  to  settle  such  foundations  as  might  be  for  their  happi- 
ness and  the  good  of  their  Posterities."  Those  selected  for  the  Assembly 
then  withdrew,  and,  although  the  time  for  them  to  meet  had  not  arrived 

(March  12),  chose  Thomas  Wynne  their 
r  O'-'t^/^/OM  t  /7  Speaker,  and  proceeded  to  business.  Dur- 
^  if         ^^^^^  '"S  the  session  an  "  Act  of  Settlement,"  re- 

^^~"  ^""'^  citing  the  circumstances  which  made  these 
changes  necessar)-,  and  reducing  the  number  of  members  of  the  Provincial 
Council  and  Assembly,  was  passed  by  the  House,  having  been  proposed  by 
the  Governor  and  Council.  By  the  Frame  of  Government  first  agreed 
upon,  Penn  had  surrendered  his  right  v  -ave  an  overruling  voice  in  the 
government,  reser\ing  for  himself  or  representative  a  triple  vote  in  the 
Council.  Fearing  that  his  charter  might  be  invalidated  by  some  action  of 
the  majority  of  the  Council  and  Assembly,  he  now  asked  that  the  veto 
power  should  be  restored  to  him,  which  was  accordingly  done.  The  right 
to  appoint  oflScers,  which  by  the  first  Frame  had  been  vested  in  the  Gover- 
nor and  Council,  was  given  to  Penn  for  life.  Other  laws  necessary  for  good 
government  were  enacted,  and  to  the  whole  the  Frame  of  Government  was 
appended,  with  modifications  and  such  alterations  as  made  it  applicable 
to  the  Delaware  counties.  On  April  2,  in  the  presence  of  the  Council, 
Assembly,  and  some  of  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  Penn  signed  and  sealed 
this  new  charter,  solemnly  assuring  them  that  it  was  "  solely  by  him  intended 
for  the  good  and  benefit  of  the  freemen  of  the  province,  and  prosecuted  with 
much  earnestness  in  his  spirit  towards  God  at  the  time  of  its  composure." 
It  was  received  by  the  Speaker  of  the  Assembly  on  behalf  of  the  freemen ; 
and  in  their  name  that  officer  thanked  the  Governor  for  his  great  kindness 
in  granting  them  a  charter  "  of  more  than  was  expected  liberty." 

All  that  had  been  irregularly  done  was  thus  in  a  manner  legalized ;  but 
the  matter  was  not  allowed  to  pass  unquestioned.  Nicholas  More  was  rep- 
rimanded by  the  Council  for  having  spoken  imprudently  regarding  the 
course  which  had  been  taken,  and  for  saying  that  hundreds  in  England  and 
their  children  after  them  would  curse  them  for  what  they  had  done. 

Under  the   constitution   and    laws   thus   formed,   the   government  was 


THE   FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


487 


administered  until  1696.  The  chief  features  of  local  government  which 
had  existed  under  the  Duke  of  York  were  lost  sight  of  in  the  new  order 
of  affairs,  the  authority  being  vested  in  the  provincial  or  county  officers 
in  place  of  those  of  the  township.  Irue  to  the  doctrines  which  they 
had  preached,  and  to  the  demands  which  they  had  made  of  others,  the 
Quakers  accorded  to  all  a  perfect  liberty  of  conscience,  intending,  however, 
"  that  looseness,  irreligion,  and  Atheism  "  should  not  creep  in  under  pre- 
tence of  conscience.  The  observance  of  the  Sabbath  was  provided  for. 
On  that  day  people  were  to  "  abstain  from  their  usual  and  common  toil  and 
labor,  .  .  .  that  they  may  better  dispose  themselves  to  read  the  Scriptures 
of  truth  at  home,  or  frequent  such  meetings  of  religious  worship  abroad  as 
may  best  suit  their  respective  persuasions."  Profanity,  drunkenness,  health- 
drinking,  duelling,  stage-plays,  masques,  revels,  bull-baiting,  cock-fighting, 
cards,  dice,  and  lotteries  were  all  prohibited.  Clamorous  scolding  and  rail- 
ing were  finable  offences.  The  property  of  thieves  was  liable  for  fourfold 
the  value  of  what  they  had  taken ;  and  if  they  should  have  no  estates,  they 
were  to  labor  in  prison  until  the  person  they  had  injured  was  satisfied.  A 
humane  treatment  of  prisoners  was  insured.  The  poor  were  under  the 
protection  of  the  county  courts.  Peacemakers  were  chosen  in  the  several 
counties  to  decide  differences  of  a  minor  character.  Malt  liquors  were  not 
to  be  sold  at  above  two  pennies  sterling  for  a  full  Winchester  quart.  The 
coui*"  records  were  to  be  kept  in  plain  English  characters,  and  laws  were  to 
be  taught  in  the  schools. 

"  All  judicial  power,  after  Penn's  arrival,  was  vested  in  certain  courts,  the  judges 
of  which  were  appointed  by  the  Proprietary,  presiding  in  the  Provincial  Council.' 

"  The  practice  in  these  courts  was  simple  but  regular.  In  criminal  cases  an  indict- 
ment was  regularly  drawn  up,  and  a  trial  by  jury  followed.  In  civil  cases  the  compli- 
cations of  common-law  pleading  were  disregarded.  The  filing  of  a  simple  statement 
and  answer  put  each  cause  at  issue,  and  upon  the  trial  the  rules  of  evidence  were  not 
observed.  Juries  were  not  always  empanelled,  the  parties  being  frequently  content  to 
leave  the  decision  of  their  causes  to  the  Court.     In  equity  proceedings  the  practice 


1  The  courts  were  of  three  different  kinds : 
namely,  the  County  Courts,  Orphans'  Courts,  and 
Provincial  Court.  The  County  Courts  sat  at 
irregular  intervals  during  the  year,  and  were 
composed  of  justices  of  the  pe.ice,  commissioned 
from  time  to  tin-  the  number  of  whom  varied 
with  the  locality,  the  press  of  business,  or  the 
caprice  of  the  government.  They  had  jurisdic- 
tion to  try  criminal  offences  ot  inferior  grades, 
and  all  civil  causes  except  where  the  title  to  land 
was  in  controversy.  In  proper  cases  they  exer- 
cised a  distinct  equity  jurisdiction,  which  seerns, 
however,  to  have  been  excessively  irritating  to  the 
jieople.  In  many  instances  they  were  materially 
assisted  in  their  labors  by  boards  of  peacemakers, 
who  were  annually  appointed  to  settle  conirover- 
sies,  and  who  performed  pretty  nearly  the  same 
functions  as  modern  arbitrators.     The  Justices 


of  the  County  Courts  sat  also  in  the  Orphans' 
Courts,  which  were  established  in  every  county 
to  control  and  dis'-'bute  the  estates  of  decedents. 
For  some  cause  now  imperfectly  understood,  the 
conduct  of  the  early  Orphans'  Courts  was  ex- 
ceedingly unsatisfactory,  and  their  practice  so 
irregular  that  but  little  can  be  gleaned  respecting 
them. 

The  Provincial  Court,  which  was  established 
in  1C84,  was  composed  of  five,  afterwards  of 
three,  judges,  who  were  always  among  the  most 
considerable  men  in  the  province.  They  had 
jurisdiction  in  cases  of  heinous  or  enormous 
crimes,  and  also  in  all  cases  where  the  title  to 
land  was  in  controversy.  An  appeal  also  lay  to 
this  court  from  the  County  and  <.  'phans'  Courts, 
in  all  cases  where  it  was  thought  that  injustice 
had  been  done. 


'      ff^  'iP' 


488 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


was  substantially  that  in  vogue  in  the  Court  of  Chancery,  simplified  to  suit  the  require- 
ments of  the  province. 

"Large  judicial  powers  were  also  vested  in  the  Provincial  Council,  —  a  state  of 
things  not  infretiuently  ol)ser\'ecl  in  the  early  stages  of  a  country's  growth,  before  the 
executive  and  judicial  functions  of  government  have  been  clearly  defined.  Prior  to 
the  establishment  of  the  l»rovincial  '"ourt,  all  cases  of  great  importance,  whether  civil 
or  criminal,  were  tried  before  the  Council.  Ihe  principal  trials  thus  conducted  were 
those  of  Pickering  for  coining,  and  of  Margaret  Mattson  for  witchcraft.  The  latter 
terminated  in  a  verdict  of  '  guilty  of  having  the  common  fame  of  l)eing  a  witch,  but 
not  guilty  in  manner  and  form  as  she  stands  indicted.'  This  is  the  only  regular  pros- 
ecution for  witchcraft  which  is  found  in  the  annals  of  Pennsylvania.  Prior  to  the 
establishment  of  the  Provincial  Court,  the  Council  also  entertained  appeals  in  cer- 
tain cases  from  the  inferior  courts.  Subsequent  to  1684,  however,  the  extent  of  its 
judicial  power  was  limited  to  admiralty  cases,  to  the  administration  of  decedents' 
estates,  which,  although  more  properly  the  business  of  the  Orphans'  Courts,  was  often 
neglected  by  those  tribunals,  and  to  the  general  superintendence  and  control  of  the 
various  courts,  so  as  to  insure  justice  to  the  suitors.' 

"The  legal  knowledge  among  the  early  settlers  was  scanty.  The  religious  tenets 
of  the  Society  of  Friends  rendered  them  very  averse  to  lawyers,  and  distrustful  of 
them.  There  was,  therefore,  comjiaratively  little  demand  for  skilled  advocates  or 
trained  judges.  John  Moore  and  David  Lloyd  were  almost  the  only  professional 
lawyers  of  the  seventeenth  century.  Nicholas  More,  Abraham  Man,  John  White, 
Charles  Pickering,  Samuel  Hersent,  Patrick  Robinson,  and  Samuel  Jennings,  with 
some  others,  however,  practised  in  the  courts  with  some  success ;  but  by  insensible 
degrees,  as  population  increased  and  the  commercial  interests  of  the  community  grew 
more  extensive  and  complicated,  a  trained  Bar  came  into  existence."  "^ 

Markham  not  having  agreed  with  Baltimore,  168 1,  regarding  the  boun- 
daries of  Pennsylvania  and  Maryland,  the  two  met  again  in  September  of 
the  following  year  at  Upland,  and  Penn  visited  the  latter  at  West  River, 
Dec.  13,  1682.  In  May,  1683,  Penn  again  met  Lord  Baltimore  at  New  Cas- 
tle, on  the  same  business,  but  nothing  was  decided  upon.  This  dispute  was 
a  consequence  of  the  lack  of  geographical  information  at  the  time  their 
grants  were  made.  Baltimore's  patent  was  for  the  unoccupied  land  bet^veen 
the  Potomac  and  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude,  bounded  on  the  east  by 
Delaware  Bay  and  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  with  the  e.xception  of  that  part  of 
the  Delaware  peninsula  which  was  south  of  a  direct  line  drawn  from 
Watkin's  Point  on  the  Chesapeake  to  the  sea.  The  southern  boundary  of 
Penn's  province  was  the  fortieth  degree  and  a  circle  of  twelve  miles  around  ' 
New  Castle.  When  both  patents  were  issued,  it  was  supposed  that  the 
fortieth  degree  would  fall  near  the  head  of  Delaware  Bay ;  but  it  was  after- 
ward found  to  be  so  far  to  the  northward  as  to  cross  the  Delaware  River  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Schuylkill.  If  the  letter  of  the  Maryland  charter  was 
to  interpret  its  meaning,   Penn  would  be  deprived  of  considerable   river 

'  In  1700  the  admiraltv  jurisdiction  was  done  away  with  by  the  establishment  of  a  regular  vice- 
admiralty  court  in  the  province. 

-  Manuscript  note  furnished  by  Lawrence  Lewis,  Jr.,  Esq. 


;Ki; 


::'i 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


489 


frontage,  which  it  was  clearly  the  intention  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  to  grant 
him ;  and  he  insisted  that  the  bounilary-line  siiould  be  where  it  was  sup- 
posed the  fortietii  degree  would  be  found.  This  was  resisted  by  l^altimore, 
who  claimed  ownership  also  to  that  part  of  the  peninsula  on  the  Delaware 
which  I'enn  hjid  received  from  the  Duke  of  York.  To  enforce  his  claims, 
Baltimore  sent  to  the  Lords  of  Plantation  a  statement  of  what  had  taken 
place  between  I'enn  and  himself.  He  also  ran  a  line  in  his  own  interest 
between  the  provinces,  and  offered  to  persons  who  would  take  up  land 
in  the  Delaware  counties  under  his  authority  more  advantageous  terms 
than  Penn  gave.  In  1684  Baltimore  sent  Colonel  Talbot  into  the  disputed 
territory  to  demand  it  in  his  name,  and  then  sailed  for  England  to  look 
after  his  interests  in  that  quarter. 

Penn,  when  he  learned  all  that  had  been  done,  wrote  to  the  Lords  of 
Trade,  giving  his  version  of  the  transaction ;  but  before  long  he  found 
thf*  business  would  require  his  presence  in  England.  Haying  empowered 
his  Council  to  act  in  his  absence,  he  sailed  August,  1684. 

The  Lords  of  Trade  rendered  a  decision  Nov.  7,  1685,  which  secured 
to  Penn  the  portion  claimed  by  him  of  the  Delaware  peninsula,  but  which 
left  undefined  the  southern  boundary  of  Pennsylvania.  The  Maryland 
boundary  was  finally  settled  in  1760,  upon  an  agreement  which  had  been 
entered  into  in  1732  between  the  heirs  of  Lord  Baltimore  and  those  of 
Penn.^  Py  this  a  line  was  to  be  drawn  westward  from  Cape  Henlopen  "^  to 
a  point  half  way  between  the  bays  of  Delaware  and  Chesapeake.  From 
thence  it  was  to  run  northward  so  as  to  touch  the  most  western  portion  of 
a  circle  of  twelve  miles  radius  around  New  Castle,  and  continue  in  a  due 
northerly  course  until  it  should  reach  the  same  latitude  as  fifteen  English 
statute  miles  directly  south  of  the  most  south- 
ern part  of  Philadelphia,    From  the 

gained  the  line  was  to  extend  due  west.  These  L/TlM^.  ^—^LM>d^^''fZy 
lines  were  surveyed  by  Charles   Mason   and       ty  (n/t 

Jeremiah    Dixon.      They    commenced    their  -^JiA^       ^'^^^^d^/ly^ 
work  in  1763  and  suspended  it  in  1767,  when   "^ 

they  had  reached  a  point  t\vo  hundred  and  forty-four  miles  from  the  Dela- 
ware River. 

The  Indians  who  inhabited  Pennsylvania  were  of  the  tribe  of  the  Lenni 
Lenape.  Some  of  them  retained  the  noble  characteristics  of  their  race, 
but  the  majority  of  them,  through  their  intercourse  with  the  Dutch,  the 
Swedes,  and  the  English,  had  become  thoroughly  intemperate.  Penn 
desired  that  his  dealings  with  them  should  be  so  just  as  to  preserve  the 
confidence  which  Fox  and  Coale  had  inspired.  Besides  the  letter  written 
by  his  commissioners,  he  had  sent  to  them  messages  of  friendship  through 


E  most  south-  ^ 

:he  point  thus    /   V  ^ 

west.    These  6^^.'     ^-^fLdJd 


of  a  regular  vice- 


1  [See  the  Marj-land  view  of  this  controversy  Cornelius.    The  line  was  eventually  run  from  a 

in  chap.  xiii.  —  Ed.]  point  known  as  "  The  False  Cape,"  about  twenty- 

■*  This  must  not  be  confused  with  the  present  three  or  twenty-four  miles  south  o.''  the  present 

Cape  Henlopen,  which  was  in  1760  called  Cape  Cape  Henlopen. 
VOL.  in.  — 62. 


490 


NARRATIVE   AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF    AMERICA. 


Holme  and  others.  In  all  the  agreements  he  had  entered  into  with  pur- 
chasers, the  interests  of  the  Indians  had  been  protected ;  and  he  was  far 
in  advance  of  his  time  in  hoping  to  establish  relations  with  them  by  whicii 
all  differences  between  the  white  men  and  the  red  should  be  settled  by  a 
tribunal  wherein  both  should  be  represented.  The  possibility  of  their 
civilization  under  such  circumstances  was  not  absent  from  his  mind,  and  in 
his  first  contract  with  purchasers  he  stipulated  that  the  Indians  should  have 
"  the  same  liberties  to  improve  their  grounds  and  provide  for  the  sustenance 
of  their  families  as  the  planters."  Following  the  just  precedent  which  had 
been  laid  down  by  settlers  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  and  the  advice  of 
the  Bishop  of  London,  he  would  allow  no  land  to  be  occupied  until  the 
Indian  title  had  been  extinguished.  To  obtain  the  land  which  was  required 
by  the  emigrants,  a  meeting  with  the  principal  Indian  chiefs  was  held  at 
Shackania.xon  June  23,  1683.  The  territory  then  purchased  was  consider- 
able ;  but  what  was  of  equal  importance  to  the  welfare  of  the  infant  colony 
was  the  friendship  then  established  with  the  aborigines.  Poetry,  Art,  and 
Oratory  have  pictured  this  scene  with  the  elevating  thoughts  which  be- 
long to  each ;  but  no  more  graphic  representation  of  it  has  been  made 
than  that  which  is  suggested  by  the  simple  language  of  Penn  used  in 
describing  it.  "  When  the  purchase  was  agreed,"  he  writes,  "  great  prom- 
ises passed  between  us  of  kindness  and  good  neighborhood,  and  that  the 
Indians  and  English  must  live  in  love  as  long  as  the  sun  gave  light. 
Which  done,  another  made  a  speech  to  the  Indians  in  the  name  of  all 
the  Sachamakcrs,  or  kings :  first,  to  tell  them  what  was  done ;  next,  to 
charge  and  command  them  to  love  the  Christians,  and  particularly  live  in 
peace  with  me,  and  the  people  under  my  government;  that  many  gov- 
ernors had  been  in  the  river,  but  that  no  governor  had  come  himself  to 
live  and  stay  here  before :  and  having  now  such  an  one  that  had  treated 
them  well,  they  should  never  do  him  or  his  any  wrong,  —  at  every  sen- 
tence of  which  they  shouted  and  said  amen  in  their  way."  * 

"On  the  6th  of  October,  1683,  there  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  from  Crefeid  and  its 
neighborhood,  a  little  colony  of  Germans.  They  were  thirteen  men  with  their  families, 
in  all  thirty-three  persons,  and  they  constituted  the  advance-guard  of  that  immense 
emigration  which,  confined  at  first  to  Pennsylvania,  has  since  been  spread  over  the 
whole  country.  They  were  Mennonites,  some  of  whom  soon  after,  if  not  before,  their 
arrival,  became  identified  with  the  Quakers.     Most  of  them  were  linen-weavers. 

Among  the  first  to  purchase  lands  upon  the  organization  of  the  province  were 
several  Crefeid  merchants,  headed  by  Jacob  Telner,  who  secured  fifteen  thousand 
acres.  The  purchasers  also  included  a  number  of  distinguished  persons  in  Holland 
and  Germany,  whose  purchase  amounted  to  twenty-five  thousand  acres,  which  became 
vested  in  the  Frankfort  Land  Company,  founded  in  1686.     The  eleven  members  of 


*  While  in  America,  Penn  made  other  pur-  sylvania  and   Mar>-land  were  settled,  when   it 

chases  from  the  Indians,    f Jne  parr.ha.se  from  was  consummated  in  1696,  through  the  agency  of 

the  Five  Nations  for  ,.ind  on  the  Susquehanna  Governor  Dongan  of  New  York,  and  confirmed 

was  delayed  until  after  the  limits  between  Penn-  by  the  Indians  in  1701. 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


491 


Jhis  latter  Company  were  chiefly  Pietists  and  peoplt'  of  learning;  and  inflncnre,  amonj^ 
whom  was  the  celelirated  Johanna  Kleanora  von  Mcrlaii.  'I'lK-ir  original  purpose  was 
to  come  to  Pennsylvanu  themselves ;  but  this  plan  was  almndoncd  by  all  except 
Francis  Daniel  Pastoriu*.  a  young  lawvcr,  son  of  a  judge  at  Winilsheiin,  skilled  in  the 
lireek,  Latin,  (ierman,  French.  Dutch,  Knglish,  anil  Italian  languages,  and  tarefully 
trained  in  all  the  learning  of  the  cby.  On  the  24th  of  October,  1683,  P.istorius,  as 
the  agent  for  the  Crefekl  and  Frankfort  jniri  hasers,  began  the  location  of  (lermantown. 
Other  settlers  soon  followed,  and  among  them,  in  1685,  were  several  fa^iiilies  from  the 
\-ilbge  of  Krisheim,  near  Worms,  where  more  than  twenty  years  before  the  (Quakers 
had  made  some  converts  among  the  Mennonites,  and  had  established  a  meeting.     In 

1688  Gerhani  Hendricks,  Dirck  op  den  (iraeff,  Francis  Daniel  I'astorius,  and  Abraham 
op  den  Giaeff  sent  to  the  Friends'  Meeting  a  written  protest  against  the  buying  and 
selling  of  slaves.  It  was  the  first  public  effort  made  in  this  direction  in  .\merita,  and 
is  the  subject  of  WTiiuier's  poem.  The  Pcnnsylviiiiia  J'ilgrim."  * 

The  progress  made  in  the  settlement  of  the  province  between  168 1  and 

1689  was  remarkable,  and  was  largely  owing  to  Penn's  energy.  On  tlic  2<jth 
of  December.  l68l.  he  wrote  from  Chester :  "  I  am  very  well,  .  .  .  yet  busy 
enough,  having  much  to  do  to  please  all.  ...  I  am  casting  the  country 
into  townships."  On  the  5th  of  the  next  month  he  wrote :  "  I  am  day 
and  night  spending  my  life,  my  time,  my  money,  and  am  not  a  si.xpencc 
enriched  by  this  greatness.  .  .  .  Had  I  sought  greatness,  I  had  stayed  at 
home."  The  English  were  the  most  numerous  among  the  settlers ;  but  in 
1685,  when  the  population  numbered  seven  thousand  two  hundred,  in  which 
French,  Dutch.  Germans,  Swedes,  Finns,  and  Scotch-Irish  were  represented, 
Penn  did  not  estimate  his  countrymen  at  above  one  half  of  the  whole. 

Twent>--three  ships  bearing  emigrants  arriv.;d  during  the  fall  of  1682 
and  the  winter  following,  and  trading-vessels  soon  began  to  frequent  the 
Delaware.  The  counties  of  Philadelphia,  Chester,  and  Bucks  were  organ- 
ized in  the  latter  part  of  1682,  but  were  not  surveyed  until  1685.  Philadel- 
phia, named  before  she  was  born,  and  first  laid  out  in  August  or  September, 
1682,-  contained  in  the  folio .ving  July  eighty  houses,  such  as  they  were, 
and  by  the  end  of  the  year  this  number  had  increased  to  one  hundred  and 
fifty.  The  founders  of  the  city  lived  in  caves  dug  out  of  the  high  embank- 
ment by  the  river,  and  the  houses  which  succeeded  these  primitive  habi- 
tations were  probably  of  the  very  simple  character  described  in  Penn's 
advice  to  settlers.'     In  July,  1683,  a  weekly  post  was  established.     Letters 


•  Manuscript  note  famished  bi  Samuel  W. 
Pennypacker,  Esq. 

^  [There  is  a  contemporary  map  showing  the 
laying  out  of  Philadelphia  by  Holme  (concern- 
ing which  much  will  be  found  in  John  Reed's 
Explanatum  cf  the  Map  of  Philadelphia,  1774), 
and  also  a  part  of  Harris's  map  of  Pennsylvania, 
which  gires  the  location  of  Pennsbury  Manor, 
Penn's  coontry  house,  in  Bucks  Count),-,  four 
miles  above  Bristol,  on  the  Delaware,  which 
was  built  during  Penn's  first  visit,  on  land  pur- 
chased by  Markham  of  the  Indians.     See  the 


view  in   G.-iy's   Popular  History  of  the   United 
States,  ill.   174.  —  Ed.] 

'  Their  frames  were  logs ;  they  were  thirty 
feet  long  and  eifjhteen  wide,  with  a  partition  in 
the  middle  forming  two  rooms,  one  of  which 
could  be  again  divided.  They  were  covered 
with  clapboards,  which  were  "rived  feather- 
edged."  They  were  lined  and  filled  in.  The 
floor  of  the  lower  rooms  was  the  ground ;  that 
of  the  upper  was  of  clapboards.  These  houses, 
he  said,  would  last  ten  years  ;  but  some  persons, 
even  in  the  villages,  had  built  much  better.    The 


V 


i . 


1 1- 


492 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    UF   AMERICA. 


were  carried  from  I'hiladclphia  to  the  I-'alls  of  Delaware  for  },ti.,  to  Chester 
2ii.,  to  New  Castle  4//.,  to  Maryland  Oti.  Notices  of  its  departure  were 
posted  on  the  Meetiny- House  doors  and  in  other  public  places. 

On  the  26th  of  December  of  the  same  year  the  Council  arran^;ed  with 
luioch  I'lower,  who  had  had  twenty  jears'  exi)erience  as  a  teacher  in 
Knyland,  to  open  a  school     I'our  shillings  per  quarter  was  the  charge  for 


THE  SLATE-ROOF   HOUSE.' 


hi     '  i 


those  who  were  taught  to  read  F.nfjlish;  six  shillings,  when  reading  and 
writing  were  studied ;  and  eight  shillings,  when  the  casting  of  accounts 
was  added.  For  boarding  scholars  and  "  scooling,"  he  was  to  receive 
"  Tcnn  "  pounds  per  annum. 

The  demand  in  trade  at  first  was  for  articles  of  the  greatest  utility,  like 
mill  and  "  grindle  "  stones,  iron  kettles,  and  hardware.  One  of  the  women 
ordered  shoes,  and  stipulated  that  they  should  be  stout  and  large.  James 
Claypoole  sent  his  silver-hafted  knives  to  his  brother  in  Rarbadocs,  and  con- 
signed to  him  some  beaver  hats  for  which  he  could  find  at  home  no  sale. 
But  in  less  than  a  year  a  trade  sprang  up  with  some  of  the  West  India 
Islands,  and  rum,  sugar,  and  negroes  were  ordered,  in  exchange  for  pipe- 

Townscnd  Ward,  with  .1  view,  in  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Mai;aziue  of  History,  iv.  53;  l)ut  the  most 
extended  account  is  in  Li/'pincolt's  A/axazine, 
vol.  i.  pp.  29,  191,  29S,  by  General  John  M 
Read,  Jr.  For  other  views,  see  Egle's  /Vh/mv/- 
7ania,  p.  1016,  and  Day's  Historical  Collections 
of  Pennsylvania,  p.  556.  The  aliove  cut  is  a  fac- 
simile of  one  given  bv  Watson  in  his  Annals  of 
Philailelphia,  1S45  edition,  p.  158;  1.S57  edition, 
p.  158.  It  is  lithographed  in  his  1830  edition, 
p.  151.  Drawings  of  the  interior  are  in  the  po*- 
session  of  the  Hist.  Soc.  of  Pennsylvania.  —  Ed.] 


house  built  for  James  Claypoole  was  about  such 
as  we  have  described.  It  had,  however,  a  good 
cellar,  but  no  chimney.  He  said  it  looked  like 
a  barn. 

'  [This  was  the  house  in  Philadelphia  in 
which  Penn  lived  after  his  return  to  the  colony 
in  1699.  It  stood  on  the  southeast  comer  of 
Second  .Street  and  Norris's  Allev,  and  was  de- 
molished in  1868.  A  view  of  it  taken  just  l)efore 
its  demolition  is  given  in  Gay's  Popular  History 
of  the  United  States,  iii.  171,  with  an  earlier 
view,  ii.  496.     There  is  an  account  of  it  by  Mr. 


,11     1 


THE   FOUNDING   OK   I'ENNSVLV  ANIA. 


493 


staves  and  horses.  The  silver  from  a  Spanish  wreck  and  pehries  furnished 
the  means  of  an  exchan(;e  with  Ilur<»pc.  and  soon  xvoril  ua>  sent  out  to 
send  "  hnnen,  serj^es,  crape,  and  Iieni;all.  and  other  sh^^lit  stiUfs ;  but  sent! 
no  more  shoes,  ylovcs,  stockint^s,  nor  hats."  Heftire  I'enn  sailed  for  Kng- 
land  in  1684,  i'hiladelphia  contained  three  hundred  and  fifty-seven  houses, 
many  of  them  three  stories  hi},'h,  with  cellars  and  balconies.  Samuel 
Carpenter,  one  of  the  most  enterprisinjj  of  the  early  merchants,  liad  a 
<|uay  at  which  a  ship  of  five  hundred  tons  could  lie.  Trades  of  all  kinds 
flourished ;  vessels  had  been  built ;  brick  houses  soon  began  to  be  seen ; 
and  shop  windows  enlivened  the  streets. 

In  16X5  William  Bradford  established  his  printin^j-press  in  I'hiladelphia, 
the  first  in  the  middle  colonics  of  North  America.  Its  earliest  issue  was 
an  almanac  entitled  the  Kalfudarinm  Pintisihaiiiense,  printed  in  1685  for 
the  succeeding  year. 

By  1690  brick  and  stone  houses  were  the  kind  usually  erected,  while 
only  the  poorer  classes  built  of  wood.  Manufactures  also  bet,'an  to  flourish. 
That  year  William  Ryttenhouse,  Samuel  Carpenter,  William  Hrailford,  and 
others  built  a  pa|)er  mill  on  the  Schuylkill.  The  woollen  manufactures 
ofl'ered  such  encoura^jement  that  there  was  *'  a  public  flock  of  sheep  in  the 
town,  and  a  shc'  ilieard  or  two  to  attend  them."  The  rural  districts  were 
also  prosperoti  .  The  counties  were  divided  into  townships  of  about  five 
thousand  acres,  in  the  centre  of  which  villaj^es  were  laid  out.  In  1684  there 
were  fifty  such  settlements  in  the  colony.  At  first  the  cattle  were  turned 
loose,  and  the  car-marks  of  their  respective  owners  were  registered  at  the 
county  courts.  Roads  were  sur\eyed  and  bridges  built.  The  first  mill 
was  started  in  1683  at  Chester  by  Richard  Townscnd  and  others.  The 
reports  regarding  the  crops  show  them  to  have  been  enormous  for  the 
labor  bestowed,  and  the  development  of  the  whole  country  seems  to  have 
been  correspondent  to  the  increased  wealth  of  I'hiladelphia,  where,  in  1685, 
the  poorest  lots  were  worth  four  times  what  they  cost,  and  the  best  forty- 
fold.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1684  Penn  wrote:  "I  have  led  the 
greatest  colony  into  Ameri  ":a  that  ever  any  man  diil  upon  a  private  credit, 
and  the  most  prosperous  beginnings  that  ever  were  in  it  are  to  be  )und 
among  us." 

The  early  ecclesiastical  annals  of  Pennsylvania  arc  meagre.  The- wave 
of  religious  excitement  which  swept  over  England  during  the  da>s  of  the 
Commonwealth  spent  itself  on  the  banks  of  the  Delaware.  Men  and  women 
with  intellects  too  weak  to  grasp  the  questions  which  moved  them,  or  pos- 
sibly instigated  by  cunning,  wandered  through  the  country  prophesying  or 
disputing.  One  declared  "  that  she  was  Mary  the  mother  of  the  Lord ;  " 
another,  "  that  she  was  Mary  Magdalen,  and  others  that  they  were  Martha, 
John,  etc.,  —  scandalizers,"  wrote  a  traveller  in  1679,  "  as  we  heard  them  in  a 
tavern,  who  not  only  called  themselves,  but  claimed  to  be,  really  such." 

The  Swedish  congregations,  neglected  by  the  churches  in  Sweden,  were 
in  1682  falling  into  decay.     The  congregations  at  Tranhook,  near  Upland, 


> 


494 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


and  at  Tinnicum,  were  under  the  charge  of  Lars  Lock,  that  at  Wicaco 
under  Jacob  Fabritius.  The  former  was  a  cripple,  the  latter  blind.  Their 
salaries  were  scantily  paid,  and  they  were  miserably  poor.  The  Dutch  had 
but  one  church,  which  was  at  New  Castle. 

The  first  meeting  of  Quakers  for  religious  worship  in  Pennsylvania  was 
no  doubt  held  at  the  house  of  Robert  Wade,  near  Upland.  William  Kd- 
mundson,  the  Quaker  preachc",  speaks  of  such  meetings  in  1675.  It  was 
then  that  Wade  came  to  America  with  Fenwick.  In  Bucks  County  meet- 
ings are  said  to  have  been  held  as  early  as  1680  at  the  houses  of  Quakers 
who  had  settled  there.  The  first  meeting  near  Philadelphia  was  at  Shack- 
aniaxon,  at  the  house  of  Thomas  Fairman,  in  1682  ;  but  it  was  soon  removed 
to  Philadelphia,  where  one  was  established  in  1683.  Early  in  that  year  no 
less  than  nine  established  meetings  existed  in  Pennsylvania. 

As  early  s  1684  or  1685  the  Baptists  established  a  church  at  Cold  Spring, 
in  Bucks  C  viuty,  about  three  miles  above  Bristol.  The  pastor  was  the  Rev. 
Thomas  Dungan.  In  1687  they  established  a  second  congregation  at  Pen- 
nepfck,  in  Philadelphia  County,  of  which  the  Rev.  Elias  Keach  was  the 
first  minister.  The  Episcopalians  and  Presbyterians  did  not  own  places 
of  worship  until  a  later  date. 

The  early  political  annals  of  the  _olony  show  a  condition  of  affairs  per- 
fectly consistent  with  the  circumstances  under  which  the  constitution  was 
formed.     While  P  nn  remained  in  the  country  his  presence  prevented  any 

excess  such  as  might  be  expected  from  men 

/I       II  inexperienced  in  self-government.     In  1684, 

//        / /  ^  however,  Penn  was  obliged  to  return  to  Eng- 

,  and  he  empowered  the  Provincial  Coun- 
to  act  in  his  stead.  Thomas  Lloyd  was 
^  j  the   president  of  that   body,  and   was   also 

(^  commissioned  Keeper  of  the  Seal.     He  was 

a  man  of  prudence,  and  seems  to  have  justified  the  confidence  placed  in 
him  by  Penn.  Arrogance  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  other  officers  of  the 
government  soon  awakened  feelings  of  jealousy  among  the  people,  who  were" 
prompt  to  resent  any  violation  of  their  rights.  Nicholas  More,  the  Chief- 
Justice,  was  impeached  by  the  Assembly  for  gross  partiality  and  overbearing 
conduct.  He  was  styled  by  the  Speaker  an  "  aspiring  and  corrupt  minister 
of  state,"  and  the  Council  was  requested  to  remove  him  from  office.  He 
was  expelled  from  the  Assembly,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  for  having 
thrice  entered  his  protest  against  a  single  bill.  Patrick  Robinson,  the  clerk 
of  the  Court,  refused  to  submit  to  the  House  the  records  of  the  Court  in  the 
case  of  More,  and  was  restrained  for  his  "  divers  insolences  and  affronts." 
When  brought  before  the  Assembly,  he  stretched  himself  at  full  length  on 
the  ground,  and  refused  to  answer  questions  put  to  him,  telling  the  House 
that  it  "acted  arbitrarily"  and  without  authority.  The  Council  was  also 
requested  to  remove  him ;  but  neither  in  his  case  nor  in  that  of  More  were 
the  prayers  granted.     "  I  am  sorry  at  heart  for  your  animosities,"  wrote 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


495 


Penn,  when  he  heard  of  these  troubles ;  "  cannot  more  friendly  and  private 
courses  be  taken  to  set  matters  to  rights  in  an  infant  province  whose  steps 
are  numbered  and  watched?  For  the  love  of  God,  me,  and  the  poor  coun- 
try, be  not  so  government is/i,  so  noisy  and  open  in  your  dissatisfactions." 
It  was  the  love  of  government,  the  seeds  of  which  Penn  had  himself  planted, 
which  caused  these  troubles,  and  he  it  was  who  was  to  suffer  most  in  that 
period  of  political  growth.  Hundreds,  he  said,  had  been  prevented  from 
emigrating  by  these  quarrels,  and  that  they  had  been  to  him  a  loss  of 
;^io,ooo.  His  quit-rents,  which  in  1686  should  have  amounted  to  ;^500 
per  annum,  were  unpaid.  They  were  looked  upon  as  oppressive  taxes,  for 
which  the  Proprietary  had  no  need  ;  but  the  year  previous  he  wrote  :  "  God 
is  my  witness.  ...  I  am  above  six  thousand  pounds  out  of  pocket  more 
than  ever  I  saw  by  the  province." 

The  want  of  energy  shown  by  the  Council  in  managing  his  affairs  caused 
Penn  tc  lessen  the  number  in  which  the  executive  authority  rested.  In 
1686  he  commissioned  five  of  the  Council,  three  of  whom  were  to  be  a 
quorum,  to  attend  to  his  proprietary  affairs.  By  the  slothful  manner  in 
which  the  Council  had  conducted  the  public  business,  the  charter,  he 
argued,  had  again  fallen  into  his  hands,  and  he  threatened  to  dissolve  the 
Frame  of  Government  "  if  further  occasion  be  given."  Under  these  com- 
missioners but  little  improvemtnt  was  made,  and  in  1688  Penn  appointed 
Captain  John  Blackwell  his  lieutenant-governor. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY  ON   THE   SOURCES   OF   INFORMATION. 

The  Earliest  Tracts  and  Books.  —  During  the  first  thirty  years  after  the  grant- 
ing of  Penn's  charter  (1681),  there  were  various  publications  of  small  and  moderate 
extent,  which  are  the  chief  source  of  our  information. 

The  first  of  these  is  Penn's  own  Some  Accounts  issued  in  1681,  soon  after  he  re- 
ceived his  grant.  "  It  is  introduced  by  a  preface  of  some  length,  being  an  argument 
in  favor  of  colonies,"  which  is  followed  by  a  description  of  the  country,  gathered  from 
such  sources  as  he  considered  reliable,  and  by  the  conditions  on  which  he  proposed  to 
settle  it.  Information  for  those  desiring  to  emigrate,  and  extracts  from  the  royal  charter, 
are  also  given. 


-  Some  Aaotiiit  of  the  Prcn'ince  of  Petinsil- 
vania  in  America,  Lately  Granted  iituier  the 
Great  Seal  of  England  To  William  Penn,  etc., 
Toget/ier  with  Priviledi;cs  and  Po^wers  necessary 
to  the  well\!;07'erninq  thereof,  j^fade  piMic  for  the 
Information  of  such  as  are  or  may  he  disposed  to 
Transport  Themselves  or  Servants  in'o  those  Parts. 
London :  Printed  and  Sold  by  Benjamin  Clark 
etc.,  1681. 

See  Carter-Bro7vn  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,225; 


Pice  Catalos^ie,  no.  1,753  There  is  a  copv  in 
Marv.ird  College  Library,  from  which  the  ac- 
comi)anyinK  fac-simile  of  title  is  taken.  The 
chief  portion  of  it  is  reprinted  in  H.-izard'.s 
Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  p.  505 ;  Hazard's  Reg- 
ister of  Pennsylvania,  i.  305. 

In  this  pamphlet  we  have  the  origin  of  the 
quit-rents,  which  gave  considerable  uneasiness 
in  the  province.  It  gives  also  a  picture  of  the 
social  condition  of  England. 


■\\ 


Mi: 


496 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


This  tract  appeared  at  once  in  Dutch  '  and  German'^  editions.     The  latter  edition  con- 
tains a  30  letters  of  Penn  to  Friends  in  Holland  and  Germany  prior  to  his  receiving  his 

grant,  which  fact  tends  to  show  that 


SOME 


ACCOUNT 


OF    THE 


PROVINCE 

PENNSILVANIA 


I  N 


AMERICA. 

Lately  Granted  under  the  Great  Seal 


o  F 


ENGLAND 

T  O 

William  Penn,  &c. 

Together  with  Priviledgesand  Powers  necef- 
fary  to  the  well-governing  thereof-. 

Made  publick  (or  the  Inrormation  of  fuch  as  are  or  may  be 

dilpofed  CO  Tranfport  themfelves  or  Servants 

into  thofe  Parts. 


/.OiVPOM:  Printed,  and  Sold  by  Swy-imm  Clark 
BookfcUet  in  Otoiff-J^i  Lemttri-flrert,  1681, 


REDi:CED    FAC-SIMTLE   OF   TITLE   TO 
ACCOUNT." 


'  SOME 


'  /Tiv*  A'ort  ncrUlit  van  de  Pnn'iiitie  oft/ 
Landschnp  Pennsylvania  genaeint :  legi^endc  in 
Ameriia  ;  /Vii  onlani^s  ondcr  hct  i^roolc  Zcgcl  van 
Ens^eland  i^tXfVcn  aan  IVilliam  J\'jin,  tti.  Rot- 
terdam ;  I'ieter  van  Wynbruggc,  1681,  410,  24  pp. 
Sec  Carler-Brinon  Cafaloi^in;  vol.  ii.  no.  1,227; 
Troniel,  Bihliothcca  Americana,  no.  381. 

A  copy  of  this  was  sold  at  the  Stevens  sale 
(no.  619)  in  1881  for  ;f  10  y. 

-  Eine  nachricht  uiegcn  dcr  Landschaft  Penn- 
lylvania  in  America :  iuelcfiejii)ii:;stens  iinter  dem 
Crossen  Sief;et  in  Ens^elland  an  William  Penn, 
tte.  Amsterdam :  Christoff  Cunraden,  410,  31 
p)).  See  Carter-Brmvn  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,226. 
A  copy  is  in  the  Philadelphia  Library.  (Loganian, 
no.  Q,  1,262.)     [Harrassowitz  of  Leipzig,  in  re- 


the  relations  he  had  established  by  his 
travels  there  attracted  the  attention  of 
persons  in  Germany  to  his  efforts  in 
America. 

In  the  same  year  (1681)  appeared 
Cdsar  de  Roclielbrt's  account,-'  which 
is  usually  found  joined  to  his  Descrip- 
tion des  Antilles.  Next  year  (1682) 
Penn  published,  under  the  title  of  A 
Brief  Account,*  a  short  description  of 
his  province,  giving  additional  informa- 
tion. Of  the  same  date  is  William 
Loddington's  Plantation  l\'ork.^ — a 
tract,  however,  by  some  attributed  to 


cently  advertising  a  copy  (28  marks)  with 
the  imprint,  Frankfort,  1683,  says  that  it 
originally  formed  a  part  of  the  Diarium 
Europteum,  and  was  never  published  sep- 
arately.—  Ed.  I 

3  Kecit  de  r  Estat  Present  des  Celehres 
Colonies  de  la  I  'irgine,  de  Marie-Laud,  de  la 
Caroline,  du  noineaii  Duche  d' York,  de 
Pennsylvania,  et  de  la  A'oiivelle  Angleterre, 
sitiiees  dans  f  Ameriqiie  seplentrionale,  etc. 
Rotterdam :  Reinier  Leers,  4to,  43  pp. 
Carter-Bnmin  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,230; 
Leclcrc's  Bibliotheca  Americana,  no.  1,324. 
■■  A  Brief  Account  of  the  Prircince  of 
Pennsylvania,  lately  granted  by  the  King, 
under  the  Great  Seal  of  England,  to  William 
Penn  and  his  Heirs  and  .Assigns.  London  : 
Printed  by  Henjamin  Clark,  in  Georgc-Vard 
in  Lombard  Street,  4to ;  also  abridged  and 
issued  in  folio,  without  place  or  date. 

There  is  a  copy  in   Harvard  College 
Library.     Cf.  Smith's  Catalogue  of  Friend^ 
Boohs,  and  A'eciicl  de  Diverses  pieces  concern- 
ant  la  Pensylvanic.     See  infra,  p.  31. 
''  Plantation  Work  the  Work  of  this  Genera- 
tion.    Written  in   True-Love  To  all  such  as  are 
weightily  inclined  to    Transplant  themselves  and 
Families  to  any  of  the  English   J'lantations  in 
America.     7he  Most  material  Doubts  and  Objec- 
tions against  it  being  remcrved,  they  may  more  cheer- 
full  v  prated  to  the  Glory  and  Penoa-n  of  the  God 
of  the  whole  Earth,  who  in  all  undertakings  is 
to  be  looked  unto.  Praised,  and  Feared  for  Ever. 
Aspice  venturo  Uetetur  ut  India  Seclo.      London  : 
Printed   for   Uenjamin   Clark,   in   George-Yard 
in  Lombard  Street,  1682,  4to,  18  pp.  and  title. 

Copies  of  the  tract  are  in  the  Carter-Drown 
Library,  vol.  ii.  1,252,  Friends'  Library.  Phila- 
delphia, and  in  that  of  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania. 


"^■vlH 


THE    FOUNUING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


497 


George  Fox.     It  was  written  in  favor  of  Quaker  emigration  at  a  time  when  many  Quakers 
feared  that  such  action  might  be  prompted  by  a  desire  to  escape  persecution.     In  it  we 
have  the  earliest  descriptions  preserved  of  Pennsylvania  after  it  was  given  to  Penn.    These 
are  presented  in  letters  of  Mark- 
ham,  written  soon  after  his  ar-  __       T»t»»'«ir»/-i 
rival,  the  date  of  which  is  also                                The    FRAME  of  the 
indicated.      The   extracts  from 
Markham's  letters  are  printed  in 


GOVERNMENT 


Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  His- 
tory, vi.  175. 

The  constitution  which  Penn 
proposed  for  his  colony,  together 
with  certain  laws  which  were  ac- 
cepted by  purchasers  in  Eng- 
land as  citizens  of  Pennsylvania, 
were  issued  the  same  year  as  The 
Frame  of  Gtyjernmenl.^  Both 
constitution  and  laws  underwent 
considerable  alteration  before 
going  into  effect :  although  this 
fact  has  been  frequently  over- 
looked. A  little  brochure,  of 
probably  a  like  date.  Informa- 
tion and  Direction.-  covers  a 
description  of  the  houses  which 
it  was  supposed  would  Ije  the 
most  convenient  for  settlers  to 
build. 

The  Free  Society  of  Traders 
purchased  of  Penn  twenty  thous- 
and acres.  The  Society  was 
formed  for  the  purpose  of  de- 
veloping this  tract,  which  was  to 
be  known  as  the  Manor  of 
Frank.  Nicholas  More  was 
president,  and  James  Claypoole 
treasurer.  The  letter-book  of 
the  latter  is  in  the  Historical 
Society  of  Pennsyl\-ania.  The 
charter  of  the    Society  will   be 


OF  THE 


|);ol3{me  of  ^emtfatmnte 


IN 


AM  ERICA 


Together  widt  ceruin 


LAWS 

Agreed  upon  in  England 

BY  THE 

GOVERN OUR 

AND 

Divers  FREE-MEN  of  die  aforcfkid 
PROVINCE 

ToV?  furthrr  Eicplained  and  Confirmed  there  byihe  firll 

Troxindal  C':«mr7and  Qeneral  /tjfemblj  ttiu  (hall 

be  held,   if  thoy  fee  meet. 


rnmcdip.  tl.cYear  MDCLXXXIL 

REDLCED   F.AC-SIMII.K   OF   TITLE    OF   "THE    FR.\ME 
OF   GOVERNMENT." 


1  T/ii'  Frame  of  the  G(Kernment  ef  the  Praz" 
incc  of  Pennsikania  in  America :  Ti^gclhcr  -with 
certain  Laws  iii^reeti  iifon  in  En^and  by  the  G<7Z- 
ernoiir  and  dirers  Free  Men  if  the  aforesaid  Prov- 
ince.    Folio,  II  pp.,  16S2. 

Peiin's  copy  of  the  above,  with  his  book- 
plate, is  in  the  library  of  the  Hbtorical  Society 
of  Pennsylvania.  It  was  purchased  at  the 
Stevens  sale  in  1S81  for  jQio  5*.  (Stevens's 
Historical  Collection,  no.  623;  Carter-Brcncn  Cat- 
alogue, vol.  ii.  no.  1,251.)  There  is  another  copy 
in  Harvard  College  Library,  from  which  the 
annexed  fac-simile  of  title  is  taken.  Later  edi- 
tions of  the  Frame,  containing  the  alterations 
VOL.  in.  — bi. 


made  in  1683,  are  spoken  of  on  a  subsequent 
page. 

-  Information  and  Direction  To  Such  Persons 
as  are  inclined  to  America,  more  Especially  Those 
related  to  the  Pririnnce  of  Pennsyhania.  Folio, 
4  pp. 

The  title  of  this  tract  is  given  in  Smith's 
Catalogue  of  Friends'  Boots,  under  date  of  16S1. 
It  is  reprinted,  with  a  fac-simile  of  the  half-title, 
in  Pennsyhania  Mat^azine  of  History,  iv.  329, 
from  .T  copy  in  possession  of  Mr.  Henr)-  C. 
Murphy.  An  edition  was  published  at  .Am- 
sterdam in  1686,  which  is  given  on  a  following 
page. 


I,     i:, 


\  ;'; 


\  I 


'M  >  *. 


I 


498  NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


found  in  Hazard's  Annals  (p. 
541),  with  other  information  re- 
garding the  Society ;  and  in  the 
same  volume  (p.  552)  a  portion 
of  a  tract  1  which  is  printed  in 
full  with  a  reduced  fac-simile  of 
titlepage  in  Pctinsyhuinia  Mag- 
azine of  History,  v.  37. 

A  Vindication  of  William 
"•nn,  by  Philip  Ford,  in  two 
IV  o  pages,  was  published  in 
London  in  1683,  to  contradict 
stories  which  were  circulated 
after  Penn  had  sailed,  to  the 
effect  that  he  had  died  upon 
reaching  America,  and  had 
closed  his  career  prr  '  ssing  be- 
lief in  the  Church  of  <ome.  It 
contains  abstracts  of  the  first 
letters  written  by  Penn  from 
America.'-' 

The  most  important  of  all 
the  series  is  a  Letter  from  Wil- 
liam   Penn,^  printed    in    1683. 

'  There  is  a  copy  of  the  origi- 
nal tract  in  Harvard  College  Li- 
brary.    Its  title  is  as  follows, — 

The  Articles,  Settlement,  and  Of- 
fices of  the  Free  Society  of  Traders 
in  Pennsilvania :  Af;reed  upon  hy 
diver.'  Merchants  and  others  for  the 
l>etlir  Improvement  and  Go^iernmcitt 
of  Trade  in  that  Province.  Lon- 
don :  Printed  for  Benjamin  Clark, 
folio,  14  pp.,  1682. 

-  Copies  of  it  are  in  the  British 
Museum  and  in  the  Friends'  Li- 
brary, London.  It  is  reprinted  in 
the  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  His- 
tory, vi.  176,  fro.n  a  transcript  ob- 
tained from  the  British  Museum. 

»  A  Letter  from  IVilliam  Penn, 
Proprietary  and  Gm>ernoiir  of  Penn- 
sylvania in  America,  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Free  Society  of  Traders 
of  that  Province,  residinf;  in  Lon- 
don. To  7uhich  is  added  An  Ac- 
count of  the  City  of  Philadelphia, 
etc.  Printed  and  Sold  by  Andrew 
Sowle,  at  the  Crooked-Billet  in 
HoUoway  Lane  in  Shoreditch,  and 
at  several  Stationers'  in  London, 
folio,  10  pp.,  1683. 

A  copy  of  the  edition,  with  list 
of  property  holders,  is  in  the  Li- 
brary of  the  New  York  Historical 


THt;    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


499 


It  was  written  afte<  Penn  had  been  in  America  over  nine  months  (dated  August  i6),  and 
may  be  considered  as  a  report  from  personal  observation  of  what  he  found  his  colony  to  be. 
It  passed  through  at  least  two  editions  in  London ;  one  of  which  contains  a  list  of  the 
property-holders  in  Philadelphia,  with  numbers  affixed  to  their  names  indicating  the  lots 
they  held,  as  is  shown  on  a  plan  of  that  city  which  accompanies  the  publication,  and  of 
which  a  heliotype  is  herewith  given.  The  letter  appeared  the  next  year  (1684)  in  a  Dutch 
translation '  (two  editions).  Of  the  same  date  is  a  new  description  of  the  province,  of 
which  we  have  a  German  -  and  a  French '  text.  The  pamphlet  contains  an  extended 
extract  from  Penn's  letter  to  the  Free  Society  of  Traders,  the  letter  of  Thomas  Paschall 
from  Philadelphia,  dated  Feb.  10,  1683  (N.  S.),  and  other  interesting  papers,  many  of  which 
were  published  in  A  Brief  Aclo,  nt.  All  information  in  it  that  is  not  readily  accessibL 
has  been  lately  translated  by  Mr.  Samuel  W.  Pennypacker  from  the  French  edition,  and 
is  printed  with  fac-simile  of  title  in  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  vi.  311. 

A  small  tract,  giving  letters  from  a  Dutch  and  Swiss  sojourner  in  and  near  Phila- 
delphia, was  printed  at  Rotterdam,  in  1684,  as  Twee  Missiven.*  The  only  copy  of  this  tract 
which  we  know  of  is  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  and  will  be  shortly  published  by  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  The  copy  at  Washington,  we  are  told,  contains  but 
one  letter.  Another,  or  possibly  the  same,  copy  is  catalogued  in  Tromel's  Bibliotheca 
Americana,  Leipzig  (1861),  no.  390. 

The  Planter's  Speech'"  (1684)  and  Thomas  Budd's  Good  Order  established  in  Pennsyl- 
vania, etc.  (1685),*  which  have  been  referred  to  in  another  chaptei ,  are  of  like  importance 
to  Pennsylvania  history.  What  is  called  "William  Bradford's  Printed  Letter"  (1685)  is 
quoted  in  the  first  edition  of  Oldmixon's  British  Empire  in  America^  p.  158.  We  have, 
however,  never  met  with  the  original  publication. 


Society.  It  has  been  lately  reprinted  by  Cole- 
man, of  London.  Copies  of  the  edition,  which 
does  not  contain  the  list  of  purchasers,  are  in  the 
Philadelphia  Library  and  in  the  Historical  Soci- 
ety of  Pennsylvania.  It  is  rr-irinted  in  Proud's 
History  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  -4C;  Hazard's  Reg- 
ister of  Pennsylvania,  i.  432  ;  Janney's  Life  of 
Penn,  p.  238;  and  in  the  various  editions  of 
Penn's  collected  Works.  Menzies'  copy  sold  for 
365.  Harvard  College  Library  has  a  copy  with- 
out the  list;  another  is  in  the  Cartci-Brown 
Library.     Cf.  Rich's  Catalogue  of  1832,  no.  403. 

'  Missive  van  IVilliam  Penn,  Eygenaar  en 
Gouverneur  van  Pennsylvania,  in  America.  Ge- 
schreven  aan  de  Commissarissen  van  de  Vrye 
.Societeyt  der  Handelaars,  op  de  selve  Provintic, 
binnen  London  resideerendc.  Waar  by  noch  f;e- 
voeght  is  een  Besclirijving  van  de  Hoofl-Stadt 
Philadelphia,  etc.  Amsterdam :  Gedrukt  voor 
Jacob  Claus,  1684,  410,  23  pp. 

A  copy  is  in  the  Carter-Brown  Library,  Cat- 
alof,ue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,293,  ^"d  in  the  O'Callaghan 
Catah^ne,  no.  1,816  ($20).  The  one  in  the  Li- 
brary of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania 
lacks  the  map.  It  contains,  in  addition  to  what 
is  in  the  London  edition,  a  letier  from  Thomas 
Paschall,  dated  from  P'liladelpl- ia,  Feb.  10,  1683 
(N.  S.),  the  first,  we  believe,  dated  from  that 
locality.  This  letter  'vill  be  found  translated  in 
Pennsylvania  Magazini  of  History,  vi.  322. 

'^  Bcschreibung  der  'n  America  nciu-erfunden 
Prmiinz  Pinsylvanien.  Derer  Inwohner  Gesetz 
Arth  Sitten  und  Gebrauch :  auch  samlicher  reviren 


des  Landcs  sonderlich  der  hanpt-stadt  Philadelphia. 
(Hamburg.)  Henrich  Heuss,  16S4,  410,  32  pp. 
Carter-Brown  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,295. 

^  Reciicil  de  Diverses  pieces  concernant  la 
Pensylvanie.  A  La  Haye :  Chez  Abraham  Troyel, 
1684,  i8mo,  118  pp. 

Of  the  copy  in  the  Carter-Brown  Librar)-, 
Mr.  J.  R.  Bartlett,  its  curator,  writes  that  it  is 
the  same  with  the  German.  Carter-Bro^un  Cut- 
.nlogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,295.  Another  copy  is  in  the 
IJosscssion  of  a  member  of  the  Historical  Society 
of  Pennsylvania;  cf.  Stevens,  Historical  Collec- 
tion, no.  1,539. 

■*  Twee  Missiven  geschreven  uyt  Pcnsilvania,  d' 
Eene  door  een  Hollander,  woonachti^  in  Philadelfia, 
d'  Ander  door  een  Swilscr,  woonachtigin  German 
To'icn,  Dat  is  Hoogdnytse  Stadt.  Van  den  16  en  26 
Maert,  1684,  Nienwe  Stijl.  Tot  Rotterdam,  by 
Pieter  van  Alphen,  anno  1684,  2  leaves,  small  4to. 

''  See  Mr.  Whitehead's  chapter  in  the  pres- 
ent volume,  and  Proud's  History  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, i.  226. 

''  We  are  unable  to  give  any  information  ad- 
ditional to  that  furnished  by  Mr.  Whitehead, 
e.vcept  that  a  copy  of  this  tract  sold  for  $160  at 
the  Brinley  sale,  and  that  the  original  edition 
can  be  found  in  the  Carter-Brown,  Lenox,  His- 
torical Society  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Friends'  (of 
Philadelphia)  'ibraries ;  cf.  Historical  Mcgazine, 
vi.  265,  304.  A  biographical  sketch  of  Budd 
\v'll  be  found  in  Mr.  Armstrong's  introduction  to 
the  work  as  published  in  Gowan's  Bibliotheca 
Americana,  no.  4. 


\ 


m 


ii 


If 


.H-^ 


\h 


500 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Another  Dutch  description  of  the  country  was  printed  the  same  year  (1685)  at  Rotter- 
dam, Missive  van  Conic/is  Bom,^  and  has  become  very  rare. 

In  1685  Penn  also  printed  A  Further  Account  of  his  grant,  signing  his  name  to  tiie 
tract,  which  appeared  in  quarto  in  separate  editions  of  twenty  and  sixteen  p.iges,  followed 
the  same  year  by  a  Dutch  translation.'-  After  Penn's  letter  to  the  Free  Society  (1683) 
this  is  the  most  important  of  these  early  tracts. 

In  16S6  the  series  only  shows  a  brief  Dutch  tract ;  '  but  in  1687  we  derive  from  .•/ 
Letter  from  Dr.  More,*  etc.,  partly  the  work  of  Nicholas  More,  president  of  the  Free 
Society  of  Traders,  an  idea  of  the  growth  of  the  province  at  that  date.  Of  a  similar 
character  is  a  tract  printed  four  years  later  (1691),  .SVi/w^  Letters,  ttcfi  In  the  following 
year  (1692)  we  have  a  poetical  description"  of  the  province,  which  contains  many  interest- 
ing facts.  Little  is  known  of  the  author,  Richard  Frame.  It  is  said  that  he  was  a  teacher 
in  the  Friends'  School  of  Philadelphia.  He  was  certainly  a  resident  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
the  first  of  her  citizens  to  give  his  thoughts  to  the  public  in  the  form  of  verse.  The  first 
four  lines  will  suffice  to  show  its  merits  as  a  poem  :  — 

"  To  .ill  our  Friends  that  do  desire  to  know 
What  Country  't  is  we  live  in  —  this  will  show. 
.\ttend  to  hear  the  Story  1  shall  tell: 
Xo  doubt  but  you  will  like  this  country  well." 

The  pamphlet  was  a  colonial  production.     It  appeared  on  paper  which  was  possibly  made 
here,  and  was  printed  by  William  Bradford. 


•  Missile  van  Camclis  Bom  Gcschreven  nit  de 
Stadt  Philaddpkiii  in  dc  Prcvintie  van  Pennsyl- 
vania Le^endc  op  d''  vostzyde  van  de  Ziiyd  Rcvier 
van  A'ieuii}  Nederlaiui  Verhalende  de  groote  Voort- 
gank  van  desclve  Prcnintie  Waerhy  komt  de  Getuy 
^enis  van  Jaeob  Telner  van  Amsterdam.  Tot 
Rotterdam,  gedrukt  by  Pieter  van  Wijnbrugge, 
in  de  Leeuwestraet,  1685. 

The  title  we  give  is  from  a  copy  in  the  "  Li- 
brary of  the  Archives  "  of  the  Moravians,  Beth- 
lehem, Pa. 

-  A  Further  Account  of  Ihe  Province  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  its  Imprciiements.  For  the  Satisfac- 
tion of  those  that  are  Adi'cnturers  and  enclincd  to  be 
so.  No  titlepage.  Signed  "  William  Penn,  Worm- 
inghurst  Place,  12th  of  the  10  month,  1685." 

Tiveede  Bericht  ofte  Relaas  van  William  Penn, 
Eygenaar  en  Goui-erneui  van  de  Provintie  van 
Pennsylvania,  in  America,  etc.  Amsterdam  :  By 
Jacob  Glaus,  4to,  20  pp. 

Copies  of  all  three  editions  are  in  the  Carter- 
Brown  Collection.  (C<7/<i/i^^;/c,  :i.  1,320-22).  The 
two  English  editions  are  in  the  possession  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  Extracts 
from  it  are  given  in  Blome's  Present  State  of  His 
Majesties  Isles  and  Territories  in  America,  Lon- 
don, 1687,  pp.  122-134.  We  do  not  think  that 
the  work  has  ever  been  reprinted.  Tromel, 
Bihliotheca  Americaiui,  no.  390,  gives  the  Dutch 
edition. 

'  Xader  Informatieen  Bericht  voor  die  gene  die 
genei;en  zijn,  om  zich  na  America  te  begeeien,  en  in 
de  Proiincie  van  Pensylvania  Geinteresseerd  zijn, 
of  zich  daar  tocken  neder  te  zetten.  Mit  een  Voor- 
reden  behelzende  verscheydene  aanmerkelijke  zaken 


van  den  tegenwoordige  toestand,  en  Regeering  dier 
Proz<iucie  ;  Norcit  voor  dezen  in  druk  gaveest : 
maar  nu^  eerst  iiytgegeven  door  Robert  IVebb  t' 
Amsterdam.  By  Jacob  Claus,  1686,  4to,  i-|-i  i  pp. 
Carier-Broian  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,332. 

*  A  Letter  from  Doctor  More,  7vit/t  Passages 
out  of  several  Letters  from  Persons  of  Good  Credit, 
Relating  to  the  State  and  Improvement  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsilvania.  Published  to  prevent 
false  Reports.     Printed  in  the  Year  1687. 

It  is  reprinted  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of 
History,  iv.  445,  from  a  copy  in  the  Carter-Brown 
Library,  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.  no.  1,339. 

*  Some  Letters  and  an  Abstract  of  Letters  from 
Pennsylvania,  Containing  the  State  and  Improve- 
ment of  that  Province.  Published  to  pretent 
Mis-Reports.  Printed  and  Sold  by  Andrew 
Sowe,  at  the  Crooked  BiUott  in  HoUoway  Lane 
in  Shoreditch,  l6gi,  4to,  12  pp. 

Penn's  copy  is  in  the  Library  of  the  Histor- 
ical Society  of  Pennsylvania ;  see  Carter-Brovvn 
Catalogue,  ii.  1,423.  It  is  reprinted  in  Pennsyl- 
vania Magazine  of  History,  iv.  l8g. 

'  A  Short  Description  of  Pennsilvania,  or,  A 
Relation  IVhat  things  are  knoivn,  enjoyed,  and  like 
to  be  discoi'cred  in  the  said  Province.  [Imperfect.] 
By  Richard  Frame.  Printed  and  sold  by  Wil- 
liam Bradford  in  Philadelphia,  1692,  4to,  8  pp. 

But  one  copy  is  known  to  have  survived,  and 
it  is  preserved  in  the  Philadelphia  Library.  A 
small  edition  was  printed  in  fac-simile,  in  1867, 
on  the  Oakwood  Press,  a  private  press  of  "  S.  J. 
Hamilton  "  (the  late  Dr.  James  Slack ).  Its  intro- 
duction is  in  the  form  of  a  letter  by  Horatio 
Gates  Jones,  Esq. 


ICA. 

685)  at  Rotter- 

s  name  to  tlie 
pages,  followed 
Society  (1683) 

derive  from  .•/ 
nt  of  the  Free 
.  Of  a  similar 
n  the  following 
i  many  interest- 
e  was  a  teacher 
nnsylvania,  and 
;rse.      The  first 


s  possibly  made 


en  Regeering  dier 
in  druk  gnoeest: 
r  Robert  IVM<  t' 
686,410,  i+ 1 1  pp. 
.  no.  1,332. 
ore,  with  Passages 
ms  of  Good  Credit, 
\provement  of  the 
jlished  to  prevent 
Year  n'lS;. 
'ania  Magazine  of 
the  Carter-Brown 

■act  of  Letters  from 
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lished  to  pracut 
lOld  by  Andrew 
n  Holloway  Lane 

jry  of  the  Histor- 
see  Carter-Brmim 
inted  in  Pennsyl- 
189. 

''cnnsilvania,  or,  A 
I,  enjoyed,  and  like 
nee.  [Imperfect.] 
and  sold  by  \Vil- 

1692,  4to,  8  pp. 
lave  survived,  and 
phia  Library.    A 
fac-simile,  in  1867, 
itc  press  of  "  S.  J- 

Slack).    Itsintro- 
letter  by  Horatio 


THE    FOUNDING    OF    I'KNNSVLVANIA. 


501 


Soon  after  the  appearance  of  Frame's  verses,  the  poetic  fever  seized  upon  John  Holme, 
and  he  wrote  "  A  true  Relation  of  the  Flourishing  State  of  Pennsylvania. "  The  poetic 
taste  of  the  community  was  either  satiated  by  the  effort  of  Frame,  or  Holme  shrank  from 
the  honors  of  authorship,  for  his  poem  did  not  see  the  light  until  published  by  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  thirteenth  number  of  its  Bulletin  in  1847. 

In  169s  one  of  the  party  who  emigrated  with  Kelpius  gave  the  public  an  account  of 
his  voyage  and  arrival, 1  under  the  pseudonym  of  "  N.  N.''  He  dated  his  letter  "from 
Germantown,  in  the  Antipodes,  Aug.  7,  1694." 

In  addition  to  Mr.  Whitehead's  remarks  regarding  Gabriel  Thomas's  Account  of 
Pennsylvania   (see   chap,  xi.),   we   will  add  that  the   portion   relating  to  Pennsylvania 


Y  EUTsr  s  VLVAisriAwWrgT  Jkrsev 


G.\BRiEL  Thomas's  m.4p,  1698. 

covers  fifty-five  pages,  besides  eight  pages  which  are  devoted  to  the  preface  and  title.  A 
person  by  the  name  of  the  author,  probably  the  same,  was  in  America  in  1702,  and  was 
then  solicitous  of  a  commission  as  collector  of  quit-rents,  etc.,  within  the  county  of  New- 
castle. In  1698  he  inveighed  against  George  Keith  and  his  followers,  and  in  1702  sided 
with  Colonel  Quarry  in  his  disputes  with  Penn.     Most  of  the  statements  in  his  book  can 


1  Copia  Eines  Seitd-Schriebens  ausz  der  neuen 
Welt,  betreffend  die  Erzehlung  einer  gefdherlichen 
Schifffarth,  und  gliicklichen  Anldndung  etlicher 
Christlichen  Reisegefehrten,  luclche  zu  dem  Ende 
diese  Wallfahrt angetratten,  den  Glauhen  an  Jesiim 
Christum  allda  Ausz-zubrtiten.  Gedruckt  im 
Jahr  1695,  4to,  ii  pp. 


A  copy  was  purchased  by  the  Historical 
Society  of  Pennsylvania  at  the  Stevens  sale 
in  188 1  for  ;^26.  It  has  been  translated  by 
Professor  Oswald  Seidensticker  for  publication 
in  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History.  Pro- 
fessor Seidensticker  inclines  to  the  belief  that  it 
was  written  by  Daniel  Falkner. 


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NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


be  relied  on,  but  some  passages  are  marked  by  exaggeration  and  others  by  satire.  As 
some  of  the  buildings  in  Philadelphia  mentioned  by  Thomas  were  not  erected  until  after 
he  wrote,  Mr.  Westcott,  in  his  History  of  Philadetphia,  suggests  that  possibly  there  was 
more  than  one  edition  of  the  work  bearing  the  same  date.' 

In  1700  was  printed  a  Bcschreibung  der  Provintz  I'enttsylvania^^  the  work  of  Francis 
Daniel  Pastorius,  agent  of  the  Frankfort  Land  Company,  and  the  most  active  and  intelli- 
gent of  the  first  German  settlers,  which  is  of  great  interest,  as  it  contains  the  views  of  one 
thoroughly  identified  with  the  German  movement  to  America.  The  descriptions  of  the 
country  and  of  the  form  of  government,  the  advice  to  emigrants,  etc.,  which  it  contains, 
are  gathered  from  letters  written  to  his  father.  A  translation  of  portions  of  the  work  by 
Lewis  H.  Weiss  is  given  in  Memoir  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  iv.  part 
ii.  p.  83.  The  original  edition  is  generally  found  bound  up  with  a  German  edition  of 
Thomas's  Penrisylvania,  printed  in  1702,  and  the  tr.ict  by  Falkner  hereafter  mentioned. 
While  the  works  bear  different  dates,  there  appears  to  have  been  some  connection  in  the 
series.  The  information  in  Thomas,  originally  printed  in  1698,  supplements  to  a  great 
extent  what  will  be  found  in  Pastorius,  printed  in  1700.  The  titlepage  of  the  German 
edition  of  Thomas  (1702)  speaks  of  it,  therefore,  as  a  continuation  of  Pastorius,  and  the 
same  shows  Falkner's  tract  to  have  appeared  as  a  supplement  to  the  German  edition  of 
Thomas. 

An  agent  of  the  Frankfort  Company,  who  was  in  Pennsylvania  in  1694  and  1700, 
issued  at  Frankfort  in  1702  a  little  book,  Cttrieuse  Nachricht^  which  gives  some  informa- 
tion in  the  form  of  questions  and  answers,  one  hundred  and  three  in  number.  The  sub- 
jects touched  upon  are  the  country  in  general,  its  soil,  climate,  etc  ;  the  inhabitants,  their 
manners,  customs,  and  religions  ;  the  Indians;  how  to  go  to  America,  etc. 

The  last  of  the  works  to  be  considered  as  original  authority  is  J.  01dmixon"s  British 
Empire  in  America,  as  it  s  known  that  the  author  got  some  of  his  information  from 
Penn  himself.*  It  was  first  issued  at  London  in  1708,  and  again  in  1741.  The  editions 
differ  materially  in  the  sections  on  Pennsylvania,  so  that  both  need  to  be  consulted. 


% 


'Vill 


i.    i 


•  There  are  two  copies  of  the  book  in  Har- 
vard College  Library ;  from  the  maj)  in  one 
the  annexed  fac-simile  is  taken.  Cf.  Wharton's 
paper  on  provincial  literature  in  Hist.  Soc. 
Mem.,  i.  119;  and  the  Carter-Brmvn  Catalogue, 
ii.  1,550. 

2  Umstandige  Gsographische Besihreilmtig Der 
zii  allerletzt-erfundeiten  Provintz  Pensyhania,  In 
deiien  End  Grantzen  Amcriae  In  der  West-Welt 
gelegen  dtirch  Franciscum  Danielem  Pastorium, 
etc.  Vattern  Metchiorem  Adamum  Pastorium, 
und  andere  gute  Freunde.  Franckfurt  und  Leip- 
zig. Zu  finden  bey  Andreas  Otto,  1700,  i6nio, 
140  pp. 

The  Harvard  College  copy  is  dated  1704; 
cf.  Brinley  Catalogue,  no.  3,077  ;  and  O'  Callaghan 
Catalogue,  no.  1,807,  with  a  Continuatio  of  1702 
($43.00). 

'  Curieuse  A^achricht  von  Pensylvania  in  Nor- 
den-America  welche  auf  Begehren  guter  Freunde, 
etc.  Von  Daniel  Falknern,  Professore,  Burgern 
und  Pilgrim  allda.  Franckfurt  und  Leipzig.  Zu 
finden  bey  Andreas  Otto,  Buchhandlern,  1702, 
i6mo,  58  pp. 

*  It  is  worth  while  to  make  record  of  two 
tracts  of  this  early  period  whose  titles  might 
deceive  the  student  with  the  belief  that  they  per- 
tained to  the  subject,  but  they  do  not.     The 


first  is  a  burlesque  indorsement  of  the  Protes- 
tant Reconciler,  entitled  TTiree  Letters  of  Thanks 
to  the  Protestant  Recon.iler :  I.  From  the  Ana- 
baptists at  Munster ;  2.  From  the  Congregations 
in  A'e7;i  England ;  3.  From  the  Quakers  in  Penn- 
sylvania. London:  Benjamin  Took,  16S3,  4t<;, 
26  pp. 

The  other  is  a  Letter  to  William  Penn,  -with 
His  Answer,  London,  16SS,  4to,  10  pp;  again 
the  same  year  in  20  pp.;  and  in  Dutch,  16  pp., 
Amsterdam,  1689. 

This  letter,  by  Sir  William  Popple,  is  ad- 
dressed "  To  the  Honourable  William  Pemi, 
Esq.,  Proprietor  and  Governor  of  Pennsylvania." 
It  is  a  friendly  criticism  on  bis  conduct  while 
living  in  England,  after  his  return  from  .Amer- 
ica. It  has  nothing  to  do  with  his  province  but 
is  of  a  biographical  nature.  Proud  prints  the 
correspondence  in  his  History  of  Pennsylvania 
(i.  314).  It  has  been  catalogued  as  connected 
with  the  history  of  the  province.  Cf.  Carter- 
Bro7vn  Catalogue,  vol.  ii.,  nos.  1,363  and  1,390. 
Both  of  the  London  editions  are  in  the  posses- 
sion of  the  Historical  Society'  of  Pennsylvania. 

The  student  may  also  need  to  be  warned 
against  a  forged  letter  of  Cotton  Mather,  about 
a  plot  to  capture  Penn.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc, 
1870,  p.  329. 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


503 


The  Rise  and  Progress  of  the  Quakers.  —  As  we  have  traced  the  history  of 
Penn's  colony  from  the  origin  of  the  religious  society  which  had  such  an  influence  on  the 
formation  of  his  character,  and  to  which  Pennsylvania  owes  its  existence  quite  as  much 
as  to  Penn  himself,  a  few  references  must  be  made  to  the  chief  sources  of  information 
from  which  a  history  of  the  (juakers  can  be  gathered.  The  most  prominent  of  these  is 
the  Jo/tnia/ 0/ Georj^v  fox,^  the  founder  of  the  Quaker  Church.  It  relates,  in  passages 
of  alternate  vividness  and  ambiguity,  the  experiences  of  his  life.  So  different,  however, 
are  the  opinions  entertained,  that  while  Macaulay  says  th.it  "  his  gibberish  was  translated 
into  English,  meanings  which  he  would  have  been  unable  to  comprehend  were  put  on  his 
phrases,  and  liis  system  so  much  improved  that  he  would  not  have  known  it  again,"  Sir 
James  .Mackintosh,  on  the  contrary,  calls  the /('///■««/ "one  of  the  most  extraordinary  and 
instructive  narratives  in  the  world,  which  no  reader  of  competent  judgment  can  peruse  with- 
out revering  the  virtues  of  the  writer,  pardoning  his  self-delusions,  and  ceasing  to  smile  at 
his  peculiarities." 

W.  Edmundson  m.ade  three  voy.iges  to  America  before  1700,  the  first  with  Fox,  in 
167 1  ;  h\%/oii>ual  '^  has  been  often  printed. 

Penn's  own  statements  about  the  sect's  origin  were  given  in  his  lirief  Account  of  the 
Rise  and  Proi^ress  of  the  People  called  Quakers,  ■^\xh\vs\\eA  at  London  in  1695,  and  in  h'^ 
Primitive  Christianity  Re^'ived,  1696  and  1699. 

Robert  Barclay  is  considered  the  most  able  exponent  of  the  Quaker  belief  among  early 
writers  of  tiiat  sect,  and  his  Apolo^v^  is  his  chief  work.  He  was  the  son  of  '■  Barclay  of 
Ury,"  of  whom  Whittier  h.as  sung,  and  was  governor  of  East  Jersey  (see  chap.  xi.). 

The  Hujcrint^s  0/  the  People  called  Quakers  *  by  Joseph  Besse,  is,  as  its  title  indicates, 
an  account  of  their  persecutions  in  various  parts  of  the  world.  It  is  written  from  a 
Quaker  standpoint,  but  its  accuracy  can  seldom  be  questioned.  It  has  passed  through 
two  editions. 

Sewel's  History  of  the  Quakers  *  is  a  work  which  possesses  great  value,  not  only  on 
account  of  its  freedom  from  error,  but  because  it  was  written  at  an  early  period  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  Society  of  Friends.  Its  author  was  a  native  of  Amsterdam,  antl  was  born  about 
1650.     His  history  was  written  to  correct  the  misrepresentations  in  Historia  Quakeriana,^ 


1  A  fournal  or  Histiyricat  Act  mint  of  his  Life, 
Travels,  Sufferings,  etc.  London,  1O94,  folio. 
Again,  London,  1709;  1765;  7th  ed.,  1852,  with 
notes  by  Wilson  Armistead.  Allibone's  Dic- 
tionary, i.  635  ;  Sabin's  Dictionary,  vi.  25,352. 

'■2  London,  1713;  Dublin,  1715;  London,  1715, 
'777  i  Dublin,  1820;  and  in  two  different  Friends' 
libraries,  1833  and  183S.     Sabin,  vi.  21.S73. 

*  Apology  for  the  Church  and  Peof^le  of  d  ^d 
called  in  derision  Quakers ;  Wherein  they  at  e 
vindicated  from  those  that  accuse  them  of  Disorde  r 
and  Confusion  on  the  one  hand,  and  from  such  ,is 
calumniate  them  with  Tyranny  and  Imposition  i  n 
the  other  ;  shewing  that  as  the  true  and  pure  Prh  ■ 
ciples  of  the  Gospel  are  restored  by  their  Testimony, 
so  is  alse  the  ancient  apostolic k  order  of  the  Church 
of  Christ  re-established  among  them,  and  settled 
upon  its  Right  Basis  and  Foundation.  By  Robert 
Barclay,  London,  1676,  i  vol.,  410. 

There  have  been  various  later  editions  in 
English  and  German.  Masson  calls  this  book  by 
far  the  best-reasoned  exposition  of  the  sect's 
early  principles. 

*  A  Collection  of  the  Sufferings  of  the  People 
called  Quakers,  for  the  testimony  of  a  good  Con. 
science.    London,  1753,  2  vols.,  folio. 


*  The  History  of  the  Rise,  Increase,  and  Prog- 
ress if  the  Christian  People  called  Quakers,  inter- 
mixe  Iwith  several  remarkable  occurrences.  Written 
ori ;inally  in  Low  Dutch  by  W.  S.,  and  by  himself 
.ranslated  into  English.  London,  1722,  folio, 
752  pp.  There  are  later  editions, —  London, 
1725;  Philadelphia,  1725;  Burlington,  N.  J., 
•775;  again,  1795,  •  799-' 800  ;  Philadelphia, 
iSii;  again,  1833,  in  Friends'  Library;  New 
York,  1844,  etc.  The  Philadelphia  edition  of 
1725  bears  the  imprint  of  .Samuel  Keimer.  It 
was  this  book  which  Franklin,  in  his  Autobiog- 
raphy, tells  us  he  and  Meredith  worked  upon 
just  after  they  had  established  themselves  in 
business.  Forty  sheets,  he  says,  were  from 
their  press. 

•  [This  was  published  at  Amsterdam  in  1696, 
and  was  translated  into  English,  with  a  letter  by 
George  Keith,  vindicating  himself,  the  same 
year;  and  also  into  German.  .Sabin's  Diction- 
ary, v.  17,584.  The  next  year  (1797)  Francis 
Bugg's  Picture  of  Quakerism  was  printed  as 
*•  A  modest  Corrective  of  Gerrard  Croese " 
(Sabin,  iii.  9,072) ;  Bugg  having,  since  about 
1684,  joined  their  opponents.  Brinley  Cata- 
logue, no.  3,503.  — Ed.] 


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NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


by  Gerard  Croese,  which  had  been  largely  circulated.  .Sewel's  work  was  publishid  in 
Dutch  at  Amsterdam  in  1717.  and  a  translation  by  the  author  was  issued  in  London, 
1722.  Gough's  History  of  the  Quakert  is  a  compilation  of  nearly  all  that  was  accessible 
at  the  time  of  its  publication.  The  I'ortraiture  of  Quakerism,^  by  Clarkson,  treats  of  the 
discipline  and  customs  of  the  Society.  The  History  of  Friends  in  the  Seventeenth 
Century,  by  Dr.  Charles  Evans,  contains  nearly  everything  that  most  readers  will  require. 
It  is  an  excellent  compilation,  and  presents  the  subject  in  a  compact,  useful  form.  The 
same  can  be  said  of  a  History  of  the  Relif^iout  Society  of  Friends  from  its  rise  to  the 
year  1828,'  by  Samuel  M.  Jann'  •  The  author  was  a  follower  of  Elias  Hicks,  and  his 
work  contains  a  history  of  the  ...paration  of  the  meetings  caused  by  the  doctrines 
preached  by  the  latter.  Ir.  liarclay's  Inner  Life  of  the  Relii^ious  Societies  of  the  Com- 
monwealth •'  the  attempt  ha.s  lieen  made  to  trace  the  origin  of  the  .Society  of  Friends  to 
an  earlier  period  than  the  preaching  of  Fox.  The  author  of  the  work  was  Robert 
Barclay,  of  the  .same  family  a.s  "  the  Apologist."  The  work,  which  is  an  able  one, 
was  reviewed  by  Dr.  Charles  Evans  *  A  terse  critici-sm  was  lately  made  on  the  book 
by  a  Friend,  who  in  conversation  remarked.  "  Roljert  IJarclay  seemed  to  know  more 
of  what  George  Fox  believed  than  George  himself." 

The  chief  manuscript  depository  of  the  Friends  is  in  Devonshire  House,  Friends' 
Meeting-House,  12  Bishopsgate  Street  Without,  London.  E.C.,  England,  where  what  is 
known  as  the  Swarthmore  manuscripts  are  preserved.  The  collection  was  made  under  the 
direction  of  George  Fox,  and  many  of  the  pa[jers  are  indorsed  in  his  handwriting.  It 
consists  "  of  letters  addre.ssed  to  Swarthmore  Hall  from  the  Preachers  in  connection  with 
Fox,  giving  an  account  of  their  movements  and  success,  to  .Margaret  Fell,  and  through 
her  to  Fox.  Up  to  1661  Swarthmore  Hall  was  secure  from  violation,  and  these  letters 
range  over  the  period  from  1651  to  1661." 

John  Whiting's  Catalogue  of  Friends'  Books,  published  in  1708,  is  the  earliest  gatiier- 
ing  of  titles  concerning  the  Quakers.  The  work,  however,  has  been  fully  done  in  our 
own  day  by  Joseph  Smith,  who  published,  in  1867,  at  London,  A  Descriptive  Catalogue  of 
Friends'  Hooks,  in  two  volumes,  with  critical  remarks  and  occasional  biographical  notices; 
and  in  1873,  his  Bibliotheca  Anti-Quakeriana ;  or,  a  Catalogue  of  Books  adverse  to  the 
Society  of  Friends  ;  with  Bioi^raphical  A'otices  of  the  Authors  :  -with  Answers!' 

In  following  the  history  of  the  Quakers,  particularly  in  America,  the  recorder  of  their 
career  In  Pennsylvania  must  leave  unnamed  some  of  the  most  important  books,  because 
their  contents  concern  chiefly  or  solely  the  stor>'  of  their  persecutions  and  progress  in  the 
other  colonies,  particularly  New  England.*    liowden's  History  of  Friends  in  America,  as 


1  Portraiture  of  Quakerism,  3  vols.,  London, 
1806;  New  York,  s.ime  date. 

2  Four  vols.,  Philadelphia,  1860-67. 

*  London,  1876. 

^  An  Examcn  of  Parts  relatins;  to  the  Society 
of  Friends  in  a  rfient  -avrk  by  Robert  Parclay, 
entitled,  etc.     1'hil.idelphia,  1876. 

*  See  also  Brinley  Catiiloi;ue,  no.  3,479,  for  a 
variety  of  titles;  and  ISohn'.s  l^ywndes,  p.  loi". 

°  It  may  not,  however,  I>e  out  of  place  to 
mention  here  the  chief  rea.sons  on  which  the 
followers  of  Fox  ba.sc  their  objections  to  the 
manner  in  which  it  is  customary  to  -tpeak  of 
the  first  Quakers  who  visited  New  England.  It 
is  generally  represented  that  it  was  the  behavior 
of  these  early  ministers  which  caused  their  per- 
secution ;  but  before  a  European  Quaker  had 
set  foot  on  Massachusetts  the  court  had  de- 
nounced them,  and  in  October,  1656,  a  law  was 
passed  which  spoke  of  them  as  a  "  cursed  sect  of 


hcretickes."  It  is  also  customary  to  speak  of  the 
executions  of  Quakers  in  Boston  in  connection 
with  certain  acts  of  indecency  committed  by 
women  who  were  cither  laboring  under  mental 
aberrations  or  believed  that  they  were  fulfilling 
a  divine  command,  leaving  on  the  mind  of  the 
reader  the  impression  that  the  cajjital  law  was 
called  into  existence  to  correct  such  abuses. 
No  such  acts  were  committed  until  after  the 
capital  law  had  fallen  into  disuse.  Nor  is  it 
clear,  from  printed  authorities,  that  the  death 
penalty  was  only  inflicted  after  every  possible 
means  had  l)een  tried  by  the  Massachusetts 
authorities  to  rid  themselves  of  their  unwel- 
come visitors.  The  language  of  the  law  of 
1658,  which  declared  that  if  a  banished  Quaker 
returned  he  or  she  should  suffer  death,  docs  not 
show  that  it  supplemented  that  of  1657,  by  which 
punishments  increasing  in  severity  were  visited 
on  Quakers  upon  their  first,  second,  and  third 


m 


:a. 

published  in 
d  in  London, 
vas  accessible 
,  treats  of  the 
•  Seventetnth 
s  will  require, 
il  form.  The 
its  rise  to  the 
licks,  and  his 
the  doctrines 
f  of  till'  Com- 
of  Friends  to 
c  was  Robert 
an  able  one, 
;  on  the  book 
0  know  more 

ouse,  Friends' 
where  what  is 
nade  under  the 
indwriting.  It 
onnection  with 
II,  and  through 
d  these  letters 

earliest  gather- 
ly  done  in  our 
>e  Catalofiue  of 
iphical  notices; 
adverse  to  the 
vers!' 

corder  of  their 
books,  because 
progress  in  the 
in  America,  as 

■y  to  speak  of  the 

jn  in  connection 

committed   by 

iij;  under  mental 

;v  were  fulfilling 

the  mind  of  the 

capital  law  was 

ct    such   abuses. 

until   after  the 

use.      Nor  is  it 

that  the  death 

every  possible 

Massachuseits 

of    their   unwcl- 

of    the   law   of 

banished  Quaker 

death,  does  not 

of  1657.  by  which 

rity  were  visited 

econd,  and  third 


THE    FOUNDING   OF    PENNSYLVANIA. 


505 


it  is  the  most  important  of  tlie  late  works,  must  also  he  nir-ntinned.  Its  author  enjoyed 
great  advantages  in  preparing  it,  having  the  m.inuscripts  deposited  in  Devonshire  (louse 
at  his  command.  In  it  nuiny  original  documents  of  the  greatest  interest  arc  printed  for 
the  first  time,  among  which  we  may  mentioa  a  letter  of  Mary  Fisher  to  George  l'"ox,  from 
liarbadoes.  dated  Jan.  30,  1655,  regarding  Quaker  preachers  coming  to  America,  and  of 
Josiah  Coale  to  the  same  person,  in  i(/x>,  in  relation  to  the  purchase  of  a  tr.ict  of  land, 
now  a  portion  of  Pennsylt°ania.  The  work  is  spirited  and  readal)le,  and  while  it  is  written 
in  entire  sympathy  with  the  Quakers,  its  statements  are  so  carefully  weighed  that  but  little 
exception  can  be  taken  to  them,  and  then  only  in  cases  where  the  fundamental  views  of 
the  author  and  of  his  readers  are  at  variance. 

A  defence  of  the  early  Friends  in  America  will  be  found  In  Colonial  History  of  the 
Eastern  and  some  of  the  Southern  States,  by  Job  R.  Tyson  ;  see  Memoirs  of  Historical 
Society  of  I'tnitsyhania.  vol.  iv.  part  ii.  p.  5.  For  the  colonies  other  than  New  England, 
a  few  references  will  suffice.  For  New  York,  O'Callaghan's  History  of  A' no  iXctherland 
and  Brodhead's  Xnv  York  can  be  consulted.  For  those  at  Perth  Amboy,  i(')86-i6.SS.  see 
Historical  Magazine,  xvii.  234.  The  Annals  of  Hempstead,  by  Henry  Onderdonk,  Jr., 
treats  of  the  Quakers  on  Long  Island  and  in  New  York  from  i()57  to  1S26;  cf.  also  the 
American  Historical  Record,  i.  49:  ii.  53,  73.  The  Early  Friends  {or  (Juakcrs)  in 
Maryland,  by  J.  Saurin  Norris,  and  Wenlock  Christison  and  the  Early  Friends  in  Talbot 
County,  M-tryland.  by  Samuel  A.  Harrison,  are  the  titles  of  instructive  addresses  delivered 
before  the  Maryland  Historical  Society,  and  included  in  its  Fund  publications;  compare 
also  E.  D.  NeilFs  ••  Francis  Howgill  and  the  Early  Quakers,"  in  his  English  Colonization 
in  \orth  America,  chap,  xvii.,  and  his  Terra  MariiC,  chap.  iv.  Henning's  Statutes  at 
Large  gi%-e  the  laws  passed  in  \'irginia  to  punish  the  Quakers.  The  Journals  and  Travels 
of  Bumyeat  Edmundson.  and  Fox  should  also  be  consulted.  A  far  from  flattering  picture  of 
the  Quakers  li\-ing  on  the  Delaware  shortly  before  the  settlement  of  Pennsylvania,  will  be 
found  in  the  fourna/  oi  Dankers  and  Sluyter,  two  followers  of  John  Labadie,  who  travelled 
in  America  in  1679-1680.  Their  account  of  the  condition  of  the  country  on  the  Delaware 
at  that  time  is  very  interesting.'  A  Retrospect  of  Early  Quakerism  :  being  Extracts  from 
the  Records  of  the  Philadelphia  Yearly  Meeting,  etc.,  by  Ezra  .Michener,  Philadelphia,  i860, 
is  also  a  useful  work,  as  it  gives  the  dates  when  meetings  were  established. 

WiiLiAJi  Pexx.  —  The  collected  works  of  William  Penn  have  passed  through  four 
editions :  *  these  contain  but  few  of  his  letters  in  relation  to  Pennsylvania.*  The 
biographical  sketch  which  accompanies  the  edition  of  1726  is  attributed  to  Joseph  Resse. 
It  appeared  but  eight  years  after  Penn's  death,  and  has  been  the  groundwork  of  nearly 
everything  which  has  since  been  written  concerning  him.  The  Memoirs  of  the  Private 
and  Public  Life  of  William  Penn.  by  Thomas  Clarkson.''  was  for  many  years  the  standard 
Life.  Later  evidence  has  shown  that  in  some  particulars  the  author  erred  ;  but  it  is  gen- 
erallv  accurate.  It  however  treats  more  of  William  Penn  the  Quaker  than  of  William 
Penn  the  founder  of  Pennsylvania.  The  same  criticism  is  applicable  to  The  Life  of 
ll'illiam  Penn  by  Samuel  M.  Janney.*  It  also  is  a  trustworthy  book.  All  that  was  in 
print  at  the  time  it  was  written  was  used  in  its  preparation,  and  it  is  to-day,  historically, 


return.  Neither  will  the  practice  under  the  law 
of  1658  justify  this  interpretation.  The  penal- 
ties of  the  law  ot  1657  had  not  been  exhausted 
in  the  cases  of  Mary  Dyer,  William  Robinson, 
Marmaduke  Stevenson,  and  William  Ledera, 
when  they  were  hanged. 

1  See  Memoirs  of  Long  Island  Historical  Soci- 
ety, vol.  L 

*  London,  17261  2  toIs,  folio;  London,  1771, 
I  vol.,  royal  folio ;  London,  1782,  5  vols.,  8vo ; 
London,  1S25,  3  vols.,  Svo. 

VOL.  in. — 64. 


'  \  list  of  the  most  important  of  these,  with 
references  to  where  they  will  be  found,  is  printed 
in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  if  History,  vi.  368. 

*  London,  1S13,  2  vols. ;  Dover,  N.  H.,  1820; 
new  edition,  with  preface  by  Forster,  1849.  It  is 
reviewed  by  Jeffrey  in  Edinburgh  Review,  xxi. 

444- 

*  Philadelphia,  1852 ;  cf.  Sabin's  Dictionary, 
vol.  ix.  p.  221.  Mr.  Janney  was  appointed 
Indian  Agent  by  President  Grant,  1869.  He 
died  April  30,  1880. 


'T 


1: 


ni» 


I       \ 


tl 


II 


5o6 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


the  best  work  on  the  subject.  It  contains  more  of  his  letters  rcKnrdinK  the  settlement  of 
PennHylvani.i  th.in  any  other  work  we  know  of,  and  they  are  n\ven  in  full.  The  "  Life  of 
William  I'enn,"  by  Geor;;e  K.  Ellis,  I). I)  ,  in  .Sparks'n  American  Hiot^niphy,  second  series, 
vul.  xii.,  is  an  important  and  spirited  pro<lui:ti()n,  the  rcHult  of  circful  tlii>ui{lit  and  study. 

ll-'illiiim  Penn :  iiH  IliilorUal  liioj^ritphy,^  by  William  Hepworih  Dixon,  is  probably 
the  most  popular  account  that  has  api>eared.  Its  style  is  a^ireeahle,  and  it  is  full  of  ii.icr- 
estinj;  facts  piciun-squely  ^rouinrd.  In  some  cases,  however,  the  authorities  quote.l  do  not 
support  the  inferences  which  have  lieen  drawn  from  tliem,  and  the  historic. d  value  of  th? 
book  h.is  been  sacrificed  in  order  to  add  to  its  .ittractiveness.  Those  chapters  which 
speak  of  the  interest  taken  by  Algernon  Sidney  in  the  formation  of  the  constitution  of 
Pennsylvania  are  clearly  erroneous.  These  views  arc  based  on  the  part  which  I'enn  look 
in  Sidney's  return  to  Parliament,  ami  in  a  letter  of  I'enn  tc»  Sidney,  t)ct.  13,  16.S1. 
Without  this  last,  the  argument  falls.  .N'o  reference  is  ^ivcn  to  where  the  letter  wiii  he 
found.  It  was  first  printed  as  addressed  to  Algernon  Sidney,  in  vol.  iii.  part  i,  p.  285  of 
the  Afemoirs  of  llu  Historiial  Sociely  of  Peitn^yh'iinia.  In  vol.  iv.  ihiil  (part  i.  pp.  167- 
212)  other  letters  of  I'enn  are  printed,  one  of  which  is  addressed  to  Henry  Sidney,  the 
brotlicr  of  Algernon.  To  this  a  note  is  apijended,  stating;  that  the  letter  in  the  former 
volume  was  undoubtedly  written  to  the  same  person  As  Mr.  Dixon  used  extr.acts  from 
these  letters,  it  was,  to  say  the  least,  unfortunate  that  he  should  have  overlooked  the  im- 
portance of  the  note.  Ln  I'ie  lie  Giiillauiiu'  J'tini,-  par  J.  Marsill.ic,  is  a  meritorious 
compilation,  but  its  chief  interest  centres  around  its  author,  who  styles  himself  '•  Deputd 
extraordinaire  dcs  Amis  de  France  a  I'  Assemble  Natioiiale.etc."  He  was  of  nolilc  birth, 
and  an  officer  in  the  French  army-  He  joined  the  Friends  in  1778.  Being  convinced  of 
the  unlawfulness  of  war  by  the  arguments  in  liarclay's  Apolof^y,  he  detcriinned  "to  change 
his  condition  of  a  destroyer  to  that  of  a  preserver  of  maiikinil,"  and  studied  medicine. 
During  the  French  Revolution  he  took  refuge  in  America,  and  resided  in  Philadelphia.  He 
afterward  returned  to  France,  "and  threw  ofT  at  the  same  time  the  garb  and  profession  of 
a  Friend.  He  devoted  himself  in  Paris  to  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  obtained 
under  Napoleon  a  situation  in  one  of  the  French  hospitals." 

Chapters  in  Janney's  Life  of  Penn  and  in  Dixon"s  liioi^raphy  are  devoted  to  a  refu- 
tation of  the  charges  of  worldliness  and  insincerity  brought  against  Penn  by  Macaulay  in 
his  History  of  Enj^lami.  We  append  below  the  titles  of  other  puhllcafions  of  the  s.ime 
character,  as  well  as  of  .additional  works  which  can  be  consulted  with  profit  by  students 
of  his  life.'    The  Penn  Papers,  or  manuscripts  in  the  possession  of  tiie  Historical  Society 


'  London,  1851 ;  ag:iin,  1S56.  It  is  reviewed 
in  the  Eilinbiirxh  Review,  xciv.  229,  and  Christian 
Oisener,  W.  Si.S. 

'^  Two  vols.,  1791.  I'  is  of  some  interest  to 
note  another  French  lift  by  C.  Vincent,  Paris, 
1877,  and  a  Dutch  life  by  H.  van  Lil,  Amster- 
dam, 1820-25,  2  vols. 

'  I.  Answers  to  M-acatlay.  —  Dcf-nce  of 
William  Penn  from  Charges,  etc.,  of  T.  B.  Afaam- 
lay,  by  Henry  Fairbaim.    Philadelphia,  1849, 8vo, 

38  pp. 

2.  IVilliam  Penn  and  T.  B.  Afacaulay,  by 
W.  E.  Forster.  Revised  for  the  American  edi- 
tion by  the  author.  Philadelphia,  1850,  8vo,  48 
pp.  This  first  appeared  as  an  Introduction  to 
an  edition  of  Clarkson's  Life  of  IV.  Penn,  Lon- 
don, 1850. 

3.  IVilliam  Penn,  par  L.  VuUieum.  Paris, 
1855,  8vo,  83  pp. 

4.  Inquiry  into  the  Evidenee  relating  to  the 
Charges  brought  by  Lard  Maeaulay  against  W. 


Pt'iiii,  by  John  I'aget.  Edinburgh,  1858,  i2mo, 
13S  pp.  Cf.  also  IVcstminstfr  Pevietv,  liv.  117; 
and  Eclectic  Afa^'azine,  xxiii.  115;  xxxix.  120. 
Sabin's  Dictionary,  49,743. 

ADmriONAI,  WoKKS.  —  Afemorials  of  the  Life 
and  Times  of  [Ailniiral]  Sir  IV.  Penn.  by  Gran- 
ville Penn.  London,  1833,  2  vols.  8vo.  Cf. 
also  P.  S.  P.  Conner's  Sir  IVilliam  Penn,  Phila- 
delphia, 1876,  and  "  The  Father  of  Penn  not  a 
Baptist,"  in  Historical  Magazine,  xvi.  228. 

"The  Private  Life  and  Domestic  Habits  of 
W.  Penn,"  by  Joshua  F.  Fisher,  in  the  Afemoirs 
of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  iii. 
part  ii.  p.  65  (1836) ;  published  also  separately. 

"  \f  emoir  of  Part  of  the  Life  of  \V.  Penn,"  by 
Mr.  Lawton,  a  contemporaneous  writer,  in  Ibid., 
p.  213. 

•'  Fragments  of  an  Apology  for  Himself,"  by 
W.  Penn,  in  Ibid.,  p.  233. 

"  Penn  and  Logan  Correspondence."  Edited 
by  Edward  Armstrong,  in  vols.  ix.  and  x.  of  Mem' 


y  for  Himself,"  by 


THE   FOUNDiNG   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


507 


of  Penntylvania,  relate  chiefly  io  the  history  of  the  province  while  under  the  governorship 
of  Cenn's  descendant.i.  Tliere  ?.e,  however,  in  the  collection  some  papers  of  person?! 
interest  in  relation  (o  I'enn,  anr'  .-.nine  of  his  controversial  writings  and  documents  con- 
nected with  the  history  of  the  (jrov  nee  at  the  time  of  its  settlement.  The  history  of 
this  collection  presents  another  inst;ince  of  the  perils  to  which  m.inuscripts  are  ex|>0!ied. 
After  laving  l>een  preserved  for  a  nun  ber  of  years  by  one  branch  of  the  I'enn  f.imily  with 
comparative  care,  subject  only  to  the  depredations  of  time,  they  were  !;old  10  a  |)aper- 
maker,  throu;;h  whose  discrimination  they  were  preserved.  They  were  calalogue<l  and 
offered  for  sale  by  Kdward  Ci.  Allen  and  James  Co'eman,  of  London,  in  1870.'  The  col- 
lections were  purchased  by  the  ilisturical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  but  not  until  some 
papers  had  l)een  obtained  by  persons  more  f.tvorably  situated.  The  general  interest  of 
the  whole,  however,  was  but  little  lessened  by  this  misfortune.  From  1700  until  the 
Revolution  the  series  is  remarkably  complete,  and  there  are  but  few  incidents  in  the 
colonial  history  of  Pennsylvania  that  cannot  be  elucidated  by  its  examination.  A  por- 
tion of  the  papers  (alx)ut  twenty  thousand  documents;  have  been  bound  and  arranged, 
and  fill  nearly  seventy-tive  folio  volumes.'' 

General  Histories  of  Pevn'SYLVania.  —  The  first  historian  of  Pennsylvania  was 
Samuel  Smith,  author  of  the  well-known  History  of  \ew  Jersey  ;  but  his  work  up  to  the 
present  time  has  not  appeared  in  a  complete  form.  It  is  a  history  of  the  Society  of 
Friends,  or  (Quakers,  in  .New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania.  Smith's  manuscripts  are  in  the 
Library  of  the  New  Jersey  Historical  Society.  Wh.it  appears  to  be  a  duplicate  of  the 
Pennsylvania  portion  is  in  that  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  Hazard  printed 
the  latter  in  his  Register  of  Pennsylvania,  vols.  vi.  and  vii.* 


oirt  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Penntytv.tnia.  These 
volumes  cover  only  the  years  between  1700  and 
1711 ;  they  also  contain  Mr.  J.  J.  Smith's  .Memoir 
of  the  Penn  Family,  reprinted  in  Lipfincotd 
Magazine,  v.  149.  Cf.  .Vaxiizine  of  American  His- 
tory, ii.  437  ;  also  James  Coleman's  Pedigree  and 
General  .Votes  of  the  Penn  F.imily,  187 1. 

"  William  Penn's  Travels  in  Holland  and  Ger- 
many," by  Oswald  Seidensticker.  See  Pennsyl- 
vania Magazine  of  History,  ii.  237.  Penn's 
journal  of  these  travels  will  be  found  in  his 
collected  works. 

The  Penns  and  the  Penningtoni,  and  The 
Fells  of  Swarihmore  Hall,  by  .Maria  Webb,  are 
two  interesting  books  throwing  light  on  the 
Quaker  society  in  which  Penn  moved. 

Calvert  and  Penn  ;  or,  the  Cro^.i-th  of  Cri'il  and 
Religious  Liberty  in  America,  by  Uraiitz  Mayer. 
Delivered  before  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania,  April  S,  1S53.  Baltimore,  1S52, 
8vo,  49  pp. 

John  Stoughton's  William  Penn,  the  Founder 
of  Pennsylvania.  London,  1SS2.  This  book, 
called  out  by  the  Bi-Centenary  of  Pennsylvania, 
is  founded  on  the  standard  Lives,  but  adds  some 
new  matter. 

'  Coleman,  James,  bookseller.  Catalogue  of 
Original  Deeds,  Charters,  Cof'ies  of  Poy.il  Grants, 
petitions,  Ori/^inal  /.etters,  etc.,  of  Williim  Penn 
and  his  Family.  July,  1870.  Also  Supplement. 
London,  1870,  8vo,  .S2,  12  pp. 

Also  see  The  Penn  Papers.  Description  of  a 
large  Collection  of  Original  Letters,  Manuscript 


Documents,  Charters,  Grants,  Printed  Papert,  rare 
Bivks  and  Pamphlets  relating  to  the  Celebrated 
William  Penn,  to  the  early  History  of  Pennsyl- 
Viinia,  and  incidentally  to  other  parts  of  America, 
dating  from  the  latter  part  of  the  1 7M  to  the  end 
of  the  l$th  century,  lately  in  the  possession  of  a 
sunriing  descendant  of  William  Penn,  now  the 
property  of  Edukird  G.  Allen.     London,  1870. 

Also  see  Orii;iiial  Deeds  and  Charten,  State 
and  Boundary  Documents,  Letters,  Maps,  and 
Charts,  also  Books  and  Papers  relating  to  Am- 
erica, the  Penn  Family,  and  the  Qu<iiers,  many  of 
them  from  the  Penn  Library.  July,  187  S.  Lon- 
don, 1S76,  Svo,  24  pp. 

-  The  published  address  delivered  upon  their 
presentation  to  the  Historical  Society  is  entitled 
Proceedings  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl- 
i-ania  on  the  Presentation  of  the  Penn  Papers,  and 
Address  of  Craig  Biddle,  March  10,  1873,  Phila- 
delphia, 1873,  8vo,  30  pp.  Cf.  Catalogue  of 
Paintings,  etc ,  belonging  to  the  Pennsyh-ania  His- 
torical Society,  no.  177. 

'  Mr.  Whitehead  informs  me  that  the  papers 
in  the  Librar)-  of  the  >.'ew  Jersey  Historical 
Society  consist  of  17  parts  (no.  10  missing), 
and  are  called,  "The  History  of  the  Colonies 
of  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania  in  .America. 
F'rom  the  time  of  their  first  discovery  to  the 
year  1721.  Together  with  an  Appendix  con- 
taining several  occurrences  that  have  hap|>ened 
since,  down  to  the  present  time.  Undertaken 
at  the  desire  of  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  the 
people  called  Quakers,  of   the  said   Colonies, 


v.: 


¥: 


'ffl         I 

I 


\l    i 


5o8 


NAP  RATI  VE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Robert  Proud's  History  of  Pennsylvania  *  has  long  enjoyed  a  high  reputation,  but  no 
more  so  than  its  merits  entitle  it  to.  For  years  it  was  the  only  history  of  the  State.  In 
its  preparation  the  manuscript  of  Smith's  History  was  used,  and  in  it  extracts  are  given 
from  pamphlets  that  have  since  been  printed  in  full.  Nevertheless,  there  is  much  in  it 
that  cannot  be  found  elsewhere.  Passages  are  quoted  from  letters  of  Penn  which  have 
never  been  printed  entire,  and  the  notes  regarding  the  e<arly  settlers  are  of  especial  value. 
The  care  taken  in  tlie  preparation  of  the  book  is  so  evident  that  its  statements  can  as 
a  rule  be  accepted.  The  author,  a  native  of  England,  was  a  teacher  of  the  classics  in 
the  Friends'  School,  Philadelphia.^ 

Professor  Ebeling's  volume  on  Pennsylvania  in  his  Erdbeschreibtmi;  unci  Gcschichtc 
von  America,  Hamburg,  1793-1799,  in  five  volumes,  is  another  valuable  contribution. 
Portions  of  it,  translated  by  Duponceau,  will  be  found  in  Hazard's  Register  of  Pemisyl- 
vania,  i.  340.  353,  369,  385,  401. 

Thoh  .IS  F.  Gordon's  History  of  Pennsylvania '  gives  the  history  of  the  colony  down 
to  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  That  part  which  treats  of  the  eighteenth  century  does 
so  more  fully  than  any  other  work.  It  has  never  enjoyed  much,  popularity.  Its  style  is 
labored.  The  author  was  one  who  thought  that  "  the  names  of  the  first  settlers  are  inter- 
esting to  us  only  because  they  were  first  settlers,"  and  that  nothing  could  attract  the 
public  in  men  "  whose  chief,  and  perhaps  sole,  merit  consisted  in  the  due  fulfilment  of 
the  duties  of  private  life.''  There  is  a  tone  of  antagonism  to  Penn  in  some  parts  of  the 
book  which  lacks  tiie  spirit  of  impartiality.  It  was  reviewed  by  Job  R.  Tyson.  See 
"  Examination  of  tiie  Various  Charges  brought  by  Historians  against  William  Penn,"  etc.,  — 
Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  ii.  part  ii.  p.  127. 

The  second  volume  of  Bowden's  History  of  Friends  in  America  *  is  the  best  Quaker 
history  of  Pennsylvania  tiiat  has  appeared. 

Sherman  Day's  Historical  Collections  (1843)  and  An  Illustrated  History  of  the  Com- 
monwealth of  Pennsylvania,^  by  William  H.  Egle,  M.D.,  both  give  the  history  of  the  State 
down  to  the  time  of  their  respective  publications.  In  them  .he  histories  of  the  counties 
are  treated  in  separate  chapters,  general  histories  of  the  State  being  given  by  way  of 
introductions,  — that  by  Dr.  Egle  being  very  full. 

The  Historical  Review  of  the  Constitution  and  Government  of  Pennsylvania,  from  its 
Origin,  which  is  attributed  to  Frarklin,  belongs  properly  to  a  later  period  of  the  history  of 
the  province  than  we  are  now  considering,  .tnd,  as  it  was  written  to  serve  a  political  pur- 
pose, has  but  slight  historical  claims.     In  it,  however,  the  attempt  is  made  to  trace  some 


and  published  l)y  their  order.     By .    Psal. 

cv.  12.  13.  14,  when  they  were  but  a  fcsv,  etc." 
Several  of  the  pass-iges,  marked  "Transfer  to 
History  of  Friends,"  correspond  to  the  Phila- 
delphia manuscript,  which  is  apparently  the 
portion  designated  as  the  second  jiart  in  the 
author's  scheme,  as  liuis  dct.iilcd  by  himself  in 
the  New  Jersey  manuscript :  "  The  History  of 
the  Province  of  Pennsylvania  in  two  parts. 
Part  I.  The  time  and  manner  of  the  grants  of 
territories,  the  arrival  of  set'lers,  a  general 
view  of  the  original  state  of  the  coimlry  and 
of  the  public  proceedings  in  legislation,  and 
other  matters  for  the  first  forty  years  after  the 
settlement  made  under  William  Penn.  Part  II. 
The  introduction  and  some  account  of  the  rc- 
.  iTious  progress  of  the  jieoplc  called  Quakers 
■  .erein,  including  the  like  account  respecting 
the  same  people  in  New  Jersey  as  constituting 
one  Yearly  Meeting." 

'   The  History  of  Pennsylvania  in  North  Am- 


erica, from  ...  1 68 1  till  (ftcr  the  year  1742,  with 
an  Introduction  respcctini;  the  Life  of  IK  Pi'nn,  .  ■ 
the  Melii^ioiis  Society  of  the  Peof'le  called  Quakers, 
with  the  First  Rise  .  .  .  of  West  A'e-wfersey,  and  .  ■  . 
the  Dutch  and  Swciles  in  Delaware ;  to  which  is 
added  a  lirief  Description  of  the  said  Province, 
1760-1770.     Philadelphia,  1797-1798. 

-  A  l)iographi'  al  notice  of  him  by  the  Rev. 
Charles  West  Thomson  will  be  found  in  vol.  i. 
of  the  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  J'enn- 
syivania  (2d  ed.  p.  417),  together  with  some  verses 
which  show  the  sympathies  of  a  Loyalist.  He 
was  born  in  172S,  and  died  in  1S13.  A  portrait 
after  a  pencil  sketch  is  noted  in  the  Catalogue 
of  Paintings,  etc.,  belonging  to  the  Pennsylvania 
Historical  Society,  no.  86. 

•'  Philadelphia,  1829. 

■•  London,  1854;  vol.  i.  appearing  in  1850. 
The  work  was  never  completed. 

^  Harrisburg,  1876 ;  2d  ed.,  Philadclphi.i, 
1880. 


le  best  Quaker 


THE    FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


509 


of  the  alleged  abuses  of  power  back  to  the  foundation  of  the  colony.  It  was  published  in 
London  in  1759,  and  is  included  by  both  Duane  and  Sparks  in  their  editions  of  Franklin's 
writings. 

lianf.rot'.'s  chapters  on  the  Quakers  in  the  United  States  and  on  Pennsylvania  are 
excellent.  Grahame's  Colonial  History  of  the  United  States  is  less  flattering  in  the  estimate 
given  of  Penn  and  his  followers,  althougii  far  from  unappreciative  of  their  eflbrts.  Hurke's 
Account  of  the  European  Settlements  in  America  '  gives  notliing  that  is  new  in  connection 
with  the  settlement  of  Pennsylvania  ;  but  the  opinions  of  its  distinguished  autiior  in  regard 
to  William  Penn  as  a  legislator  will  be  read  with  pleasure  by  Penn's  admirers.  The  re- 
marks on  the  settlement  of  Pennsylvania  in  Wynne's  General  History  of  the  British 
Empire  in  America^-  are  copied  bodily  from  Purke  ;  but  no  quotation  marks  are  given, 
and  nothing  indicates  their  origin.  Douglass's  Summary  gives  nothing  on  the  subject 
that  will  not  be  found  in  the  charter  and  a  few  documents  of  similar  character.  From 
William  M.  Cornell's  History  of  Pennsylvania,  1876,  nothing  new  will  be  gathered  re- 
garding tiie  settlement  of  the  province.  It  is  a  mere  compilation,  in  which  Weems's  Life 
of  Penn  is  quoted  as  an  authority. 

Local  Histories.  —  It  is  only  in  the  history  of  the  counties  first  settled  that  inlbrnia- 
tion  on  the  period  treated  of  in  this  chapter  can  be  sought.  John  F.  Watson's  Annals  of 
Philadelphia''  is  one  of  the  ciiief  authorities.  The  plan  of  the  work  is  not  one  that  can  be 
approved  of  at  the  present  day,  as  sufficient  care  has  not  been  taken  in  all  cases  to  follow 
the  original  language  of  documents  quoted,  or  to  give  references  to  authorities.  .Never- 
theless, it  is  doubtful  if  "nv  work  in  America  has  done  more  to  cultivate  a  taste  for 
historical  study.  There  \i,  a  charm  about  its  gossipy  pages  which  has  attracted  to  it 
thousands  of  readers,  and  provoked  more  serious  investigations.  It  contains  much 
regarding  the  domestic  life  of  the  first  settlers  and  tiie  l)uilding  of  Philadelphia  which 
has  been  univers.illy  accepted,  and  many  traditions  gathered  from  old  persons  which  there 
is  no  reason  to  question.  The  most  important  History  of  Philadelphia  is  that  by  Mr. 
Thompson  Westcott,  now  printing  in  the  columns  of  the  Sunday  Despatch.  Eight  hun- 
dred and  ten  chapters  have  appeared  up  to  the  present  time.  It  is  an  encyclopaedia  on 
the  subject.  Some  of  the  early  chapters  treat  of  the  period  under  review.  .7  History  of 
the  Tnunships  of  Bvlerry  and  Moreland.  in  Philadelphia  County,  by  Josepli  C.  Martin- 
dale,  M.D  ,'  treats  largely  of  the  earliest  settlers  in  that  section  of  tiie  State.  The  present 
Montgomery  County  is  formed  of  a  portion  of  the  original  County  of  Philadelphia,  and 
the  history  of  some  of  its  sections  treats  of  the  settlement  of  the  colony.  For  such 
\niorm:iX\on,  &ce  IHstory  of  Afonti^omcry  County,  within  Schuylkill  I'alley,^  by  William 
J.  Buck.  .Mr.  Puck  prepared  also  the  Historical  Introduction  to  Scott'a  Atlas  of  A/ont- 
gomcrv  County,  Philadelphia,  1877.  The  History  of  Delaware  County,  by  George  .Smith, 
M.D.,"  is  by  far  the  best  county  history  of  Pennsylvania  yet  published.  It  is  thoroughly 
trustworthy,  and  treats  fully  of  the  settlement  of  the  county.     Extracts  from  the  records 


•:  •■  i 


\  i 


1  London,  1757,  2  vols.,  8vo. 

'^  London,  1770,  2  vols.,  Svo. 

'  [This  bonk  has  passed  through  several 
editions,—  1830,  with  lithographic  illustrations; 
1844,  1850,  1857,  and  1S6S,  with  woodculs.  A 
tribute  to  Mr.  Watson  (who  was  born  June  IJ, 
1779,  and  died  Dec.  23,  1861),  by  Charles  Dcane, 
is  in  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Proc,  v.  207  ;  and  Henjaniin 
Dorr  published  A  iCcmoir  of  fohn  Fanning 
Watson,  Philadelphia,  1861,  with  a  portrait.  Mr. 
Willis  I".  Hazard's  Annals  of  Philadelphia,  1S79, 
supplements  Mr.  Watson's  book.  The  local 
antiquarian  interest  will  be  abundantly  satisfied 
with  Mr.  Townsend  Ward's  papers  on  the  old 


landmarks  of  the  town,  which  have  ap|)carcd  in 
the  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  though 
much  in  them  necessarily  fails  of  association 
with  the  early  vears  with  which  we  arc  dealing. 
This  is  likewise  true  of  Thompson  Westcott's 
Historic  Ihiitilings  of  Philailelfhia,  1S77 ;  of.  the 
papers  on  old  Philadelphia  in  Harper's  Monthly, 
1876;  cf.  An  p.xplannlion  of  the  Map  of  the  City 
and  Liberties  of  Philadelphia.  Hy  John  Keed. 
Philadelphia,  1794  and  1846.  —  El).] 

*  Philadelphia,  1867,  i2mo,  379  pp. 

'  Norristown,  1859. 

'  Philadelphia,  1862.  See  Memoir  of  Dr. 
Smith  in  Pennsylvania  Mag.  of  Hist.,  vi.  182. 


5IO 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


of  Markham's  couri  are  given  in  it.  Chester  and  its  Vicinity,  Delaware  County,  Pennsyl- 
vania,"^ by  John  Hill  Martin,  is  a  meritorious  work. 

The  history  of  Bucks  County  has  been  twice  written  ;  first  by  William  J.  Buck,  in 
1855.  His  investigations  were  contributed  to  a  county  paper,  and  were  :ubsequently 
published  in  a  volume  of  one  hundred  and  eighteen  pages,  to  which  was  appended  a 
History  of  the  Township  of  Wrightstown,  by  Charles  W.  Smith,  M.D,  contained  in 
twenty-four  pages.  A  later  History  of  Bucks  County^  is  that  by  General  VV.  W.  H, 
Davis,  an  excellent  work. 

The  History  of  Chester  County,  Pennsylvania?  by  J.  Smith  F'uthey  and  Gilbert  Cope, 
is  a  work  of  merit,  being  the  production  of  two  thorough  students,  deeply  imbued  with 
the  love  of  their  subject.  The  historical  and  genealogical  portions  of  it  are  written  with 
care  and  judgment.  It  contains  extracts  from  the  records  of  the  first  courts  held  in 
Penn.sylvania. 

Constitutional  History.  — Hazard's  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,*  \6o()-\6&2.  Votes  of 
the  Asembly,^  vol.  i..  Colonial  Records,^  vol.  i.,  Pennsylvania  Archives^  vol.  i.,  and  Duke 
of  York's  Lavjs^  are  the  chief  collections  of  documents  relating  to  the  constitutional 


1  Philadelphia,  1877. 

2  Doyicstown,  Pa.,  1876,  8vo,  875+54  pp. 

^  It  is  unfortunate  that  a  book  of  such  merit 
should  have  been  given  to  the  public  in  so  objec- 
tionable a  form.  It  is  a  4to,  782-I-44  pages  ( Phil- 
idelphia,  1881 ),  profusely  illustrated  with  pictures 
calculated  to  gratify  the  vanity  of  living  persons 
and  to  mislead  students  as  to  the  value  of  the 
work. 

■•  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  from  the  Discovery 
of  the  Delaware,  by  Samuel  Hazard,  1609-16S2, 
Philadelphia,  1850,  8vo,  664  pp.  An  excellent 
compilation,  containing  nearly  all  the  document- 
ary information  on  the  subject,  arranged  in  chro- 
nological order. 

A  catalogue  of  the  papers  relating  to  Penn- 
sylvania and  Delaware  in  the  State-Paper  Office, 
London,  wa»  printed  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania Historical  Society,  vol.  iv.  part  ii.  p.  236. 

^  Votes  and  Proceeding's  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania. 
Beginning  the  Fourth  Day  of  December,  1682.  Vol- 
ume the  First,  in  Two  Parts.  Philadelphia,  1752. 
This  collection  was  continued  down  to  the  Revo- 
lution. It  is  contained  in  six  folio  volumes. 
The  first  three  are  from  the  press  of  Franklin  and 
Hall.  They  are  always  known  as  "  Votes  of  the 
Assembly." 

"  The  first  ten  volumes  of  the  series  known 
as  the  Colonial  Records  bear  the  title  of  Minutes 
of  the  Prcn'incial  Council  of  Pennsylvania,  from 
t/ie  Organization  [1683]  to  the  Termination  of  the 
Proprietary  Goz'eriiment ;  the  last  six  :  Minutes 
of  the  Supreme  Executive  Council  of  Pennsylvania 
from  its  Organization  to  the  Termination  of  the 
Revolution.  They  contain,  however,  the  Minutes 
down  to  1790.  The  publication  of  this  series 
was  begun  by  the  State  in  1837,  the  American 
Philosophical  Society  and  the  Historical  .Society 
of  Pennsylvania  having  petitioned  the  Legisla- 


ture to  adopt  measures  for  this  end.  After  three 
volumes  were  issued  (Harrisburg,  1838-1840) 
the  publication  was  suspended.  In  1851,  at  the 
request  of  the  Historical  Society,  the  matter  was 
again  brought  before  the  Legislature  by  Edward 
Armstrong,  Esq.,  a  member  of  the  Society,  then 
a  delegate  to  the  Legislature.  The  sixteen  vol- 
umes of  the  Colonial  Records  and  twelve  of  the 
Pennsylvania  Archives  were  issued  between  the 
years  1852  and  1856.  The  volumes  issued  in 
183S-1840  were  reprinted  in  1852,  and  an  index 
volume  to  both  works  in  i860.  The  latter  does 
not  apply  to  the  volume  of  the  Records  pub- 
lished in  1838-1840. 

'  Pennsylvania  Archives,  selected  and  arranged 
from  Original  Documents  in  the  Ojffice  of  tlie  Secre- 
tary of  the  Commonwealth.  By  Samuel  Hazard, 
Commencing  1664.  l2vols.,8vo.  Harrisburg  and 
Philadelphia,  1852-1856.  To  Mr.  Samuel  Haz- 
ard, who  was  also  the  author  of  the  Annals  of 
Pennsylvania  and  publisher  of  Hazard's  Register 
of  Pennsylvania  (16  vols.,  8vo,  Philadelphia, 
1828-1835),  the  students  of  history  are  greatly 
indebted  for  the  preservation  of  some  of  the 
most  important  documents  relating  to  the  his- 
tory of  the  State. 

'  Charter  to  IVilliam  Penn  and  Laws  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsylvania,  1682  and  1 700;  pre- 
ceded by  Duke  of  York's  Laws  in  Force  from  the 
year  167b  to  'ne  year  1682.  Published  under  the 
direction  of  folin  Blair  Linn,  Sec.  of  Common- 
wealth, Compiled  and  edited  by  Staughton  George, 
Benjamin  M.  Ncad,  and  Thomas  McCamant. 
Harrisburg,  1879,  8vo,  614  pp. 

Appendix  A  of  this  volume  contains  a  com- 
pilation of  the  laws,  etc.,  establishing  the  Courts 
of  Judicature  ;  it  is  by  Staughton  George.  Ai> 
pendix  15  contains  Historical  Notes  of  the  Early 
Government  and  I..egislative  Councils  and  Assem- 
blies of  Pennsylvania ;  it  is  by  Mr.  Nead.    Both 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


511 


nty,  Pennsyl- 


history  of  the  colony.  The  correspondence  which  preceded  the  issuing  of  the  royal  charter, 
together  with  the  Proceedings  of  the  Lords  of  Trade,  etc.,  is  in  the  Votes  of  the  Assembly, 
vol.  i.  pp.  vii-xiii;  the  same  will  be  found  in  chronological  order  in  Hazard's  Annals. 
The  royal  charter  is  given  in  I'otes  of  Assembly,  vol.  i  p.  xviii ;  Hazard's  Annals,  p.  488  ; 
Colonial  Records,  vol.  i.  (ist  ed.)  p.  ix,  (2d  ed.)  p.  17  ;  Hazard's  Register,  i.  293.  A  fac- 
simile of  the  engrossed  copy  at  Harrisburg  is  also  given  as  an  Appendix  to  vol.  vii.,  second 
.series,  of  Pennsilvania  Archiz-ei.znd  is  in  the  Duke  of  York's  Laws  in  the  same  form,  as 
well  as  being  printed  in  that  volume  on  page  81.  The  paper  known  as  '•  Certain  Condi- 
tions or  Concessions."  agreed  upon  in  England  between  the  purchasers  of  land  and  Penn, 
July  II,  1681,  will  be  found  in  Hazard's  Annals,  p.  516,  Colonial  Records,  vol.  i.  (ist  ed.), 
p.  xvii  (2d  ed.),  p.  26.  I'otes  of  Assembly,  vol.  i.  p.  xxiv,  and  I'roud's  Pennsylvania,  vol. 
ii.  Appendix  Penn's  instructions  to  his  commissioners  —  Crispin,  Bezar,  and  Allen  —  are 
printed  in  Hazard's  Annals,  p.  527.  The  original  paper  is  in  the  possession  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  His  instructions  to  his  fourth  commissioner,  Wil- 
liam Haige,  are  in  Hazard's  Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  p.  637.  The  Frame  of  Government 
and  laws  agreed  upon  in  England  May  5.  1682,  were  printed  at  the  time.  They  are  also 
given  in  Hazard's  Annals,  p.  558.  Colonial  Records,  vol.  i.  (ist  ed.)  p.  xxi  (2d  ed.)  p.  29, 
Votes  nf  the  Assembly,  vol.  i.  p.  xxvii  Duke  of  York's  Laws,  p.  91,  and  Proud's  Pennsyl- 
vania, vol.  ii.  Appendix.  There  are  a  number  of  rough  drafts  of  the  Frame  of  Govern- 
ment, etc..  in  the  Penn  Papeis  of  the  Historical  Society.  One  of  these  is  indorsed  as  the 
work  of  Counsellor  Bamfield:  another  bears  the  name  of  C  Darnall.  Oldmixon  says 
(edition  of  1708)  that  "the  Frame"  was  the  work  of  "Sir  William  Jones  and  other 
famous  men  of  the  Long  Robe."  Penn's  letter  to  Henry  Sidney  (Oct.  13.  1681)  shows 
that  Sidney  was  consulted  regarding  it:  and  Chalmers  says  (on  the  authority  of  Markham), 
that  po:  ,!ons  of  it  were  formed  to  suit  the  Quakers. 

The  Frame  of  Government,  passed  in  1683,  will  be  found  in  Votes  of  the  Assembly, 
vol.  i.  part  i..  Appendix  1,  Colonial  Records,  vol  i.  (1st  ed.)  xxxiv,  and  (2d  ed.)  p.  42;  Duke 
of  York's  Laws,  p.  155:  Proud's  Pennsylvania,  vol.  ii.  Appendix  3.  There  was  an 
edition  of  it  printed  in  1689  at  Philadelphia,  entitled  The  Frame  of  the  Government  of  the 
Province  of  Pennsilvania  and  Territories  thereunto  annexed  in  America,  8vo,  16  pp. 
But  one  copy  of  this  edition  is  known  to  have  been  preserved,  —  it  is  in  the  Friends' 
Library  in  Philadelphia.  It  has  no  titlepage  or  printer's  name ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  it  is  from  the  press  of  William  Bradford  ;  and  it  was  for  printing  this  that  Bradford 


—        i 


THE   SEAL   OF   PENNSYLVANl.A. 


are  valuable  pieces  of  work ;  but  we  do  not  agree 
with  Mr.  Nead  that  the  laws  printed  and  agreed 
upon  in  England,  and  the  written  ones  prepared 
by  Penn  and  submitted  to  the  Assembly  that 
mot  at    Upland,   December,   16S2,  were    both 


passed.  The  passage  in  Penn's  letter  of  Dec. 
16,  i6Sj,  which  reads,  "the  laws  were  agreed 
upon  more  fully  worded,"  indicates  that  the 
printed  series  was  superseded  by  the  written 
one. 


I^il 


ill 


;  ( 


Ii 


512 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


Mras  summoned  before  the  Council  by  Governor  Blackwell,  on  the  19th  of  April,  1689. 
Sabin  gives  an  edition  printed  in  London  in  I'iQi,  by  Andrew  Sowle.  Cf.  Sabin's  Vic- 
tionary,  no.  59,697 ;  also,  Collection  of  Charters,  etc.,  relating  to  Pennsylvania,  Phila- 
delphia (B.  Franklin),  1740. 

Literature  relating  to  the  Laws  of  the  Province.  —  Under  this  head  may 
be  classed  various  works,  the  titles  of  which  as  a  rule  indicate  their  characters,  and  we 
note  them  below." 

Landing  of  Penn.  —  In  1824  a  society  was  formed  in  Philadelphia  for  the  com- 
memoration of  the  landing  of  William  F,?nn.  Its  first  meeting  was  held  November  4,  in 
the  house  in  v.-hich  ho  had  once  lived,  in  Letitia  Court.  An  address  was  delivered  by  Peter 
S.  Duponceau,  and  the  eighteen  members  of  the  Society  dined  together.  In  selecting  the 
day  to  be  celebrated,  the  Society  was  guided  by  the  passage  in  Penn's  letter  to  the  Lords 
of  Plantation,  dated  August,  1683,  in  which  he  states  that  he  arrived  on  "the  24th  of 
October  last."  Ten  days  should  have  been  added  to  this  date  to  correct  the  error  in  com- 
puting time  by  the  Julian  calendar,  which  was  in  vogue  when  Penn  landed,  and  Novemlier  3 
should  have  been  considered  the  anniversary.  Through  an  erroneous  idea  of  the  way  in 
which  such  changes  should  be  calculated,  eleven  days  were  added,  and  November  4  was 
fixed  upon.  The  next  year,  however,  the  Society  celebrated  the  24th  of  October,  and  con- 
tinued to  do  so  until  1836,  the  last  year  that  we  are  able  to  trace  the  existence  of  the 
organization.-  Subsequent  investigations  have  shown  that  Penn  did  not  arrive  before 
Newcastle  until  October  27  (see  Newcastle  Court  Records  in  Hazard's  Annals  of  Penn- 
sylvania, p.  596),  and  did  not  land  until  the  following  day.^  It  is  probable,  therefore,  that 
Penn  dated  his  arrival  from  the  time  he  came  in  sight  of  land  or  passed  the  Capes  of 
Delaware.     The  first  evidences  we  have  of  his  being  within  the  bounds  of  the  present 


1  La-i<s  of  Pennsylvatiia.  Philadelphia,  iSio 
(Beoren's  edition).  The  second  volume  of  this 
edition  contains  an  elaborate  "  note "  on  land- 
titles;  it  will  be  found  on  pp.  105-261.  It  w.is 
prepared  by  Judge  Charles  Smith. 

Vieii)  of  the  Laud-I.mvs  of  Pennsylvania,  with 
Xotcs  of  its  Early  History  and  Legislation.  By 
Thomas  Sargeant.  Philadelphia,  183S,  Svo,  xiii 
+203  pp. 

Address  before  the  La7v  Academy.  By  Peter 
McCall.  Philadelphia,  1S3S.  A  valuable  his- 
torical essay. 

Essay  .n  the  History  and  Nature  of  Original 
I'l.'es  of  Land  in  Pennsylvania.  By  Charles 
Huston.     Philadelphia,  1S49.  Svo,  x.\-|-4S4  pp. 

Syilal'NS  of  La'iO  of  Land-Office  Titles  ut 
Pennsylvania.  By  Joel  Jones.  Philadelphia, 
1850,  i2mo,  xxiv-f-264. 

The  Common  Law  of  Pennsylvania.  By 
George  Sharswood.  A  lecture  before  the  L.iw 
Academy.     Philadelphia,  1856. 

Ei/uity  in  Pennsylvania.  A  lecture  before 
the  Law  Academy  of  Philadelphia,  Feb.  1 1,  1S68. 
By  William  Henrv  Rawle.  With  an  Appendix, 
being  the  Kes^ister  Book  of  Governor  Keith's  Court 
of  Chancery.    Philadelphia,  1S6S,  Svo,  93+46  pp. 

A  Practical  Treatise  on  the  Lam  of  Ground-' 
Pents  in  Pennsylvania.  Bv  Richard  M.  Cad- 
walader.     Philadelphia,  1S79,  Svo,  356  pp. 

An  Essay  on  Original  Land -Titles  in  Phila- 
delphia. By  Lawrence  Lewis,  Jr.  Philadelphia, 
1880,  Svo,  266  pp. 


77/1'  Courts  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  Sez'enteeiith 
Century.  Read  before  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania,  March  14,  18S1.  By  Lawrence 
Lewis,  Jr.  See  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  His- 
tory, v.  141,  also,  separately. 

Some  Contrasts  in  the  Gmoth  of  Pennsylvania 
and  English  Law.  A  Lecture  before  the  Law 
Department  of  the  University  of  Pennsylvania, 
Oct.  3,  1881.  By  William  Henry  Rawle. '  Phila- 
delphia, 1881,  Svo,  78  pp.,  2d  ed.,  32  pp.,  18S2. 

-  A  number  of  addresses  were  delivered 
before  this  Society.  That  of  J,  N.  Barker, 
delivered  in  1S27,  is  the  most  valuable  of  the 
series.,  and  is  entitled  Sketches  of  the  Pri.,iitive 
Settlements  of  the  River  Delaware,  Philadelphia, 
1S2.S. 

3  That  no  doubt  should  exist  regarding  the 
accuracy  of  these  dates,  we  have  had  Penn's  let- 
ter to  the  Lords  of  Plantation  in  the  State-P.iper 
Office,  London,  examined,  and  in  it  the  24th  is 
clearlv  written.  This  is  confirmed  by  the  ori- 
ginal draft  of  his  letter  to  the  Free  Society  of 
Traders,  in  which  the  same  date  of  arrival  is 
given.  The  '|  New  Castle  County  old  Records 
transcribed,''  quoted  by  Hazard,  give  the  2-th 
as  the  time  of  his  arrival  before  that  town,  and 
the  28th  as  the  day  on  which  he  took  official 
possession.  These  statements  are  verified  by 
the  Breviate  of  Penn  vs.  Lord  Baltimore,  in  which 
the  original  Newcastle  Records  appear  to  have 
been  quoted,  since  the  volumes  and  folios  re- 
ferred to  differ  'rem  those  given  by  Hazard. 


J    '-iS 


ii 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


513 


m 


State  of  Pennsylvania  are  letters  dated  Upland,  October  29,  and  this  day,  allowing  ten 
days  for  the  change  of  time,  bringing  it  to  November  8,  is  the  one  that  it  is  custom- 
ary to  celebrate. 

Nov.  8,  1851,  Edward  Armstrong  delivered  before  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, at  Chester,  an  able  address,  which  contains  nearly  all  that  is  known  regarding  the 
landing  of  Penn.  In  it  will  be  found  the  names  of  his  fellow-passengers  in  the  "Wel- 
come ; "  but  a  more  extended  list  by  the  same  writer  is  given  in  the  Appendix  to  the  2d 
ed.,  Memoirs  of  Historical  SocieCv  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  i.  In  1852  an  address  was  also 
delivered  on  the  same  anniversary  before  the  Historical  Society  by  Robert  T.  Conrad. 

Penn's  Treatv  with  the  lNDiy»NS.  — This  was  the  subject  of  a  report  made  to  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  by  Peter  S.  Duponceau  and  J.  Francis  Fisher.  It  will 
be  found  in  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society,  vol.  iii.  part  ii.  p.  141.  In  it  the  opinion  is 
expressed  that  the  treaty  which  tradition  says  Penn  held  v 'th  the  Indians  at  Shackamaxon 
was  not  one  for  the  purcliase  of  land,  but  was  a  treaty  of  amity  and  friendship,  and  was 
held  in  November,  1682.  This  report  has  been  followed  by  historians  generally,  and  has 
been  accepted  by  nearly  all  the  biojj..iphers  of  Penn.  The  subject,  however,  is  one  that 
will  bear  further  investigation.  The  writer  of  this  chapter  published  in  the  Pennsylvania 
Magazine  of  History,  vi.  217,  an  article  to  show  that  the  treaty  which  has  attracted  so 
much  attention  was  that  described  in  Penn's  Letter  to  the  Free  Society  of  Traders,  dated 
August  16, 1683  ;  that  it  was  held  on  June  23  of  that  year  ;  that  not  only  "great  promises 
of  friendship"  passed  between  Penn  and  the  Indians,  but  that  land  was  purchased,  the 
records  of  which  are  in  the  Land  Office  at  Harrisburg.^  In  connection  with  this  subject, 
Mr.  John  F.  Watson's  paper  on  the  "  Indian  Tr2aty  for  Lands  now  the  .Site  of  Philadel- 
phia" (see  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsyh'ania,  vol.  iii.  part  ii.  p.  129)  .should 
be  read,  as  well  as  "  Memoir  of  the  Locality  of  the  Great  Treaty  between  William  Penn 
and  the  Indians,"  by  Roberts  Vaux  (see  Ibid.,  i.  79;  2d  ed,,  p.  87).  The  proceedings  of 
the  Historical  Society  upon  the  occasion  of  the  presentation  to  it  of  a  belt  of  wampum  by 
Granville  John  Penn.  which  is  said  to  have  been  given  to  William  Penn  by  the  Indians 
at  the  treaty  at  Shackamaxon,''  will  be  fouid  in  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of  Penn- 
sylvania, vi.  205,  with  a  large  colored  lithograph  of  the  belt,  Cf.  Historical  Magazine, 
i.  177,  and  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the  United  States,  ii.  498. 


1 


T 


Penn-Baltimore  Controver,sy,  and  the  Southern  Boundary  of  Pennsyl- 
vania.—  In  the  "Penn  Papers"  in  the  Library  of  the   Historical  Society  of  Pennsyl- 


1  This  conclusion  has  been  reached  by  exr'm- 
ining  the  evidence  we  have  in  .strict  chroiiolog  al 
order.  There  is  nothing  to  show  that  Penn  met 
the  Indians  in  council  until  May,  16S3,  At  this 
conference  the  Indians  either  failetl  to  under- 
stand him,  or  refused  to  sell  him  land.  His  next 
meeting  with  them  was  on  June  23,  16S3,  lie 
then  purchased  land  from  them,  and  the  prom- 
ises of  friendship  quoted  on  a  former  page 
were  exchanged.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that 
while  there  is  scarcely  any  allusion  to  the  Indians 
in  his  letters  prior  to  the  meeting  of  June  23, 
subsequent  to  that  time  they  are  full  of  descrip 
tions  of  them,  and  of  accounts  of  his  intercourse 
with  them. 

2  [The    elm-tree  known  as  the   Treaty-tree 
vhich   was   long   venerated   as   the   one   under 

which  the  interview  was  held,  was  blown  down 
in  1810,  and  a  picture  of  it  taken  in  1809  is  pre- 
served in  the  Historical  Society.  (Cf,  Catalogue 
cf  Paintings,  etc.,  belongihg  to  the  Historical  So- 
VOL.    HI.  —65, 


cicty,  no,  167,  Cf.  views  in  Gay's  Popular  His- 
tory of  the  United  States,  ii.  493;  Watson's  Annals 
of  Philadelphia :  one  of  the  latter  part  of  the 
last  century  in  Peiinsyk'inia  Magazine  of  History, 
iv.  1S6,)  For  the  monument  on  the  spot,  see 
I.ossing's  Field  Pooh  of  the  Per'oliition,  ii.  254. 
It  is  well  known  that  Benjamin  West  made  the 
scene  of  the  treaty  the  subject  of  a  large  histor- 
ical painting.  The  original  first  deed  given  by 
the  Indians  to  'larkham  is  in  the  possession  of 
the  Historical  Society.  Cf.  Catatoi;ue  of  Paint- 
ings, etc.,  belonging  to  the  Historical  Society, 
no.  174. 

William  Rawle's  address  before  the  Penn- 
sylvania  Historical  Society  in  1S25  was  upon 
Penn's  method  of  dealing  with  the  Indians  as 
compared  with  the  customs  obtaining  in  the 
other  colonies,  (Cf.  Historical  Magazine,  vi,  64.) 
Fac-similes  of  the  marks  of  many  Indian  chiefs, 
as  put  to  documents  from  1682  to  1785,  are  given 
in  Pennsylvania  Archives,  vol.  i.  —  Ed.] 


\  ill 


5H 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


vania  there  are  several  volumes  of  documents  bearing  upon  this  subject,  being  the  copies 
of  those  used  in  the  suit  between  Lord  Baltimore  and  John  Thomas  and  Richard  Penn, 
decided  in  1750.  Interesting  papers  are  in  the  State- Paper  Office.  London,  giving  accounts 
of  the  meetings  between  Baltimore  and  Mari<ham  and  Penn  and  Baltimore  in  1682  and 
1683.  Copies  are  in  the  Library  of  the  Historic.il  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  and  will 
shortly  be  printed.     The  following  printed  volumes  and  essays  treat  of  the  subject :  1 

The  Case  of  William  Penn,  Esq.,  as  to  the  Proprietory  Government  of  Pennsyl- 
vania;  ■which,  together  with  Carolina,  New  York,  etc.,  is  intended  to  be  taken  away  by 
a  bill  in  Parliament.     (London,  1685)     Folio,  I  leaf.     Cf.  ^■aXiWt^  Dictionary, na.  59,686. 

The  Case  of  William  Penn,  Proprietary  and  Governor-in-Chief  of  the  Province  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Territories,  against  the  Lord  Baltimore' s  Pretentions  to  a  Tract  of 
Land  in  America,  Granted  to  the  said  William  Penn  in  the  year  1682,  by  his  then  Royal 
Highness  fames  Duke  of  York,  adjoyning  to  the  said  Province,  commonly  called  the  Ter- 
ritories thereof,    (n.  p.  1682  to  1720.)     Folio,  i  leaf.     Cf.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  no.  59688. 

The  Case  of  Hannah  Penn,  the  Widow  and  Executrix  of  William  Penn,  Esq.,  late 
Proprietor  and  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  (against  the  pretensions  of  Lord  Sutherland, 
London,  1720).     Folio,  i  leaf.     Cf.  ?>a.h\n'&  Dictionary,  no.  59,672. 

Articles  of  Agreement  made  and  concluded  upon  between  the  Right  Honourable  the  Lord 
Proprietary  of  Maryland  and  the  Honourable  the  Proprietary  of  Pennsylvania,  etc,  touch- 
ing the  Limits  and  Boundaries  of  the  Two  Provinces,  with  the  Commission  constituting 
certain  Persons  to  execute  the  Same.  Philadelphia  (B.  Franklin),  1733,  folio,  19  pp.  and 
map.     In  the  Library  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Another  edition  was  issued  from  same  press  in  1736,  with  the  Report  of  the  Commis- 
sioners.    Cf.  C.  R.  Hildeburn's  List  of  the  Issues  of  the  Press  in  Pennsylvania,  1685-1759. 

The  Case  of  Messieurs  Penn  and  the  People  of  Pennsilvania,  and  the  three  lower 
Counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex  on  Delaware,  in  relation  to  a  Series  of  Injuries 
and  Hostilities  made  upon  them  for  several  Years  past  by  Thomas  Cressap  and  others,  by 
the  Direction  and  Authority  of  the  Deputy-Governor  of  Maryland  {London,  1737).  Folio, 
8  pp.     Cf.  Sabin's  Dictionary,  no.  5,985. 

Penn  against  Lord  Baltimore.  In  Chancery.  Copy  of  Minutes  on  Hearing,  May  1 5, 
1750.    8vo.  15  pp.     n.  t.  p.     In  the  Library  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Breviate  in  the  case  of  Penn  vs.  Baltimore.  Cf.  also  the  title,  with  its  two  maps, 
given  in  Sabin's  Dictionary,  ix.  34,416. 

Indenture  of  Agreement,  4/A  fuly,  1 760,  Between  Lord  Baltimore  and  Thomas  and 
Richard  Penn,  Esquires,  settling  the  limits  and  boundaries  of  Maryland,  Pennsylvania, 
and  the  Three  Lower  Counties  of  Newcastle,  Kent,  and  Sussex.  Philadelphia,  1851, 
folio,  31  pp.  and  map.     Privately  printed  for  Edward  D.  Ingraham. 

"  Memoir  of  the  Controversy  between  Penn  and  Lord  Baltimore."  By  James  Dunlop 
(read  Nov.  10,  1825),  in  Memoirs  of  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  \.  161,  or  2d  ed. 
p.  163. 

Lecture  upon  the  Controversy  between  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia  about  the  Boundary 
Line.     By  Neville  B.  Craig.     Pittsburgh,  1843,  8vo,  30  pp. 

Appendix  to  Case  in  the  Circuit  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Third  Circuit,  con- 
taining the  Pea  Patch,  or  Fort  Delaware  Case.  Reported  by  John  William  Wallace.  Phil- 
adelphia, 1849.  8vo.  161  pp.     Cf.  U.  S.  Senate,  Exec,  doc,  no.  21,  30th  Congress,  1848. 

History  of  Mason  and  Dixon''s  Line.  Contained  in  an  address  delivered  by  John 
H.  B.  Latrobe  before  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  Nov.  8,  1854.  Philadelphia, 
1855.  8vo,  52  pp. 

Colonel  Graham's  Report  on  Mason  and  Dixon's  Line.  Chicago,  1859,  ^vo.  Cf. 
Pennsylvania  Senate  Journal,  1850,  ii.  475. 

1  [Cf.  also  Pennsylvania  Archives,  2d  series,  595;  cf.  Neill's  Terra  Maria,  chap,  v..  Hazard's 
vol.  vii.  There  is  a  map  illustrating  the  boun-  Register  of  Pennsylvania,  ii.  200,  and  Mr.  Brant- 
dary  dispute  in  Pennsylvania  Archives  (1739),  i.     ly's  chapter  in  the  present  volume.  —  Ed.] 


It  the  Boundary 


THE   FOUNDING   OF   PENNSYLVANIA. 


515 


Mason  and  Dixon's  Line.     By  James  Veech,  1857. 

One  of  the  original  manusr-jpt  reports  of  Mason  and  Dixon,  signed  by  them,  is  in 
the  possession  of  the  His*    .cal  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Immigrations.  —  Independent  of  the  Welsh  and  Germans,  no  large  bodies  of  emigrants 
came  to  Pennsylvania  during  the  first  decade  of  its  existence,  except  from  England  and  some 
Quakers  from  Ireland.  The  prosperity  of  the  new  colony  attracted  settlers  from  otlier 
parts  of  British  America  and  the  West  Indies  ;  but  nearly  all,  judging  from  the  religious 
annals  of  the  community,  were  either  Quakers  or  in  sympathy  with  them.  In  studying 
the  Welsh  emigration,  John  ap  Thomas  and  his  Friends :  a  Contribution  to  the  Early 
History  of  Merion,  Pa.,  by  James  J.  Levick.  YI.D.,  should  be  read;  see  Pennsylvania 
Magazine  of  History,  iv.  301.  It  is  a  history  of  the  first  company  whicli  came  from 
Wales,  in  1682.  The  History  of  Delaware  County  by  Dr.  Georj^e  Smith  contains  much 
on  the  subject,  with  a  map  of  the  early  settlements  ;  cf.  B.  H.  Smith's  Atlas  of  Delaware 
County,  with  a  History  of  Land-Titles,  Philadelphia,  1880.  The  agreement  entered  into 
between  an  emigration  party  from  Wales  and  the  captain  of  a  vessel  in  1697-1698  will  be 
found  in  the  Pennsylvania  Maj;azine  of  History,  i.  330. 

The  German  or  Dutch  emigration  can  be  studied  in  The  Settlement  of  Germantown, 
and  the  Causes  whiih  led  to  it,  by  Samuel  W.  Pennypacker;  see  Pennsylvania  Mat^azine 
of  History,  iv.  I.  It  is  a  thorough  examination  of  the  question,  showing  how  the  emi- 
grants came  from  the  neighborhood  of  Crefeld,  a  city  of  the  Lower  Rhine,  near  Holland. 
The  several  publications  we  have  mentioned  printed  in  Dutch  and  German  must  also  be 
consulted.  William  Penn's  Travels  in  Holland  and  Germany,  by  Professor  Oswald 
Seidensticker,  .ilready  mentioned  (see  Pennsylvania  Afagazine  of  History,  ii.  237),  shows 
how  naturally  the  event  came  about.  Professor  Seidensticker  has  also  contributed  "  Pas- 
torius  und  die  Grundung  von  Germantown"  to  the  Deutsche  Pionier,  vol.  iii.  pp.  8,  56,  78, 
and  "Francis  Daniel  Pastorius"  to  the  Penn  Monthly,  vol.  iii.  pp.  i,  51. 

Special  Subject.s.  — There  remain  a  few  monographs  worthy  of  mention. 

History  of  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Indian  Nations  who  once  inhabited  Penn- 
sylvania and  the  Neit^hboring  States,  by  the  Rev.  John  Heckewelder,  Philadelphia,  1819, 
8vo.  This  work  was  first  published  as  vol.  i.  of  the  Transactions  of  the  Historical  and 
Literary  Committee  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society.  It  was  reprinted  by  the  His- 
torical Society  of  Pennsylvania,  with  notes  by  the  Rev.  William  C.  Reichel.  in  1876,  and 
forms  vol.  xii.  of  its  Memoirs.  Opinions  regarding  this  work  differ  widely.  It  was 
favorably  reviewed  by  Nathan  Hale  in  the  North  American  Review,  ix.  178,  and  severely 
criticised  by  General  Lewis  Cass  in  the  same  publication,  xxvi.  366.  "A  Vindication"  of 
the  History  by  William  Rawle  will  be  found  in  the  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania,  i.  258;  2d  ed.  p.  268.  There  is  a  portrait  of  Heckewelder  in  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  and  a  copy  of  it  in  the  Historical  Society  ;  see  Catalogue  of  Paint- 
ings, etc.,  belonging  to  the  Historical  Society,  no.  85.  As  a  further  contribution  to  tlie 
aboriginal  history,  we  may  mention  Notes  respecting  the  Indians  of  Lancaster  County, 
Pa.,  by  William  Parker  Fouike  ;  see  Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania, 
vol.  iv.  part  ii.  p.  189.     This  treats  largely  of  the  Susquehannocks. 

Contributions  to  the  Medical  History  of  Pennsylvania,  by  Caspar  Morris,  M.D. ;  see 
Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  337,  or  2d  ed.,  p.  347. 

Notices  of  Negro  Slavery  as  connected  with  Pennsylvania,  by  Edward  Bittle  ;  see 
Ibid.,  i.  351,  or  2d  ed.,  p.  365  ;  cf.  also  Williams's  Negro  Race  in  America. 

Address  delivered  at  the  Celebration  by  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  May  20,  1863, 
of  the  Two  Hundredth  Birthday  of  William  Bradford,  who  introduced  the  Art  of  Print- 
ing into  the  Middle  Colonies,  etc.,  by  John  William  Wallace.  Albany,  1863,  8vo,  p.  114. 
Together  with  the  report  made  by  Horatio  Gates  Jones  at  the  same  time.  Cf.  Thomas  I. 
Wharton's  "  Notes  on  the  Provincial  Literature  of  Pennsylvania,"  in  the  Memoirs  of  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  i.  99,  or  2d  ed.,  p.  107  ;  and  J.  W.  Wallace's  paper  on 


'/ 


I   ( 


5i6 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF  AMERICA. 


fit 

n 

1 

tlie  "  Friends'  Press  "  in  Pennsylvania  Afa^asine  of  History,  iv.  432.  The  Brinley  Cata- 
logue, no.  3,367,  gives  a  considerable  enumeration  of  the  issues  of  Bradford's  press. 

"  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Lower  Dublin  (or  Pennepek)  Baptist  Church,  Philadelphia," 
etc.,  by  Horatio  Gates  Jones,  in  Historical  Magazine,  August,  1868,  p.  76. 

"  Local  Self-Government  in  Pennsylvania,"  by  E.  R.  '  Gould,  of  Johns  Hopkins 
University,  in  Pennsylvania  Magazine  of  History,  vi.  156.  .  !:>  a  comparison  of  present 
local  administration  in  Pennsylvania  with  that  under  the  Duke  of  York's  government. 

Maps.  —  A  Portraiture  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  in  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania, 
in  America,  by  Thoi^as  Holme,  Surveyor-General.  Sold  by  John  Thornton  in  the  Min- 
ories,  and  A..flre  v  Sowle  in  Shoreditch,  London,     liyi  y.\\)i  inches. 

''  '>•  Riral,  to  which  reference  has  already  been  made  (p.  491),  will  be  found  in 
Penii  .■■/■         he  Free  Society  of  Traders,  printed  in  1683,  which  also  contains  a  de- 

scriptic;  Ph  .ai  Mphia,  in  which  the  map  is  referred  to.     In  one  of  the  editions  of  the 

Letter  to  i  .c  Free  •  .. '^ty  a  list  of  the  lot-owners  in  Philadelphia  is  given,  with  numbers 
referring  to  property  liunked  on  the  map.  This  is  the  earliest  map  of  Pennsylvania.  AU 
issued  previous  to  it  show  the  country  while  under  a  different  dominion. 

A  Map  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania,  containing  the  three  counties  of  Chester, 
Philadelphia,  and  Bucks,  as  far  as  yet  surveyed  and  laid  out.  The  divisions  or  distinc- 
tions made  by  the  different  coulters  respecting  the  settlements  by  luay  of  townships.  By 
Thomas  Holme,  Surveyor-General.  Sold  by  Robert  Green,  at  the  Pose  and  Crown  in 
Budj^e  Row,  and  by  John  Thornton  at  the  Piatt  in  the  Minories,  London. 

This  is  the  most  important  of  all  the  early  maps  issued  shortly  after  1681.  It  contains 
the  names  of  many  of  the  early  settlers,  and  shows  Penn's  idea  of  settling  tlie  country. 
In  some  cases  the  lots  front  on  a  square,  which  it  is  presumed  was  dedicated  to  public 
uses.  This  feature  is  still  noticeable  in  one  or  two  of  the  original  settlements.  It  was 
republished  at  Philadelphia  by  Lloyd  P.  Smith  in  1846,  and  by  Charles  L.  Warner  in 
1870. 

A  Mapp  of  ye  Improved  parts  of  Pennsilvania,  in  America,  Divided  into  County  es. 
Townships,  and  Lofts.  Surveyed  by  Tho.  Holme.  It  is  dedicated  to  William  Penn  by 
Jno.  Harris,  who,  it  is  pre.sumed.  was  the  publisher.  It  measures  16  X  21  >i  inches,  and 
is  a  reduction  of  the  larger  map  by  Holme. 

A  map  to  illustrate  the  successive  purchases  from  the  Indians  was  published  by  the 
Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  in  1875.     Cf.  Egle's  Pennsylvania,  p.  208. 

Pennsylvania  Historical  Society. —  [The  chief  instrumentality  in  the  fostering  of 
historical  studies  in  the  State  rests  witti  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  which  dates 
from  1824;  and  in  1826  it  printed  the  first  volume  of  its  Afemoirs,  which  was,  under  the 
editing  of  Edward  Armstrong,  reprinted  in  1864.  The  objects  of  the  Society  were  set 
forth  by  William  B.  Reed  in  a  discourse  in  1848;  and  again  at  the  dedication  of  its  new 
hall  in  1872,  Mr.  J.  W.  Wallace  deUvered  an  address.  Besides  its  occasional  addresses  and 
its  Memoirs,  and  the  work  it  has  done  in  prompting  the  State  to  the  printing  of  its  doc- 
umentary history,  it  has  also  supported  the  publication  of  the  Pennsylvania  Magazine  0/ 
History.  —  Ed.] 


^A^ 


^^*-^_^ 


RICA. 

"he  BrinUy  Cata- 

rd's  press. 

h,  Philadelphia," 

5. 

I  Johns   Hopkins 

larison  of  present 

i  government. 

/■  Pennsylvania, 
nton  in  the  Min- 

viU  be  found  in 
:o  contains  a  de- 
e  editions  of  the 
n.  with  numbers 
nnsylvania.     All 

nties  of  C/iesUr, 
isions  or  dislinc- 
'  tcwnships .  By 
e  and  Crown  in 

J8i.  It  contains 
ing  the  country. 
Heated  to  public 
lements.  It  was 
:s  L.  Warner  in 

d  into  Countyes, 
V'illiam  Penn  by 
2i>^  inches,  and 

)ublished  by  the 
208. 

I  the  fostering  of 
etj-,  which  dates 
was,  under  the 
iociety  were  set 
ation  of  its  new 
il  addresses  and 
iting  of  its  doc- 
1/(1  Magazine  oj 


,^l 


ku' 


Im 


t 


111 


/ 


I 


>1 


1  ii 


ii 


(I 


M: 


jy 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

THE   ENGLISH    IN   MARYLAND,    1632-1691. 

BY    WILLIAM    T.   BRANTLY, 
0/  iMt  Maryland  Hiilorical  Stciity. 


MARYLAND  was  the  first  Proprietary  colony  established  in  America ; 
and  its  charter  contained  a  more  ample  grant  of  power  than  was 
bestowed  upon  any  other  English  colony.  To  Maryland  also  belongs  the 
honor  of  having  been  the  first  government  which  proclaimed  and  practised 
religious  toleration.  The  charter  was  granted  in  1632,  by  Charles  I.,  to 
Cecilius,  second  Lord  Baltimore.  But  the  true  founder  of  Maryland  was 
George  Calvert,  the  first  Lord  Baltimore,  a  man  of  singular  merit,  whose 
influence  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  colony  was  such  that  his  character  and 
career  belong  to  its  history. 

George  Calvert  was  descended  from  a  Flemish  family  which  had  long  been 
settled  in  Yorkshire,  where  he  was  born  in  the  year  1582.  Graduating 
Bachelor  of  Arts  at  Oxford,  he  travelled  on  the  Continent,  and  then  entered 
public  life  under  the  patronage  of  Sir  Robert  Cecil.  Calvert  filled  various 
offices  until  Cecil  became  Lord  High  Treasurer,  when  he  was  appointed 
clerk  of  the  Pri\y  Council.  He  was  knighted  in  161 7,  and,  upon  the  dis- 
grace of  Sir  Thomas  Lake,  in  February,  1619,  he  was  appointed  by  James  I. 
one  of  the  two  principal  secretaries  of  state.  He  was  selected  for  this  im- 
portant post  because  there  was  work  to  be  done,  and  he  had  made  himself 
valued  in  public  life  for  his  industry'  and  ability.  It  is  true,  indeed,  that  his 
theory  of  the  Constitution  was  similar  to  that  held  by  the  King.  He  had 
always  been  allied  with  the  Court  as  distinguished  from  the  Country  party, 
and  was  a  stanch  supporter  of  the  prerogatives  of  the  Crown.  In  the  Par- 
liament of  1621  he  was  the  leader  of  the  Government  forces,  and  the  imme- 
diate representative  of  the  King  in  the  House  of  Commons.  When  he  came 
to  draw  the  charter  of  Marj-land  he  framed  such  a  government  as  the  Court, 
during  this  period,  conceived  that  England  ought  to  be. 

Calvert  was  not  altogether  friendly  to  Spain.'  It  is  a  mistake  to  sup- 
pose that  his  political  fortunes  were  so  bound  up  with  the  success  of  the 
Spanish  match,  that,  upon  its  final  rupture  in  1623,  his  position  became  un- 

1  S.  R.  Gardiner's  Prince  Charles  and  the  Spanish  Marriage,  i.  164. 


.^/■■/ 


5»8 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


I'l  I 


tenable.  He  did  not  resign  his  secretaryship  until  February,  1625  ;  and 
there  is  no  sufficient  reason  for  behevinjj  that  he  did  not  then  do  so  volun- 
tarily. Fuller,  the  chief  contemporary  authority,  says  that  "  he  freely  con- 
fessed to  the  Kin^  that  he  was  then  become  a  Roman  Catholic,  so  that  he 


IV     ! 


must  be  wanting  in  his  trust  or  violate  his  conscience  in  discharging  his 
office."  It  is  certain  that  he  had  not  forfeited  the  favor  of  the  King,  nor  in- 
curred the  enmity  of  the  all-powerful  Buckingham.  He  was  allowed  to  sell 
his  secretaryship  to  his  successor  for  £6,000,  and  was  retained  in  the  Privy 
'  .Sec  an  account  of  this  picture  of  the  first  Lord  Baltimore,  in  the  Critical  Essay 


ICA. 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


5'9 


',  1625  ;   and 

do  so  volun- 

ic  freely  con- 

c,  so  that  he 


scharging  his 
King,  nor  in- 

illowcd  to  sell 
in  the  Privy 

cal  Essay 


Council.  A  few  weeks  after  his  withdrawal  from  office  he  was  created  Baron 
of  Haltimore  in  the  Irish  peerage;  and  in  1627  Buckingham  summoned  him 
to  a  special  conference  with  Charles  1.  upon  foreign  affairs.  I'he  date  of 
his  conversion  to  the  Church  of  Rome  has  been  the  subject  of  much  dis- 
cussion, but  there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence  that  it  preceded,  for  any  length 
of  time,  the  open  profession  of  his  new  faith. 

From  early  manhood  Sir  George  Calvert  had  been  interested  in  schemes 
of  colonization.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Company  until  its  di.sso- 
lution,  and  wa.s,  as  secretary  of  state,  one  of  the  committee  of  the  Council 
for  Plantation  Affairs.  While  secretary  he  determined  to  become  himself  the 
founder  of  a  colony,  and  in  1620  he  purchased  from  Sir  William  Vaughan 
the  southeastern  peninsula  of  Newfoundland.  In  the  following  year  he  sent 
a  body  of  settlers  to  this  region,  and  e.\pended  a  large  amount  of  money  in 
establishing  them  at  Ferryland.  James  I.  granted  him  in  1623  a  patent 
constituting  him  the  Proprietary  of  this  portion  of  Newfoundland  which 
was  called  Avalon,  —  a  patent  which  afterwards  became  the  model  of  the 
charter  of  Maryland.  The  fertility  and  advantages  of  Avalon  had  been 
described  to  Lord  Baltimore  with  the  usual  exaggeration  of  discoverers. 
He  made  a  short  visit  to  it  in  the  summer  of  1627,  and  in  the  following 
year  he  went  there,  accompanied  by  several  members  of  his  family,  with  the 
intention  of  remaining  permanently ;  but  the  severity  and  long  duration  of 
the  winter  convinced  him  that  the  attempt  to  plant  an  agricultural  colony  on 
that  inhospitable  shore  was  doomed  to  failure.  In  August,  1629,  he  wrote 
to  the  King  that  he  found  himself  obliged  to  abandon  Avalon  to  fishermen, 
and  to  seek  for  himself  some  warmer  climate  in  the  New  World.  He  also 
announced  his  determination  to  go  with  some  forty  persons  to  Virginia,  and 
expressed  the  hope  that  the  King  would  grant  him  there  a  precinct  of  land, 
with  privileges  similar  to  those  he  enjoyed  in  Newfoundland.  Charles  I.,  in 
reply,  advised  him  to  desist  from  further  attempts  and  to  return  to  Kngland, 
where  he  would  be  sure  to  enjoy  such  respect  as  his  former  services  merited, 
—  "well  weighing,"  added  the  King,  "  that  men  of  your  condition  and  breed- 
ing are  fitter  for  other  employments  than  the  framing  of  new  plantations 
which  commonly  have  rugged  and  laborious  beginnings." 

Without  waiting  for  an  answer  to  his  letter  Lord  Baltimore  sailed  for 
Virginia,  where  he  arrived  in  October,  1629.  To  the  Virginians  he  was  not 
a  welcome  visitor.  They  either  honestly  objected  to  receiving  Catholic 
settlers,  being  proud  of  their  conformity  to  the  Church  of  England,  or  were 
apprehensive  that  he  had  designs  upon  their  territory.  They  tendered  to 
him  and  his  followers  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  supremacy.  The  latter 
Wd  1  one  which  no  Catholic  could  conscientiously  take,  and  it  was  there- 
fore refused  by  Baltimore.  His  offer  to  take  a  modified  oath  was  rejected 
by  the  council,  and  they  requested  him  to  leave  the  colony. 

While  in  Virginia  Lord  Baltimore  learned  that  the  northern  and  sout'  :;rn 
portions  of  the  territory  comprised  within  the  old  charter  limits  of  the  c  ny 
had  not  been  settled,  and  he  determined  to  ask  for  an  independent  g*   1  .  of 


S 


ill 


\'M 


■i 


m 


520 


NARRATIVE  AND   CRITICAL  HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


a  part  of  this  unsettled  region.    Upon  his  return  to  England  hf^  learned  that 
the  King  was  willing  to  accede  to  his  request.      Baltimore  finally  selected 

for  his  new  colony  the  country 
north  of  the  Potomac,  and  pre- 
pared a  charter  to  be  submitted 
to  the  King,  modelled  upon  the 
Avalon  patent.  The  name  of 
the  colony  was  left  to  the  choice 
of  the  King,  who  desirjd  that  it 
should  be  called  Terra  Marian  — 
in  English,  Maryland  —  in  honor 
of  his  Queen  Jlcnrietta  INIaria. 
This  name  was  accordingly  in- 
serted in  the  patent ;  but  before 
it  passed  the  seals  Eord  Balti- 
more died  Mis  death  took 
place  April  15,  1632,  and  he 
was  buried  beneath  the  chancel 
of  St.  Dunstan's  Church.  But 
his  great  scheme  did  not  die 
with  him.  His  rights  were  trans- 
mitted to  his  son  and  heir  Cecilius,  second  Lord  Baltimore,  to  whom  the 
charter  was  finally  issued,  June  20,  1632. 

The  territory  granted  was  defined  with  accuracy.  The  southern  boun- 
dary was  the  further  bank  of  the  Potomac,  from  its  source  to  its  mouth  in 
the  Bay  of  Chesapeake,  and  ran  thence  to  the  promontory  called  VVatkins 
Point,  and  thence  east  to  the  ocean.  The  eastern  boundary  was  the  ocean 
and  Delaware  Bay  to  the  fortieth  degree  of  latitude ;  and  the  northern  boun- 
dary was  a  right  line,  on  the  fortii^th  degree  of  latitude,  to  the  meridian  of 
the  fount lin  of  the  Potomac,  where  the  southern  boundary  began.  It  will 
be  seen  that  Maryland,  as  originally  defined,  comprised  all  of  the  present 
State  of  Delaware  and  a  large  part  of  what  is  now  Pennsylvania. 

The  country  described  in  the  charter  was  expressly  erected  into  a  Prov- 
ince of  the  empire ;  and  the  Baron  of  Baltimore,  his  heirs  and  assigns,  were 
constituted  the  absolute  lords  and  proprietaries  of  the  soil.  Their  tenure 
was  the  most  liberal  known  to  the  law.  They  held  the  Province  directly  of 
the  kings  of  England,  in  free  and  common  socage,  by  fealty  only,  yielding 
therefor  two  Indian  arrows,  on  the  Tuesday  of  Piaster  week,  to  the  King  at 
the  Castle  of  Windsor.    The  Province  was  made  a  county  palatine;  and  the 


THE    B.\LTIMORE   ARMS 


'  [This  is  a  fac-simile  of  the  arms  as  engraved 
on  the  map  accompanying  the  Rflcifion  of  1635. 
The  motto  was  also  that  of  the  great  seal,  fur- 
nished to  the  Province  in  1648  by  the  second 
Lord  ISaltimoic,  wliich,  by  a  vote  of  the  legisla- 
ture in  1S76,  was  re-established  on  the  sc.il  of  the 
State.     See  the  Critical  Essay. 

It  is  worthy  of  remark  tliat  when  an  agent  of 


Virginia  was  sent  to  London  in  1S60,  to  discover 
papers  relating  to  the  bounds  l)etween  that  State 
and  Ma'-yland,  he  found  the  representative  of  the 
Calverts,  and  possessor  of  their  family  jiapers,  a 
prisoner  in  the  ',);ieen's  Hench  prison,  in  a  con- 
finement for  debt  Hbich  had  then  lasted  twenty 
years.  Colone'  McDonald's  AV/wV,  March4l86i 
—  Ed.] 


:a. 

earned  that 
illy  selected 
:he  country 
ic,  and  prc- 
c  submitted 
:d  upon  the 
ic  name  of 
o  the  choice 
isirjd  that  it 
ra  Maria;  — 
\  —  in  honor 
ictta  Maria, 
ordinj^rly  in- 
;  but  before 

Lord  Balti- 
dcath  took 
)32,   and    he 

the  chancel 
ihurch.  But 
did  not  die 
:s  were  trans- 
:o  whom  the 

ithern  boun- 
its  mouth  in 
lied  Watkins 
IS  the  ocean 
rthern  boun- 

meridian  of 
gan.     It  will 

the  present 

into  a  Prov- 
assigns,  were 
Their  tenure 
:c  directly  of 
nly,  yielding 
)  the  King  at 
:ine ;  and  the 

iSOo,  to  discover 
:t\vcen  thai  State 
rcscntative  of  tlie 
family  paiiers,  a 
prison,  in  a  con- 
lien  lasted  twenty 
/>,»;•/,  March,4l80i 


THE   ENGLISH    IN   MARYLAND. 


521 


Proprietary  was  invested  with  a  1  the  royal  rights,  privileges,  and  prerogatives 
which  had  ever  been  enjoyer  by  any  Bishop  of  Durham  within  his  county 
palatine.  To  the  Proprietary  was  also  given  all  the  power  that  any  captain- 
general  of  an  army  eve*-  iiad ;  and  he  was  authorized  to  call  out  the  whole 
fighting  population,  ♦^o  wage  war  against  all  enemies  of  the  Province,  to  put 
captivos  to  death,  and,  ni  case  of  rebellion  or  sedition,  to  exercise  martial 
law  in  the  most  ample  manner.  He  was  empowered  to  establish  courts  and 
appoint  judges,  and  to  pardon  crimes.  He  liad  also  the  right  to  constitute 
ports  of  entry  and  departure,  to  erect  towns  into  boroughs  and  boroughs 
into  cities  with  suitable  mimunitics,  and  to  levy  duties  and  tolls  upon  ships 
and  merchandise  exported  ami  imported.  He  could  make  grants  of  land 
to  be  held  directly  of  himself,  and  erect  portions  of  the  land  granted  into 
manors  with  the  right  to  hold  courts  baron  and  leet.  It  was  further  pro- 
vided that,  lest  in  so  remote  a  region  all  access  to  honors  might  seem  to 
be  barred  to  men  well  born,  the  Proprietary  might  confer  rewards  upon 
deserving  provincials,  and  adorn  them  with  any  titles  and  dignities  except 
such  as  were  then  in  use  in  luigland.  All  laws  were  to  be  made  by  the 
Proprietary  with  the  advice  and  assent  of  the  freemen,  who  should  be  called 
together,  personally  or  by  their  deptities,  for  the  framing  of  laws  in  the 
manner  chosen  by  the  Proprietary.  In  the  event  of  sudden  accidents  the 
Proprietary  might  make  ordinances  for  the  government  of  the  Province,  pro- 
vided they  should  not  deprive  offenders  of  life,  hmb,  or  property.  Freedom 
of  trade  to  all  English  ports  was  guaranteed. 

Liberty  to  emigrate  to  the  Province  and  there  settle  was  given  to  all  sub- 
jects of  the  Crown,  and  ail  colonists  and  their  children  were  to  enjoy  the 
rights  and  liberties  of  native-born  liegemen.  There  was  an  express  cove- 
nant on  the  part  of  the  Crown  that  at  no  tine  should  any  tax  or  custom  be 
imposed  upon  the  inhabitants  or  their  property,  or  upon  any  merchandise 
to  be  laden  or  unladen  within  the  Province.  The  charter  concluded  by  di- 
recting tint,  in  case  any  doubt  should  arise  concerning  the  true  sense  of 
any  word  or  clause,  that  interpretation  should  always  be  made  which  would 
be  most  beneficial  to  the  Proprietary,  "  provided,  always,  that  no  interpre- 
tation thereof  be  made  whereby  God's  holy  and  true  Christian  religion,  or 
the  allegiance  due  to  us,  our  heirs  and  successors,  may  in  anyw-se  suffer  by 
change,  prejudice,  or  diminution.  " 

It  is  especially  to  be  remarked  that  the  charter  contained  no  provision 
requiring  the  provincial  laus  to  be  submitted  to  the  Crown  for  approval. 
Nothing  was  reserved  to  the  Crown  except  the  allegiance  of  the  inhabitants 
and  the  fifth  part  of  all  the  gold  and  silver  ore  which  might  be  found  within 
the  liiTiits  of  the  Province.  But  the  powers  conferred  on  the  Proprietary 
were  of  a  sovereign  character:  he  was  lord  of  the  soil,  the  fountain  of 
honor,  and  the  source  of  justice.  These  privileges  were  the  work  of  a 
friend  of  high  prerogative ;  yet  the  rights  of  the  people  were  not  neglected. 
The  freemen  of  the  Province  were  entitled  to  participate  in  the  law^-making 
power,  to  enjoy  freedom  of  trade,  exemption  from  Crown  taxation,  and  all 
VOL.  ni.  — 66. 


I  y  1 


^ 


r> 


I     ( 


522 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


■'<'»! 


^'!l 


ii 

1 

Iffl 

1 

the  rights  and  liberties  of  native-born  Englishmen.  All  the  laws  of  the 
Province  must  be  consonant  with  reason  and  not  repugnant  to  the  laws 
of  England.  If  it  be  true  that  the  powers  given  to  the  Proprietary  were 
greater  than  those  ever  conferred  or.  any  other  Proprietary,  it  is  equally  true 
that  the  rights  secured  to  the  inhabitants  were  ^''^ater  than  in  any  other 
charter  which  had  then  been  granted.      ■ 

The  charter  expressly  separated  the  Province  from  Virginia  and  made 
it  immediately  dependent  on  the  Crown.  The  entire  territory  of  Maryland 
had  been  included  in  the  grants  made  in  1609,  and  subsequently  to  the 
London  company  for  the  first  colony  of  Virginia.  This  company  became 
obnoxious  both  to  the  Crown  and  the  colonists,  and,  in  1624,  a  writ  of 
quo  wafraiito  was  issued  against  its  patents,  the  judgment  upon  which  re- 
voked all  the  charters  and  restored  to  the  Crown  all  the  franchises  formerly 
granted.  Virginia  then  became  a  royal  colony,  and  there  could  be  no  ques- 
tion of  the  right  of  the  King  to  partition  its  territory  at  pleasure.  But  the 
grant  of  Maryland  nevertheless  caused  a  great  discontent  in  Virginia.  Al- 
though no  permanent  settlements  had  been  made  north  of  the  Potomac,  the 
Virginians  regarded  all  the  territory  comprised  within  the  old  charter  limits 
as  still  belonging  to  them,  and  objected  to  having  it  partitioned. 

One  member  of  the  Virginia  company  had,  indeed,  established  stations 
for  traffic  with  the  Indians  on  Kent  Island,  almost  in  the  centre  of  Mary- 
land, and  on  Palmer's  Island,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanna  River. 
This  man  was  William  Clayborne,  destined  to  become  famous  in  the  early 
history  of  the  Province.  He  had  been  Secretary  of  the  Virginia  colony 
and  one  of  the  Council.  Before  the  visit  of  the  first  Lord  Baltimore  to 
Jamestown,  Clayborne  had  been  commissioned  to  explore  the  great  bay 
and  to  trade  with  the  Indians.  He  may  then  have  set  up  trading  stations 
upon  Kent  and  Palmer's  islands.  In  May,  163 1,  he  obtained  from  Charles 
I.  a  license  authorizing  him  to  trade  for  furs  and  other  commodities  in  all 
the  coasts  "  in  or  near  about  those  parts  of  America  for  which  there  is  not 
already  a  patent  granted  to  others  for  sole  trade."  This  license,  which  was 
merely  passed  under  the  privy  signet  of  Scotland,  could  not  be  construed 
as  granting  any  title  to  the  soil  or  government.  In  Baltimore's  charter 
Maryland  was  described  as  hitherto  unsettled,  —  Jiactcnns  iuciilta,  —  and 
this  unlucky  phrase  was  afterwards  the  source  of  innumerable  difficulties. 
At  the  time  of  his  visit  to  Virginia  the  region  was  probably  unsettled  so  far 
as  he  could  learn. 

When  intelligence  of  the  grant  of  Maryland  reached  Virginia  the  plant- 
ers were  moved  to  sign  a  petition  to  the  King,  in  which  they  remonstrated 
against  the  grant  of  a  portion  of  the  lands  of  the  colony  which  would  cause 
a  "general  disheartening"  to  them.  The  petition  was  referred  to  the  Privy 
Council,  which,  after  hearing  both  par*^  'ciJed,  in  July,  1633,  that  Lord 

Baltimore  should  be  left  to  his  patent  and  the  Virginians  to  the  course  of 
law;  and  that,  in  the  mean  time,  the  two  colonies  should  "  assist  each  other 
on  all  occasions  as  becometh  fellow-subjects." 


CA. 

laws  of  the 
to  the  laws 
rietary  were 
equally  true 
n  any  other 

a  and  made 
af  Maryland 
lently  to  the 
)any  became 
4,  a  writ  of 
)n  which  re- 
ses  formerly 
be  no  ques- 
re.  But  the 
irginia.  Al- 
Potomac,  the 
;harter  limits 
1. 

;hed  stations 
tre  of  Mary- 
lanna  River, 
in  the  early 
•ginia  colony 
Baltimore  to 
le  great  bay 
ding  stations 
rom  Charles 
odities  in  all 
there  is  not 
e,  which  was 
be  construed 
ore's  charter 
iciilta,  —  and 
e  difficulties, 
settled  so  far 

a  the  plant- 
remonstrated 
I  would  cause 
to  the  Privy 
33,  that  Lord 
he  course  of 
st  each  other 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


523 


There  can  be  no  doubt  that,  from  the  outset,  Lord  Baltimore  intended 
that  Maryland  should  be  a  place  of  refuge  for  the  English  Catholics,  who 
had  as  much  reason  as  the  Puritans  to  flee  from  persecution.  The  political 
and  religious  hatred  with  which  the  mass  of  the  English  people  regarded 
the  Church  of  Rome  was  increasing  in  bitterness,  and  the  Parliament  of 
1625  had  besought  the  King  to  enforce  more  strictly  the  penal  statutes 
against  recusants.  Soon  after  the  grant  of  his  charter  Lord  Baltimore 
treated  with  the  Provincial  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  in  England,  for  his  as- 
sistance in  establishing  a  mission  in  the  new  colony.  At  the  same  time  he 
wrote  to  the  General  of  the  Order  asking  him  to  designate  certain  priests 
to  accompany  the  first  emigration,  whose  duty  it  should  be  to  confirm  the 
Catholics  in  their  faith,  convert  the  Protestant  colonists,  and  propagate  the 
Roman  faith  among  the  savages.  These  requests  were  granted,  and  the  first 
expedition  was  accompanied  by  two  Jesuits. 

But  Maryland  was  to  be  something  more  than  a  Catholic  colony.  Lord 
Baltimore  had  already  determined  that  it  should  be  a  "  free  soil  for  Chris- 
tianity." When  the  charter  was  granted,  it  was  well  known  that  Baltimore 
purposed  to  settle  Maryland  with  Catholics.  How  came  it  to  pass  that, 
under  these  circumstances,  a  Protestant  king  made  a  grant  of  such  large 
powers  to  a  Catholic  nobleman .'  Different  views  have  been  taken  of  the 
clauses  of  the  charter  relating  to  religion.  One  view  is  that  by  the  patent 
the  Church  of  England  was  established,  and  any  other  form  of  worship  was 
unlawful ;  another  that  the  glor}'  of  Maryland  toleration  is  due  to  the  char- 
ter, and  under  it  no  persecution  of  Christians  was  lawful ;  while  a  third  view 
is  that  the  charter  left  the  whole  matter  vague  and  undetermined,  and  there- 
fore within  the  control  of  the  Proprietary  and  his  colonists.  The  only  ref- 
erences to  religion  in  the  charter  that  need  be  considered  are  two :  the 
first,  in  the  fourth  section,  giving  the  Proprietary  the  advowsons  of  all 
churchc  which  might  happen  to  be  built,  together  with  the  liberty  of  erect- 
ing churches  and  causing  the  same  to  be  consecrated  according  to  the 
ecclesiastical  laws  of  England ;  the  second,  in  the  twenty-second  section, 
providing  that  no  law  should  be  made  prejudicial  to  God's  holy  and  true 
Christian  religion. 

These  are  the  exact  phrases  used  in  the  Avalon  patent,  which  was  issued 
to  Sir  George  Calvert  whiL  still  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England.  In 
that  case  they  probably  operated  as  an  establishment  of  that  church.  But 
these  phrases  were  not  retained  in  the  charter  granted  to  a  Roman  Catholic 
without  good  reason.  The  fourth  section  merely  empowered  the  Proprie- 
tary to  dedicate  the  churches  which  might  be  built ;  it  did  not  compel  him 
to  build  them:  and  the  fact  of  being  a  Catholic  did  not  then  disable  one 
from  presenting  to  Anglican  churches.  There  is,  moreover,  nothing  in  this 
section  disabling  the  Proprietary  irom  building  churches  of  other  faiths. 
The  proviso  in  the  twenty-second  section  was  conveniently  vague.  It  can- 
not be  held  either  to  establish  the  Church  of  England  or  to  prohibit  the 
exercise  of  any  other  worship.     No  such  construction  was  ever  placed  upon 


\ 


, 


ii/',|V 


"7:4! 


r 


i;  i 


Mi 


i\ 


524 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY    OF   AiVIl^  '.IC. 


it  by  the  Crown,  or  the  Proprietary,  or  the  people.  It  is  certain  that  Balti- 
more would  not  have  accepted  a  charter  requiring  the  establishment  of  a 
church  from  which  he  and  those  whom  he  intended  to  be  his  colonists  dis- 
sented. It  is  still  more  certain  that  he  would  not  have  accepted  a  charter 
prohibiting  the  exercise  of  the  Catholic  worship. 

The  most  plausible  view  of  these  provisions  is  that  they  covered  a  secret 
understanding  between  the  Proprietary  and  the  King,  to  the  effect  thit  both 
Catholics  and  members  of  the  Established  Church  should  enjoy  the  same 
religious  rights  in  Maryland.'  The  opinion  entertained  by  some  that  the 
charter  itself  enforced  toleration  is  altogether  untenable.  These  provisions 
did  not  prevent  the  Church  of  England  from  being  afterwards  established 
in  Maryland  nor  avert  disabilities  from  Catholics  and  Dissenters.  Apart 
from  the  supposed  agreement  between  Baltimore  and  the  King,  any  perse- 
cution of  Conformists  in  the  Province  would  have  been  extremely  impolitic  ; 
it  would  have  resulted  in  the  speedy  loss  of  the  patent.  But  Baltimore 
could  without  danger  have  prohibited  the  immigration  of  Puritans,  and 
could  have  discouraged  in  many  ways  the  settlement  even  of  Conformists. 
\ot  only  did  he  not  do  any  of  these  things,  but  he  invited  Christians  of 
every  name  to  settle  in  Maryland.  It  is  the  glory  of  Lord  l^altimore  and 
of  the  Province  that,  from  the  first,  perfect  freedom  of  Clnistian  worshij) 
was  guaranteed  to  all  comers.  Because  the  event  proved  that  this  mag- 
nanimity was  the  truest  wisdom  and  resulted  in  populating  the  Pro\incc, 
there  have  not  been  wanting  those  who  declare  that  it  was  not  magnanimity 
at  all,  but  only  enlightened  self-interest. 

By  tlie  decision  of  the  Privy  Council  in  July,  1633,  u;ii>n  the  petition  of 
the  Virginia  planters.  Lord  Baltimore  achieved  his  first  victory  in  the  long 

struggle  he  was  destined  to  wage 
with  the  enemies  of  his  colony. 
Regarding  his  title   to   the   terri- 


tory as  unquestionable,  he  now 
hastened  his  preparations  for  its 
colonization.  He  had  pu'-poscd 
to  lead  the  colonists  in  person, 
but,  finding  it  necessary  to  aban- 
don this  intention,  he  confided  the  expedition  to  the  care  of  his  brother, 
Leonard  Calvert,  whom  he  commissioned  as  Lieut-General.  Jerome  Haw- 
ley  and  Thomas  Cornwallis  were  as-  y^  ^^  . 
sociated  as  councillors,  and  George  .  ■"  1  L^  .  /  -^  /,*►  /I  ^,t  - 
Calvert,  another  brother  of  the  "^=7^^  "  L<f^nn/ Cl^ZVi  ' 
Proprietary,  was  one   of  the  emi- 

grants.  Lord  Baltimore  provided  two  vessels,  —  the  "  Ark,"  of  about 
three  hundred  and  fifty  tons  burden,  and  the  "  Dove,"  a  pinnace  of  about 
fifty  tons.  In  October,  1633,  the  colonists,  —  "  gentlemen  adventurers 
.uui  their  sr  vants,"  —  to  the  number  of  about  two  hundred,  embarked 
1  S.  R.  Gardiner's  Personal  Goventmcnt  of  Charles  /.,  ii.  290. 


*,^.i«i;     . 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


525 


lin  that  Balti- 
lishment  of  a 
colonists  dis- 
ted  a  charter 

vered  a  secret 
Efcct  thit  both 
ijoy  the  same 
iome  that  the 
:sc  provisions 
Js  established 
nters.  Apart 
ng,  any  perse- 
icly  impolitic ; 
But  Baltimore 

Puritans,  and 
f  Conformists. 

Christians  of 
h'altimore  and 
istian  worship 
hat  this  mag- 

the  Province, 
t  magnanimity 

he  petition  of 
y  in  the  long 
itined  to  wage 
of  his  colony. 

to  the  terri- 
lable,  he  now 
rations  for  its 
had  pu''poscd 
its  in  person, 
ssary  to  aban- 
)f  his  brother, 

Jerome  Haw- 


■k,"  of  about 
mace  of  about 
n  adventurers 
ed,   embarked 


at  Gravesend.  The  vessels  stopped  at  the  Isle  of  Wight,  where  Fathers 
White  and  Altham  (the  Jesuits  who  had  been  designated  for  the  service) 
and  some  other  emigrants  were  received  on  be  ard.  They  finally  set  sail 
from  Cowes  on  the  twenty-second  day  of  November,  1633,  and  took  the 
old  route  by  the  Azores  and  West  Indies. 

Soon  after  their  departure   Lord  Baltimore  wrote  to  his  own  and  his 
father's  friend,  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  that,  after  having  overcome  many  dif 


OCEANVS    ORTENTAUS 

MAP   OF   JFARYLAND,    1 635.' 


Acuities,  he  had  sent  a  hopeful  colony  to  Maryland  vith  a  fair  expectation 
of  success.  "There  are  two  of  my  brothers  gone,"  he  added,  "with  very 
near  twenty  other  gentlemen  of  very  good  fashion,  and  three  hundred  la- 
boring men  well  provided  in  all  things." 

The  vessels  remained  for  some  time  at  Barbadoes,  and  did  not  arrive  at 
Point  Comfort  until  the  27th  of  February,  1634.  Here  the  colonists  were 
received  by  Governor  Harvey,  of  Virginia,  "  with  much  courtesy  and  hu- 
manity," in  obedience  to  letters  from  the  King.  P>esh  supplies  having  been 
procured  in  Virginia,  the  "  Ark"  and  "Dove"  weighed  anchor  and  sailed 
up  the  bay  to  the  mouth  of  the  Potomac,  which  they  entered  and  proceeded 
up  about  fourteen  leagues,  to  an  island  which  they  called  St.  Clement's. 

1  This  is  a  reduced  fac-simile  of  the  map  ac-  Critical  Essay.  Comi-arc  the  hsliotype  of  Smith's 
companying  A  Rtlation  of  Maryland,  1635.     See     map  of  Virgini.).  in  chapter  v. 


VT' 


S   ' 


.■^laay; 


iS^^ty.'iL-iTS^ 


526 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


VI!  i 


The  emigrants  landed  here,  and  took  formal  possession  of  Maryland  "  for 
our  Saviour,  and  for  our  Sovereign  Lord  the  King  of  England." 

Governor  Calvert  left  the  "  Ark  "  at  the  island  and  sailed  up  the  river 
with  two  pinnaces,  in  order  to  explore  the  country  and  conciliate  the  Indian 
chieftains.  He  was  accompanied  by  Captain  Henry  Fleet,  ol  the  Virginia 
colony,  who  was  versed  in  the  Indian  tongues  and  acquainted  with  the 
country.  They  assured  the  chiefs  that  the  strangers  had  not  come  to  make 
war  upon  them,  but  to  impart  the  arts  of  civilization  and  show  their  sub- 
jects the  way  to  heaven.  Not  deeming  it  prudent  to  seat  the  first  colony 
so  far  in  the  interior,  Calvert  returned  down  the  river  and  was  conducted 
by  Captain  Fleet  up  a  tributary  stream  which  flows  into  the  rotcmac,  from 
the  north,  a  few  miles  above  its  mouth.  This  river,  which  is  now  called  the 
St.  Mary's,  is  a  deep  and  wide  stream.  Six  or  seven  miles  above  its  mouth 
the  Governor's  exploring  party  came  to  an  Indian  village,  situate  on  a  bluff 
on  the  left  bank.  They  determined  to  settle  here,  but,  instead  of  forcibly 
dispossessing  the  feeble  tribe  in  possession,  they  purchased  thirty  miles  of 
the  land  from  them  for  axes,  hatchets,  and  cloth,  and  established  the  colony 
with  their  consent.  And  thus  the  method  of  William  Penn  was  antedated 
by  half  a  century.  By  the  terms  of  the  agreement  the  Indians  were  to  give 
up  at  one  one  half  of  the  town  to  the  English  and  part  of  the  growing 
crops,  and  at  the  end  of  the  harvest  to  leave  the  place  altogether.  The 
"Ark"  was  sent  for,  and  on  the  27th  of  March,  1634,  amid  salvoes  of  ar- 
iSllery  from  the  ships,  the  emig'nts  disembarked  and  took  possession  of 
theiv  new  home,  which  they  called  St.  Mary's. 

Attention  was  first  given  to  b'lilding  a  guardhouse  and  a  general  store- 
house, their  intercourse  rr.eanwhile  with  the  natives  being  of  the  most  genial 
character.  The  Indian  women  taught  them  how  to  use  corn  meal,  and  with 
the  Indian  men  they  hunted  deer  and  were  initiated  into  the  mysteries  of 
woodcraft.  They  planted  the  cleared  land,  and  in  the  autumn  of  the  same 
year  were  able  to  send  a  cargo  of  corn  to  New  England  in  exchange  for  salt 
fish  and  other  provi;;ions.  From  Virginia  the  colonists  procured  swine  and 
cattle;  and,  within  a  few  months  after  landing,  the  settlement  was  enjoying 
a  high  degree  of  prosperi^^^y.  The  English  race  had  now  learned  the  art  of 
cok  r.jzation. 

Although  Governor  Harvey  visited  St.  Mary's  and  seems  always  to  have 
been  fricmlly  to  the  new  colony,  the  Virginians  were  bitterly  hostile.  Cap- 
tain You">r  wrote  to  Sir  Tobie  Matthew  from  Jamestown,  in  July,  1634, 
that  it  WIS  t/iere  "accounted  a  crime  almost  as  heinous  as  treason  to  favor, 
nay,  tt.  spv.ak  v  ell  of,  that  colony "  of  Lord  Baltimore.  Sympathy  with 
what  they  rtj^arded  as  Clayborne's  wrongs  increased  their  enmity.  Soon 
after  the  "  Ark  "  and  "Dove"  left  Point  Comfort,  Clayborne  informed  the 
Goverior  and  Council  of  Virginia  that  Calvert  had  notified  him  that  the 
settlement  upon  Kent  Island  would  henceforth  be  deemed  a  part  of  Mary- 
land, and  requested  the  opinion  of  the  Board  as  to  his  duty  in  the  prem- 
ises.    The  Board  expressed  surprise  at  the  question,  and  said  that  there 


■  I 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


527 


was  no  more  reason  for  surrendering  Kent  Island  than  any  other  part  of 
the  colony ;  and  that,  the  validity  of  Lord  Baltimore's  patent  being  yet 
undetermined,  they  were  bound  to  maintain  the  rights  of  their  colony.  It 
was  probably  on  account  of  remonstrances  from  Virginia  that  the  com- 
mittee of  the  Privy  Council  for  plantations  wrote  to  the  Virginians  in  July, 
1634,  that  there  was  no  intention  to  affect  the  interests  which  had  been 
settled  when  Virginia  was  under  a  corporation,  and  that  for  the  present  they 
might  enjoy  their  estates  with  the  same  freedom  as  before  the  recalling  of 
their  patents.  This  letter,  which  was  merely  designed  to  show  that  Balti- 
more's charter  should  not  invade  any  individual  right,  appears  to  have  been 
regarded  by  Claybornc  as  justifying  his  resistance  to  Calvert's  claim  of 
jurisdiction  over  his  trading  stations. 

Clayborne  endeavored  at  once  to  incite  the  Indians  to  acts  of  hostility 
against  the  colony.  He  told  them  that  the  new-comers  were  Spaniards, 
enemies  of  the  English,  and  had  come  to  rob  them.  These  insinuations 
caused  a  change  in  the  demeanor  of  the  Indians,  which  greatly  alarmed  the 
people  of  St.  ii'ary's.  The  suspicions  of  the  natives,  however,  were  soon 
dispelled  and  friendly  relations  with  them  were  renewed.  Clayborne  now 
resolved  to  wage  an  open  war  against  the  colony.  Early  in  1635  a  casus 
belli  was  found  in  the  capture  by  the  Maryland  authorities  of  a  pinnace  be- 
longing to  Clayborne,  upon  the  ground  that  it  was  a  Virginia  vessel  trading 
in  Maryland  waters  without  a  license.  Clayborne  thereupon  placed  an 
armed  vessel  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Warren,  with  orders  to  seize 
any  of  the  ships  belonging  to  St.  Mary's.  Governor  Calvert  determined  to 
show  at  once  that  this  seditious  opposition  would  not  be  tolerated.  He 
equipped  two  small  vessels  and  sent  them  against  Kent  Island.  A  naval 
engagement  between  the  hostile  forces  took  place  in  April,  1635,  which 
resulted  in  the  killing  of  one  of  the  Maryland  crew,  and  of  Lieutenant 
Warren  and  two  others  of  the  Kent  Island  crew.  Clayborne's  men  then 
surrendered  and  were  carried  to  St.  Mary's.  Clayborne  himself  took  refuge 
in  Virginia,  and  Governor  Calvert  dc-nianded  his  surrender.  This  demand 
was  not  granted,  and  two  years  later  Clayborne  went  to  England.  He  pre- 
sented a  petition  to  the  King,  complaining  that  Baltimore's  agents  had 
sought  to  dispossess  him  of  his  plantations,  killing  some  of  his  men  and 
taking  their  boats.  He  offered  to  pay  the  King  ^100  per  annum  for  the 
two  islands,  and  pra3'cd  for  a  confirmation  of  his  license  and  an  order  di- 
recting Lord  Baltimore  not  to  interfere  with  him. 

This  petition  was  referred  to  a  committee  of  the  Privy  Council,  before 
which  Clayborne  appeared  in  person,  and  arguments  upon  both  sides  were 
heard.  The  committee  decided,  in  April,  1638,  that  Clayborne's  license  to 
triide,  under  the  signet  of  Scotland,  gave  him  no  right  or  title  to  the  Isle  of 
Kent,  or  to  any  other  place  within  the  limits  of  Baltimore's  patent,  and  did 
not  warrant  any  plantation,  and  that  no  trade  with  the  Indians  ought  to  be 
showed  within  Maryland  without  license  from  Lord  Baltimore.  As  to  the 
wrongs  complained  of,  the  committee  found  no  reason  to  remove  them,  but 


n 


^|i 


528 


NARRATIVE  AND  CRITICAL  HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


ill 


I  < 


V 


left  both  sides  to  the  ordinary  course  of  justice.  Claybornc  returned  to 
Virginia,  postponing  but  not  abandoning  his  vengeance,  and  Kent  Island 
was  subjected  to  the  government  of  St.  Mary's,  Captain  George  Kvclyn 
being  appointed  commander  of  the  isle.  In  the  same  year  Palmer's  Island 
was  seized,  and  Clayborne's  {Property  there  confiscated. 

In  February,  1635,  the  first  legislative  assembly  of  the  Province  was 
convened.  Owing  to  the  destruction  of  most  of  the  early  records  during 
Ingle's  Rebellion,  no  account  of  the  proceedings  of  this  Assembly  has  come 
down  to  us.  The  charter  required  the  assent  of  the  Proprietary  to  the 
laws,  and  when  the  acts  of  this  Assembly  were  laid  before  Lord  Baltimore 
he  disallowed  them.  In  April,  1637,  he  sent  over  a  new  commission,  con- 
stituting Leonard  Calvert  the  lieut.-general,  admiral,  and  commander,  and 
also  the  chancellor  and  chief-justice  of  the  Province.  In  certain  cases,  he 
was  directed  to  consult  the  council,  which  was  composed  of  Jerome  Haw- 
ley,  Thomas  Cornwallis,  and  John  Lewger.  The  governor  was  directed  to 
assemble  the  freemen  of  the  Province,  or  their  deputies,  upon  the  25th  of 
January  ensuing,  and  signify  the  Proprietary's  dissent  from  the  laws  made  at 
the  previous  assembly,  and  at  the  same  time  to  submit  to  them  a  body  of 
laws  which  he  would  himself  send  over.  John  Lewger,  the  new  member 
y/  A  of  the  council,  and  secretary 

'  Ar-^«»   »/«.    ^  -- .^     r  »  of  the  Province,  came  to  St. 

^^^«   ^^  ^C^^^.    ^^^^^,^    .^   November.    .63;. 

C___— -^  accompanied    by    his    family 

and  several  servants.  He  was  distinguished  as  a  scholar  at  O.xford,  and 
had  been  converted  to  Catholicism  by  the  celebrated  controversialist  Chil- 
lingworth.  His  appointment  is  an  evidence  of  the  solicitude  shown  by  the 
Proprietary  for  the  affairs  of  his  plantation.  During  the  first  years  of  the 
settlement  he  and  his  friends  expended  above  ;^40,0C)0  in  sending  over  col- 
onists and  providing  them  with  necessaries,  of  which  sum  at  least  ;620,oc)0 
was  out  of  Baltimore's  own  purse. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Proprietary  contemplated  the  founda- 
tion of  an  aristocratic  State,  with  large  tracts  of  land  in  the  hands  of  indi- 
viduals who  would  be  interested  in  upholding  his  authority.  He  inihlished, 
from  time  to  time,  certain  "conditions  of  plantation,"  stating  the  quantity  of 
land  to  wliich  emigrants  would  be  entitled.  In  the  conditions  issued  in 
1636  he  directs  that  to  every  first  adventurer,  for  every  five  men  brought 
into  the  Province  in  1634,  there  should  be  granted  two  thousand  acres  of 
land  for  the  yearly  rent  of  four  luindred  pounds  of  wheat;  and  to  each 
bringing  a  less  number,  one  hundred  acres  for  himself,  and  one  hundred  acres 
for  his  wife  and  each  servant,  and  fifty  acres  for  every  child,  under  the  rent 
of  ten  pounds  of  wheat  for  each  fifty  acres.  The  conditions  oftered  to  sub- 
sequent adventurers  were,  naturally,  less  favorable.  All  these  grants  were 
of  fee-simple  estates  of  inheritance,  and  the  colonists  received  in  addition 
grants  of  small  lots  in  the  town  of  St.  Mary's.  Each  tract  of  a  thousand 
acres   or  more  was  erected   into  a  manor,  with  the  right   to  hold    courts 


<    s  I* 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


529 


baron  and  leet,  and  the  other  privileges  belonging  to  manors  in  England. 
A  large  numbc  1"  manors  were  laid  off  in  the  Province,  and  in  some 
instances  courts  baron  and  leet  were  held.' 

It  was  only  in  this  regard  that  the  design  of  transplanting  the  institu- 
tions of  expiring  feudalism  to  the  New  World  was  carried  out.  Political 
and  social  equality  resulted  from  the  conditions  of  the  environment.  The 
"  freemen,"  who  were  entitled  to  make  law;;,  were  early  held  to  include  all 
but  indented  servants,  whether  they  owned  a  freehold  ur  not.  The  second 
Assembly,  which  met  in  January,  1638,  was  a  pure  democracy.  Writs  of 
summons  had  been  issued  to  every  freeman  directing  his  personal  attend- 
ance. The  governor  presided  as  speaker,  and  the  council  sat  as  members. 
Those  freemen  who  did  not  choose  to  attend  gave  proxies.  Proclamation 
was  made  tliat  all  persons  omitted  in  the  writs  should  make  their  claim  to  a 
voice  in  the  Assembly,  "whereupon  claim  was  made  by  John  Robinson, 
carpenter,  and  was  admitted."  Upon  the  question  of  the  adoption  of  the 
body  of  laws  proposed  by  Lord  Baltimore,  the  Speaker  and  Lcwger  (who 
counted  by  proxies  fourteen  voices)  were  in  the  affirmative,  and  all  the 
rest  of  the  Assembly,  being  thirty-seven  voices,  in  the  negative.  Thus  was 
begun  a  constitutional  struggle  between  the  people  and  the  Projjrietary. 
The  latter  held  that,  under  the  charter,  the  right  of  originating  legislation 
belonged  exclusively  to  him.  For  this  reason,  he  had  rejected  the  laws 
made  in  1635,  and  had  himself  proposed  a  number  of  bills.  The  colonists 
were  unwilling  to  concede  this  claim,  and  now  rejected,  in  turn,  the  propo- 
sitions of  the  Proprietary.  This  early  evidence  of  the  persistence  with 
which  a  handful  of  emigrants  maintained  what  they  conceived  to  be  their 
rights  possesses  a  peculiar  interest.  The  immediate  result  of  the  contest 
was  to  leave  the  colony  without  any  laws  under  which  criminal  jurisdiction 
could  be  exercised.  This  subject  ne.xt  occupied  the  attention  of  the  House. 
Subsequently  a  number  of  laws  were  made,  but  with  the  exception  of  an 
act  of  attainder  against  Clayborne,  their  titles  only  remain.  They  were 
sent  to  Lord  Baltimore,  who  promptly  exercised  his  veto  power  upon  them. 
In  February,  1638,  a  county  court  was  held  at  which  Thomas  Smith,  who 
had  been  captured  in  the  naval  engagement  described  above,  and  subse- 
quently held  a  prisoner,  was  indicted  by  a  grand  jury  for  murder  and  piracy. 
There  being  no  court  legally  constituted  to  try  Smith,  he  was  arraigned  and 
tried  before  the  Assembly,  Secretary  Lcwger  acting  as  the  prosecuting  at- 
torney. The  House  found  him  guilty,  with  but  one  dissenting  voice,  and  he 
was  sentenced  to  be  hanged. 

Soon  after  Lord  Baltimore  had  for  the  second  time  rejected  the  acts  of 
the  Assembly,  he  wisely  determined  to  yield  his  claim  of  the  right  to  origi- 
nate legislation.  Accordingly  he  wrote  to  his  brother  in  August,  1638, 
giving  him  power  to  assent  to  such  laws  as  he  might  approve.  The  assent 
of  the  governor  was  to  give  force  to  the  laws  till  the  dissent  of  the  Proprie- 

'  In  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  are  pre-     baron  and  leet  held  in  St.  Clement's  manor  at 
served  the  original  manuscript  records  of  courts     different  times  from  1659  to  1672. 
VOL.   HI.  —  67. 


(    i 


J   1  i 


i  ; 


I 


!  4 


530 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


tary  should  be  si^jnificd.  This  double  veto  power  was  similar  to  that  which 
existed  in  most  of  the  royal  colonies,  where  the  first  negative  was  in  tho 
governor  and  the  second  in  the  king.  In  a  Palatinate  government,  like 
Maryland,  the  Proprietary  exercised  the  royal  prerogative.  There  being  no 
further  obstacle  to  legislation  an  Assembly  was  called  to  meet  in  February, 
1639,  which  body  was  composed  partly  of  delegates  elected  by  the  people, 
and  partly  of  freemen  specially  summoned  by  the  governor's  writ.  It  was 
also  held  that  any  freeman,  who  had  not  ^(articipated  in  the  election  of 
deputies,  might  sit  in  his  individual  right.  The  laws  passed  at  this  session 
provided  principally  for  the  administration  of  justice  in  criminal  and  civil 
cases.  It  was  enacted  that  the  inhabitants  should  have  all  their  rights  and 
liberties  according  to  the  Great  Charter. 

One  of  the  acts  declared  that  "  Holy  Church  within  this  Province  shall 
have  all  her  rights  and  liberties."  A  similar  law  was  made  in  tin;  following 
year.  Both  are  founded  upon  the  first  clause  of  Magna  Charta  and  must 
be  held  to  apply  to  the  Roman  Church,  since  the  phrase  "  Holy  Church  " 
was  never  used  in  speaking  of  the  Church  of  England.  But  these  acts  can 
hardly  be  regarded  as  evidence  of  an  intention  to  establish  the  Roman 
Church.  They  do  not  seem  to  have  had  any  practical  effect  whatever.  We 
have  seen  that  Lord  Baltimore  purposed  to  make  all  creeds  equal  in  Mary- 
land. Apart  from  this  fixed  purpose,  from  which  he  never  swerved,  the 
impolicy  of  granting  any  peculiar  privileges  to  the  Catholic  Church,  in  a 
province  subject  to  England,  was  so  apparent  that  it  was  recognized  by  the 
Jesuits  themselves.  Among  the  Stonyhurst  Manuscripts  there  is  preserved 
the  form  of  an  agreement  between  the  Provincial  of  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
and  Lord  Baltimore,  in  which,  after  a  statement  of  the  manner  in  which 
Maryland  had  been  obtained  and  settled,  it  is  recited  that  it  is  "evident  that, 
as  affairs  now  are,  those  privileges,  etc.,  usually  granted  to  ecclesiastics  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  by  Catholic  princes  in  their  own  countries,  could 
not  possibly  be  granted  here  without  grave  offence  to  the  King  and  State 
of  England  (which  offence  may  be  called  a  hazard  both  to  the  Baron  and 
especially  to  the  whole  colony)."  The  agreement  then  binds  the  members 
of  the  society  in  Maryland  not  to  demand  any  such  privileges  except  those 
relating  to  corporal  punishments.' 

It  is  certain  that,  from  the  time  the  emigrants  first  landed  at  St.  Mary's, 
religious  toleration  was  the  established  custom  of  the  Province.  The 
history  of  Maryland  toleration  does  not  begin  with  the  famous  Act  of 
1649.  That  was  merely  a  legislative  confirmation  of  the  unwritten  law. 
Long  before  that  enactment,  at  a  time  when  intolerance  and  martyrdom 
was  almost  the  law  of  Christendom,  and  while  the  annals  of  the  other 
colonies  of  the  New  World  were  being  stained  with  the  record  of  crimes 
committed  in  the  name  of  religion,  in  Maryland  the  doctrine  of  religious 
liberty  was  clearly  proclaimed  and  practised.  It  is  the  imperishable  glory 
of  Lord  Baltimore  and  of  the  State.     For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of 

1  Records  of  the  English  Prmince  0/  the  Society  of  Jesus.     London,  1878,  iii.  362. 


..  I 


THE   ENGLISH   IN   MARYLAND. 


531 


the  world  there  was  a  regularly  constituted  government  under  which  all 
Christians  possessed  equal  rights,  All  churches  were  tolerated,  none  was 
established.  To  this  "  land  of  the  sanctuary"  came  the  Puritans  who  were 
whipped  and  imprisoned  in  Virginia,  and  the  I'relatists  who  were  persecuted 
in  New  England.  In  163S  one  William  Lewis  was  fined  by  the  council 
five  hundred  pounds  of  tobacco,  and  required  to  give  security  for  his  good 
behavior,  because  he  had  abused  Protestants  and  forbidden  his  servants  to 
read  Protestant  books.  The  Puritans  were  invited  to  settle  in  .  Maryland. 
In  1643  Lord  Baltimore  wrote  to  Captain  Gibbons  of  Boston,  offering  land 
to  any  inhabitants  of  New  England  that  would  remove  to  his  province,  with 
liberty  in  matter  of  religion,  and  all  other  privileges.' 

It  appears  from  a  case  that  came  before  the  Assembly  in  1643  that  there 
was  at  that  time  no  Protestant  clergyman  in  Maryland.  The  only  religiotis 
guides  were  the  Jesuit  missionaries,  and  they  formed  the  only  Catholic  mis- 
sion ever  established  in  any  of  the  English  colonies  in  America.  Two 
priests,  as  we  have  seen,  accompanied  the  first  emigration.  In  1636  the 
mission  numbered  four  priests  and  one  coadjutor.  They  labored  among 
the  Indians  in  the  spirit  of  Xavier,  establishing  stations  at  points  distant 
from  St.  Mary's.  Their  efforts  to  elevate  the  savage  were  not  without  suc- 
cess. One  of  their  converts  was  Tayac,  the  chief  of  the  Piscataways.  He 
and  his  wife  were  baptized  in  1640,  when  Governor  Calvert  and  many  of  the 
principal  men  of  the  colony  were  present  at  the  ceremony,  '""he  Jesuits 
also  succeeded  in  converting  many  Protestants.  The  annual  letter  of 
1638,  as  communicated  to  their  Superior,  states  that  nearly  all  the  Prot- 
estants who  came  from  England  in  that  year,  and  many  others,  had  been 
converted. 

Although  the  missionaries  did  much  towards  conciliating  the  Indians, 
and  a  fair  and  gentle  treatment  of  them  was  the  constant  policy  of  the 
colony,  it  was  yet  impossible  to  preserve  a  perfect  peace  with  all  the  tribes. 
The  increase  of  the  colonists  began  to  alarm  them,  and  the)'  were  con- 
stantly committing  petty  depredations.  All  the  inhabitants  capable  of 
bearing  arms  were  trained  in  military  discipline,  and  a  certain  quantity  of 
arms  and  ammunition  was  required  to  be  kept  at  each  dwelling-house. 
Expeditions  were  frequently  made  for  the  purpose  of  punishing  particular 
tribes  which  had  committed  "  sundry  insolencies  and  rapines."  Scarcely 
anything  is  known  of  the  details  of  these  Indian  wars.  It  was  made  a 
penal  offence  for  the  colonists  to  supply  any  Indian  with  arms,  but  the 
Swedes  on  the  Delaware  had  no  scruples  in  this  respect. 

In  1640  another  Assembly  was  held.  St.  Mary's  County  had  now  been 
divided  into  hundreds,  and  conservators  of  the  peace  appointed  for  each 
hundred.  In  addition  to  the  burgesses  elected  in  each  hundred,  the  gov- 
ernor summoned  certain  freemen  by  special  writ,  as  had  been  previously 
done.  The  theor>'  upon  which  this  Assembly  and  those  held  in  the  fol- 
lowing years  proceeded,  m  framing  laws,  was  that  justice  should  be  done 

>  [See  Memorial  History  of  Boston,  i.  p.  278.  —  Ed.] 


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(716)«72-4S03 


V 


532 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY  OF  AMERICA. 


according  to  the  law  of  England,  except  in  so  far  as  changed  by  provincial 
enactments. 

The  Civil  War  was  now  at  its  height  in  England,  and  that  mighty  con- 
vulsion filled  all  the  colonies  with  alarm  and  uncertainty.  The  supremacy 
of  the  Puritans  foreboded  danger  to  the  colony  of  a  Catholic  nobleman, 
who  still  adhered  to  the  cause  of  the  King.  Governor  Calvert  determined 
to  consult  his  brother  personally  in  regard  to  the  course  to  be  pursued  in 
this  crisis.  Delegating  his  powers  to  Giles  Hrcnt,  he  sailed  for  England 
and  soon  after  joined  his  brother  at  Oxford.  They  received  from  the  King 
a  commission  to  seize  any  London  ships  that  might  come  to  St.  Mary's. 
Baltimore  sent  this  commission  to  Maryland;  and  in  January,  1644,  when 
one  Richard  Ingle  appeared  in  the  Province  with  an  armed  ship  from  Lon- 
don, Governor  Brent  seized  the  vessel,  and  issued  a  proclamation  against 
Ingle,  charging  him  with  treason  to  the  King.  Ingle  was  taken,  but  soon 
after  maile  his  escape  and  returned  to  I'lngland.  Governor  Calvert  arrived 
in  September,  1644,  and  found  the  Province  torn  with  internal  feuds  and 
harassed  by  Indian  incursions.  Many  thought  that  the  triumph  of  Par- 
liament would  put  an  end  to  the  Proprietary  dominion.  Clayborne  availed 
himself  of  the  confusion  to  renew  his  designs  upon  Kent  Island,  and,  by 
the  end  of  the  year,  he  had  regained  his  former  possession.  Ingle  soon 
after  arrived  in  another  ship,  with  parliamentary  letters  of  marque.  The 
Proprietary  was  as  powerless  as  the  King  with  whose  fortunes  his  own  were 
thought  to  be  linked.  Ingle  landed  his  men,  allied  himself  with  the  dis- 
affected, and  easily  took  possession  of  the  government.  Governor  Calvert 
fled  to  Virginia,  and  the  insurgents  were  undisturbed.  The  records  of  the 
Province  brand  Ingle  as  a  pirate.  To  plunder  seems  indeed  to  have  been 
his  main  purpose,  and  it  is  not  clear  that  he  even  professed  to  act  on  behalf 
of  the  Commonwealth.  He  aftenvards  alleged,  in  a  petition  to  Parliament, 
that,  when  he  arrived  in  Maryland,  he  found  that  the  governor  had  received 
a  commission  from  O.xford  to  seize  all  London  ships,  and  to  execute  a 
tyrannical  power  against  Protestants ;  and  that,  therefore,  he  felt  himself  to 
be  conscientiously  obliged  to  come  to  the  help  of  the  Protestants  against 
the  Papists  and  Malignants.  His  only  statement  as  to  his  proceedings  in 
the  Province  is  that  "  it  pleased  God  to  enable  him  to  take  divers  places 
from  them,  and  to  make  him  a  support  to  the  well-affected."  It  is,  how- 
ever, certain  that  the  period  of  Ingle's  usurpation  was  marked  with  much 
oppression  and  e-xtortion.  The  Jesuits  were  sent  in  chains  to  England, 
and  most  of  those  deemed  loyal  to  the  Proprietary  were  deprived  of  their 
property  and  banished. 

Towards  the  close  of  1646  Governor  Calvert,  who  had  been  watching 
the  progress  of  events  from  Virginia,  deemed  that  the  time  was  ripe  for 
a  counter  revolution.  He  appeared  at  St.  Mary's,  at  the  head  of  a  small 
force  levied  in  Virginia,  and  regained  the  government  without  resistance. 
Ingle  left  the  Province,  and  the  body  of  the  people  returned  to  their 
allegiance  with  marked  alacrity.     The  most  permanent  evil  caused  by  this 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


533 


usurpation  —  commonly  called  Clayborne  and  Ingle's  Rebellion,  although 
they  do  not  appear  to  have  acted  in  concert  —  was  the  destruction  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  then  existing  records.  The  entire  period  is,  conse- 
quently, involved  in  obscurity;  and  it  is  impossible  to  determine  why  it  was 
that  so  many  of  the  inhabitants  were  ready  to  join  Ingle  in  what  they 
after\vards  called  his  "  heinous  rebellion."  KlmU  Island  alone  held  out, 
and  Governor  Calvert  went  there  in  person,  and  brought  back  the  island 
to  subjection.  The  entire  Province  was  now  trant|uillized ;  but  Leonard 
Calvert  did  not  live  to  enter  upon  his  labors.  On  the  yth  of  June,  1647, 
he  died  at  the  little  capital  of  St.  Marj's,  which  he  had  founded  seven- 
teen years  before,  and  where  he  had  long  exercised,  with  wisdom  and 
moderation,  the  highest  executive  and  judicial  functions.  He  had  led  out 
the  colony  from  luigland  when  a  young  man  of  twenty-si.x  years,  and 
in  the  discharge  of  various  uflices  he  had,  in  the  language  of  his  commis- 
sion, displayed  "  such  wisdom,  fidelity,  industry,  and  other  virtues  as  ren- 
dered him  capable  and  worthy  of  the  trust  reposed  in  him."  Upon  his 
death-bed  he  named  Thomas  Greene  his  sue- 

cessor,  who  now  assumed  the  duties  of  gover-  «=—  _  i-^^  ■  Cl^  o 
nor.     Greene  proclaimed  a  general  pardon  to  ' 

those  in  the  Province  who  had  "  unfortunately  run  themselves  into  a  rebel- 
lion," and  a  pardon  to  those  who  had  fled  the  Province,  "  acknowledging 
sorrow  for  his  fault,"  except  "  Richard  Ingle,  mariner."  ^ 

The  cause  of  the  monarchy  was  now  prostrate  in  England,  and  in  the 
supremacy  of  Parliament  Lord  Baltimore  saw  great  danger  threatening  his 
colonial  dominion.  It  was  necessary  to  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  his  ene- 
mies to  say  that  Maryland  was  a  Catholic  colony,  and  at  the  same  time  he 
felt  bound  to  protect  his  co-religionists.  He  therefore  determined  tc  pursue 
at  once  a  policy  of  conciliation  to  the  Puritans  and  of  protection  to  the 
Catholics.  The  course  he  adopted  was  one  well  calculated  to  attain  this 
double  end.  In  August,  1648,  he  removed  Greene,  who  was  a  Catholic, 
and  appointed  William  Stone  governor.  Stone  was;  a  Virginian,  and  well 
known  as  a  zealous  Protestant  and  adherent  of  the  Parliament.  Lord  Balti- 
more at  the  same  time  issued  a  new  commission  of  the  Council  of  State 
appointing  five  councillors,  three  of  whom  were  Protestants,  and  he  also 
appointed  a  Protestan*-  secretary.  Accompanying  the  commissions  were 
oaths  to  be  taken  by  Ihe  governor  and  councillors.      Each  was  required 


'  At  a  session  of  the  Assembly  held  in  J.inu- 
uary,  1648,  an  incident  occurred  which  annalists 

have  generally  deemed  worthy  of  mention  as  the 
first  instance  of  a  demand  of  political  rights  for 


women.  Miss  Margaret  Urent  —  who  was  the 
administratix  of  Governor  Calvert,  and  as  such 
held  to  be  the  attorney,  in  fact,  of  Lord  Balti- 
more —  applied  to  the  .Assembly  to  have  a  vote  in 
the  House  for  herself,  and  another  as  his  lord- 
ship's .attornev.  Upon  the  refusal  of  her  de- 
mand, the  lady  protested  in  form  against  all  the 
proceedings  of  the  House.  The  Assembly  after- 
wards defended  her  from  the  censures  passed  by 
Lord  Baltimore  upon  her  management  of  his 
affairs  in  the  Province. 


' 


534 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


m 


to  swear  that  he  would  not  trouble  or  molest  any  person  in  the  Province 
professing  to  believe  in  Jesus  Christ,  "  and  in  particular  no  Roman  Catho- 
lick  for,  or  in  respect  of,  his  or  her  religion."  While  the  usual  power  to 
assent  to  laws  in  the  name  of  the  Proprietary  was  given  to  Stone,  his  com- 
mission contained  a  proviso  that  he  should  not  assent  to  the  repeal  of  any 
>%    ,  A  law  —  already  made  or  which  should  there- 

lijlUfi^fltL    ^^\oytP     J  '^^^'^^   ^'^   made  —  which    might   in   any  way 

^^■^  concern  matters  of  religion,  without  special 
warrant  under  the  seal  of  the  Proprietary.  The  object  of  this  restriction 
was  to  prevent  the  repeal,  by  subsequent  legislatures,  of  the  act  of  religious 
•  )Ieration  which  Lord  Baltimore  purposed  to  have  passed  by  the  next 
Assembly.  By  this  act  he  did  not  design  to  have  the  custom  of  religious 
liberty,  which  had  prevailed  from  the  settlement,  at  all  enlarged,  but  only 
to  be  a  law  of  the  land  beyond  the  reach  of  alteration.  This  security 
was  the  more  necessary  since  Stone  had  agreed  to  procure  five  hundred 
settlers  to  reside  in  Maryland,  and  these  might  create  an  overwhelming 
Protestant  majority. 

The  new  governor  and  council  entered  upon  their  duties  in  the  begin- 
ning of  1649,  and  in  April  of  that  year  the  Assembly  met.  The  first  law 
made  was  the  famous  "  act  concerning  religion ; "  which,  at  least  so  far  as  it 
related  to  toleration,  was  doubtless  one  of  the  si.\ieen  proposed  laws  which 
Lord  Baltimore  had  sent  over  in  the  preceding  year  with  ihe  new  commis- 
sions. The  memorable  words  of  this  act,  the  first  law  securing  religious 
liberty  that  ever  passed  a  legally  constituted  legislature,  provide  that  — 

"  Whereas,  the  inforcing  of  the  conscience  in  mr""r:  of  religion  hath  frequently 
fallen  out  to  bee  of  dangerous  consequence  in  th  »se  commonwealths  where  it  hath 
beene  practised,  and  for  the  more  quiet  and  peaceable  government  of  this  province, 
and  the  better  to  preser\e  mutuall  love  and  unity  amongst  the  inhabitants  here  '  it  was 
enacted  that  no  person  ''  professing  to  believe  in  Jesus  Christ  shall,  from  henceforth, 
be  any  waies  troubled,  molested,  or  discountenanced  for,  or  in  respect  of,  his  or  her 
religion,  nor  in  ♦.he  free  exercise  thereof  within  this  province,  .  .  .  nor  any  way  om- 
pelled  to  the  beleefe  or  exercise  of  any  other  religion,  against  his  or  her  consent." 

The  Assembly  was  composed  of  sixteen  members,  nine  burgesses,  the 
governor,  and  six  councillors.  Their  faith  has  been  a  matter  of  dispute,  but 
the  most  recent  investigations  make  it  certain  that  a  majority  were  Catholics. 
The  governor,  three  of  the  council,  and  two  of  the  burgesses  were,  without 
doubt,  Protestants.  It  is  equally  certain  that  three  of  the  council  and  five 
burgesses  were  Catholics.  The  faith  of  the  remaining  two  members  is 
doubtful ;  and  there  ir,  also  doubt  whether  the  governor  and  council  sat  as  a 
distinct  upper  house  or  not. 

By  the  other  sections  of  the  "act  of  toleration,"  blasphemy,  and  denying 
the  divinity  of  Christ,  or  the  Trinity,  were  made  punishable  with  death  ;  and 
those  using  reproachful  words  concerning  the  Virgin  Mary  or  the  Apostles, 
or  in  matters  of  religion  applying  opprobrious  epithets  to  persons,  were 


ic  Province 
Tian  Catho- 
il  power  to 
e,  his  com- 
peal  of  any 
ould  there- 
n   any  way 
loiit  special 
;  restriction 
of  religious 
)y  the  next 
of  religious 
ed,  but  only 
his  security 
ive  hundred 
/erwhelming 

n  the  begin- 
The  first  law 
it  so  far  as  it 
d  laws  which 
lew  commis- 
ing  religious 
iride  that  — 

lath  frequently 
where  it  hath 
this  province, 
s  here  '  it  wxs 
)m  henceforth, 
of,  his  or  her 
any  way  om- 
consent." 

jrgesses,  the 
f  dispute,  but 
re  Catholics, 
vere,  without 
incil  and  five 
members  is 
uncil  sat  as  a 

and  denying 
1  death ;  and 
the  Apostles, 
jersons,  were 


THIi    li.NGLI.SH    IN    MARYLAND. 


535 


punishable  by  a  fine,  and  in  default  of  payment  by  imprisonment  orwhip' 
ping.  It  does  not  appear  that  any  of  these  penalties  were  ever  inflictcti 
The  toleration  established  by  this  act 
is  so  far  in  advance  of  all  contempo- 
rary legislation,  that  it  would  be  invidi- 
ous to  reproach  the  law-givers  because 
they  were  not  still  more  enlightened. 
It  may  have  been  tluit  they  regarded 
any  broader  toleration  as  prohibited  by 
the  provision  of  the  charter  respecting 
the  Christian  nligion,  or  as  likely  to  ex- 
cite the  animadversion  of  the  Puritans 
in   ICngland 


ENDORSEMEVr   OK  THE 


TOLERATION 


Parliament  had   recently  /^^fe/^/'C  J^o  • 

passed  a  law  (.\ct  of  1648,  cliapter  I J4)     ^'^  ^'     /iP      / 

for   the    preventing   of  the    growth    of  ^/A^0^ /d**^^ r- 

hcresy  ami    blaspiiemy,   by  which   the  /      C/ 

"  maintaining  with  obstinacy  "  of  any  one 

of  a  number  of  enumerated  heresies  — 

such  as  that  Christ  is  not  ascended  into 

heaven  bodily,  or  that  the  bodies  of  men  shall  not  rise  again  after  they  are 

dead  —  was  made  a  felony  punishable  with  death. 

In  1649  Governor  Stone  invited  a  body  of  Puritans  who  were  banished 
from  Virginia,  on  account  of  their  refusal  to  conform  to  the  Church  of  ICng- 
land,  to  settle  in  Maryland.  These  Puritans,  the  fruits  of  a  mission  which 
had  been  sent  from  New  England  to  "convert  the  ungodly  Virginians,"  num- 
bered over  one  hundred.  Stone  having  promised  them  liberty  in  the  matter 
of  religion  and  the  privileges  of  English  subjects,  they  accepted  the  invita- 
tion, and  in  this  year  settled  at  a  place  which  they  called  Providence,  —  now 
the  site  of  Annapolis.  The  settlement  was,  at  the  next  Assembly,  erected 
into  a  county,  and  named  Anne  Arunde',  in  honor  of  Lord  Haltimore's  wife, 
recently  deceased,  who  was  a  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Arundel.  The  con- 
ditions of  plantation  required  every  person  taking  up  land  in  the  Province 
to  subscribe  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  his  lordship,  acknowledging  him  to  be 
"  the  true  and  absolute  lord  and  Proprietary  of  this  province."  The  Puri- 
tans objected  to  this  oath  as  being  against  their  consciences,  because  it 
required  them  to  acknowledge  an  absolute  power,  and  bound  them  to  obey 
a  government  which  countenanced  the  Roman  religion.  It  is  clear  that 
these  refugees  from  intolerance  were  eager  to  be  intolerant  themselves. 
During  a  temporary  absence  of  Stone  in  November,  1649,  Greene,  th6 
deputy-governor,  foolishly  proclaimed  Charles  II.  king,  and  granted  a 
general  pardon  in  furtherance  of  the  common  rejoicing.  Although  this 
act  was  promptly  disavowed,  it  afterwards  became  a  formidable  weapon 
against  Lord  Baltimore. 

Notwithstanding  their  scruples,  the  Providence  Puritans  sent  two  bur- 
gesses to  the  Assembly  of  1650,  one  of  whom  was  elected  speaker  of  the 


)« 


53* 


NAKKATIVi:    ANU   CRITICAL    HISTUKV    OF   AMERICA. 


lower  house.  At  this  session  there  was  first  made  a  permanent  division  of 
the  Assembly  into  two  houses,  which  lasted  till  the  Revolution  of  1776. 
The  lower  house  consisted  of  the  burgesses,  and  the  upper  of  the  governor, 
secretary,  and  council.  The  majority  of  this  Assembly  were  Protestants ; 
but  they  made  a  iaw  enacting,  as  "  a  memorial  to  all  posterities  "  of  their 
thankfulness,  fidelity,  and  obedience  to  the  Proprietary,  that,  "  being  bound 
thereunto  by  the  laws  both  of  God  and  man,"  ihey  acknowledged  him  "  to 
be  the  true  and  absolute  lord  and  Proprietary  of  this  province,"  and  declar- 
ing that  they  would  maintain  his  jurisdiction  till  "the  last  drop  of  our  blood 
be  spent."  Another  act  was  passed  altering  the  oath  of  fidelity  prescribed 
by  the  conditions  of  plantation.  The  new  oath  afforded  ample  opportunity 
for  mental  reservation.  By  it  the  subscribers  bound  themselves  to  main- 
tain "the  just  and  lawful"  right  and  dominion  of  the  Proprietary,  "not  in 
any  wise  understood  to  infringe  or  prejudice  liberty  of  conscience  in  point 
of  religion." 

Lord  Baltimore's  trimming  at  this  crisis  aroused  the  displeasure  of  Charles 
II.  Although  a  powerless  exile,  he  deposed  the  Proprietary,  and  appointed 
Sir  William  Davenant  royal  governor  of  Maryland,  on  the  ground  that 
Baltimore  "  did  visibly  adhere  to  the  rebels  in  England,  and  admitted  all 
kinds  of  sectaries  and  schismatics  and  ill  affected  persons  into  the  plantation." 
Baltimore  afterwards  used  this  assertion  to  prove  his  fidelity  to  Parliament. 
Sir  William  collected  a  force  of  French  and  sailed  for  Maryland,  but  was 
captured  in  the  channel. 

Lord  Baltimore  was  soon  after  threatened  from  a  much  more  formidable 
quarter.  The  re\'olt  of  the  island  of  Barbadoes  called  the  attention  of  Par- 
liament to  the  necessity  of  subjecting  the  colonies  to  its  power,  and  by 
an  act  passed  Oct.  3,  1650,  for  reducing  Barbadoes,  Antigua,  "and  other 
islands  and  places  in  America  "  to  their  due  obedience,  the  Council  of 
State  was  authorized  to  send  ships  to  any  of  the  plantations,  and  to  com- 
mission officers  "  to  enforce  all  such  to  obedience  as  do  or  shall  stand 
in  opposition  to  Parliament."  When  the  news  of  this  act  reached  Mary- 
land, the  Puritans  of  Providence  thought  that  the  days  of  the  Proprietary 
dominion  were  numbered,  and  they  consequently  refused  to  send  burgesses 
to  the  Assembly  which  met  in  March,  1651.  Upon  information  of  their 
conduct  and  of  the  perturbed  state  of  the  Province  being  transmitted  to 
Lord  Baltimore,  he  sent  in  August,  1651,  a  long  message  to  the  governor 
and  Assembly.  He  declared  that  the  reports  concerning  the  dissolution  of 
his  government  were  unfounded,  and  directed  that  in  case  any  of  the  inhab- 
it.'ints  should  persist  in  their  refusal  to  send  burgesses  to  the  Assembly,  they 
should  be  proceeded  against  as  rebels.  He  also  requested  the  governor 
and  council  to  use  their  best  endeavors  to  suppress  such  false  rumors,  and 
suggested  that  a  law  be  made  punishing  those  spreading  false  news. 

But  they  who  asserted  that  the  Proprietary  dominion  was  about  to  fall, 
did  not  "  spread  false  news."  That  steps  were  not  immediately  taken  to  ex- 
ecute the  Act  of  1650  was  probably  owing  to  the  fact  that  Scotland  was  now 


I 

■  1,  ' 


v.^ 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


537 


in  arms  under  the  banner  of  Charles  II.  Hut  after  the  "  crowning  mercy" 
of  the  battle  of  Worcester,  the  Council  of  State,  Sept.  20,  1651,  appointed 
two  officers  of  the  navy,  and  Richard  Bennett  and  William  Clayborne  of 
Vir{;inia,  commissioners  under  the  act.  They  were  directed  to  use  their 
"  best  endeavors  to  reduce  all  the  plantations  within  the  Hay  of  Chesapeake 
to  their  due  obedience  to  the  Parliament  and  the  Commonwealth  of  Eng- 
land." Maryland  was  at  first  expre.ssly  named  in  these  instructions;  but 
before  they  were  issued,  Haltimore  went  before  the  committee  of  the  Coun- 
cil and  showed  that  Governor  Stone  had  always  been  well  affected  to  Par- 
liament; proved  by  merchants,  who  traded  to  iMaryland,  that  it  was  not  in 
opposition,  and  declared  that  when  the  friends  of  the  Commonwealth  had 
been  compelled  to  leave  Virginia  he  had  caused  them  to  be  well  received  in 
his  province.  The  name  of  Maryland  was  thereupon  stricken  out  of  the  in- 
structions; but  when  they  were  finally  issued,  a  term  was  used  under  which 
the  Province  might  be  included. 

Clayborne  and  Bennett  were  in  Virginia ;  the  other  commissioners  soon 
after  sailed  with  a  fleet  carrying  a  regiment  of  men,  and  one  hundred  and 
fifty  Scotch  prisoners  who  were  to  be  sold  as  servants  in  Virginia.  A  part 
of  the  fleet  finally  rerrhed  Jamestown  in  March,  1652.  The  commissioners 
speedily  came  to  terms  with  Sir  William  Berkeley,  and  then  turned  their 
attention  to  Maryland.  They  appeared  at  St.  Mary's  toward  the  last  of 
March,  and  demanded  submission  in  two  particulars :  first,  that  all  writs  and 
proclamations  should  be  issued  in  the  name  of  the  Keepers  of  the  Liberties 
of  England,  and  not  in  that  of  the  Proprietary ;  and  second,  that  all  the 
inhabitants  should  subscribe  the  test,  called  "  the  engagement,"  which  was 
an  oath  of  allegiance  to  Parliament.  The  instructions  of  the  commissioners 
expressly  authorized  them  to  insist  upon  these  terms.  The  governor  and 
council  acceded  to  the  second  demand,  but  refused  the  first  on  the  ground 
that  process  in  Maryland  had  never  run  in  the  name  of  the  king,  and  that 
it  was  not  the  intention  of  Parliament  to  deprive  Lord  Baltimore  of  his 
rights  in  the  Province.  The  commissioners  immediately  removed  Stone 
and  appointed  a  council  of  si.\  to  govern  the  Province  independently  of  the 
Proprietary.  Bennett  and  Clayborne  then  returned  to  Virginia,  where  they 
appointed  themselves  respectively  governor  and  secretary  of  that  colony. 
A  few  months  later  Stone,  deeming  that  he  could  best  subserve  the  interests 
of  the  Proprietary  by  temporizing,  submitted  to  the  terms  of  the  commis- 
sioners, who,  finding  that  Stone  was  too  popular  a  man  to  be  disregarded, 
reinstated  him  in  his  office  June  28,  1652. 

Now  that  Virginia  and  Maryland  were  both  under  the  authority  of  the 
same  commissioners,  the  Virginians  thought  that  the  time  had  arrived  when 
an  attempt  to  regain  their  lost  territory  was  likely  to  prosper.  In  August, 
1652,  a  petition  was  presented  to  Parliament  praying  that  Virginia  might 
have  its  ancient  limits  as  granted  by  the  charters  of  former  kings,  and  that 
Parliament  would  grant  a  new  charter  in  opposition  to  those  intrenching 
upon  these  limits.  This  petition  was  referred  to  the  committee  of  the  navy 
VOL.  in. —  68. 


it 


*.i 


538 


NAKKATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HIST'KY   OK   AMliKICA. 


V 

^^^H 

mm 

iOr 

Bi^f 

with  ilircctions  to  consider  what  patent  was  proper  to  be  jjrantcd  to  Virginia. 
The  committee  reported  Dec.  vi,  1C52.  They  found  that  Kent  Island  had 
been  settled  three  years  before  the  settlement  of  Maryland;  that  Clay- 
borne  had  been  unlawfully  dispossessed  of  it;  that  Haltimoie  had  exacted 
oaths  of  feally  to  himself;  that  several  laws  of  Maryland  were  re|)ugnant  to 
the  stati.ies  of  ICngland,  such  ;•  .  the  one  protcctint;  Papists;  that  j)ersons  of 
Dutch,  I'Vench,  and  Italian  descent  enjoyed  equal  privilej'es  with  the  Imi^;- 
iish  in  Maryland;  and  that  in  March,  1652,  the  (rovernor  and  council  of 
Maryland  hail  refused  lo  issue  writs  in  the  name  of  the  Keepers  of  the  Lib- 
erties (if  I'ji^land.  No  action  was  taken  upon  this  rej)ort.  Baltimore  had 
previously  p'-esented  a  paper  containing  reasons  of  state  why  it  wouKl  be 
more  advantageous  for  the  Commonwealth  to  keep  Maryland  under  a  sepa- 
rate government  than  to  join  it  to  Virginia.  These  reasons  were  adapted  to 
the  existing  condition  of  affairs,  and  are  sulTiciently  ingenious. 

The  Province  seems  to  have  been  quiet  during  the  year  1653.  In  Eng- 
land, Cromwell  turned  Parliament  out  of  doors,  and  the  whole  strength  of 
the  nation  was  devoted  to  the  Dutch  War.  Lord  Haltimore  thought  the  time 
propitious  for  an  attempt  to  recover  his  colony.  Accordingly,  in  the  ;;iiter 
part  of  the  year,  he  directed  Stone  to  cause  all  persons  who  had  failed  to  sue 
out  patent-^  for  their  land,  or  had  not  taken  the  amended  oath  of  fu^^lity  to 
the  Proprietary,  to  do  so  within  three  months  upon  pain  of  forfeiture  of  their 
iaiul.  Stone  was  also  directed  to  issue  all  writs  and  processes  in  the  name 
of  the  Proprietary.  In  pursuance  of  these  instructions  Stone  issued  a  proc- 
lamation in  February,  i6;.4,  requiring  those  seated  upon  lands  to  obtain 
patents,  and  swear  allegiaiice  to  Lord  Haltimore.  A  few  weeks  later  he 
commanded  all  officers  of  justice  to  issue  their  writs  in  the  name  of  the 
Proprietary,  and  showed  that  this  change  would  not  infringe  their  "  engage- 
ment"  to  the  Commonwealth.  In  May  he  proclaincd  Cromwell  Lord 
Protector.  Hut  the  Puritans  were  not  mollified  by  tiiis  act.  Defore  the 
proclamation  of  February  had  been  issued,  information  as  to  Haltimore's  in- 
structions had  reached  the  Puritans  on  the  Severn  and  Patu.xcnt;  and  they 
had  sent  petitions  to  Hennett  and  Claybornc,  in  which  they  complained  that 
the  oath  of  fidelity  to  be  required  of  them  was  "  a  very  real  grievance,  and 
such  an  oppression  as  we  are  not  able  to  bear,"  and  prayed  for  relief  accord- 
ing to  the  cause  and  power  wherewith  the  commissioners  were  intrusted. 
The  open  disaffection  of  the  Puritans  caused  Stone  in  July,  1654,  to  issue  ,. 
proclamation  in  which  he  charged  Hennett  and  Clayborne,  and  the  \.hole 
Puritan  party,  with  leading  the  people  into  "  faction,  sedition,  and  rebellion 
against  the  Lord  Haltimore."  The  commi.ssioners,  still  acting  under  their 
old  authority,  resolved  again  to  reduce  Maryland.  They  put  themselves  at 
the  head  of  the  Providence  party,  and  advanced  aj^ijainst  St.  Mary's.  At  the 
same  time  a  force  levied  in  Virginia,  threatened  an  invasion  from  the  south. 
Stone,  deeming  resistance  hopeless,  submitted.  The  commissioners  de- 
posed him,  and  by  an  order  dated  Aug.  i,  1654,  committed  the  government 
of  the  Province  to  Captain  Fuller  and  a  Puritan  council.     An  Assembly 


■  '   1 

1 


rni:  i:\(;lish  in  Maryland. 


539 


was  called  to  meet  in  the  ensuing;  October  for  which  Woman  Catholics  were 
disabled  from  votin};  or  bcint;  elected  members.  And  thus  the  fiij,'itives 
from  oppression  proceeded  to  oppress  those  who  had  jjiven  them  an  asylum. 
"  In<.jratitudc  to  benefactors  is  the  first  of  revolutitmary  virtues."  The  new 
Assembly  met  at  the  house  of  an  adherent  o'l  the  I'atiixent  River.  Its  first 
act  was  one  denying  the  rijjhtof  Lord  Halt'more  to  interfere  in  the  aCiirs  of 
the  I'lovince  An  act  concerning;  relijjior  was  passed,  declaring;  that  none 
who  prolessed  the  I'opish  relijjion  could  be  protected  in  the  Province,  "  but 
to  be  restrained  from  the  e.xercise  thereof." 

When  the  news  f  the  deposition  of  his  officers  readied  Lord  Baltimore 
he  despatched  a  special  messenger  with  letters  to  Stone,  upbraiding  him 
for  having  yielded  the  Province  without  striking  a  blow,  and  directinjj  him 
to  make  every  effort  to  re-establish  the  proprietary  government.  .Stone, 
thus  commanded,  resolved  to  dispute  the  possession  of  the  government 
with  the  Puritans.  He  armed  the  population  of  St.  Mary's,  and  caused  the 
records,  which  had  b';en  removed  to  the  Patu.xent,  and  a  quantity  of  ammu- 
nition to  be  seized.  In  March,  1655,  he  advanced  against  Providence  with 
about  two  hundred  men  and  a  small  fleet  of  bay  craft.  He  sent  ahead  of 
him  envoys  with  a  demand  for  submis.sion  which  was  rejected.  The  Puritans 
obtained  the  aid  of  Roger  Heamans,  master  of  the  "Golden  Lion,"  an  armed 
merchantman  lying  in  the  port,  .ind  prepared  for  resistance.  Stone  landed  ' 
his  men  near  the  town  on  the  evening  of  the  24th  of  March,  and  on  the  next 
morning  the  hostile  forces  advanced  against  each  other.  The  battle-cry  of 
the  Puritans  was,  "  In  the  name  of  God  fall  on !  "  that  of  their  opponents, 
"  Hey  for  St.  Mary's !  "  The  fight  was  short  and  decisive.  The  Puritans 
were  completely  victorious.  About  fifty  of  Stone's  men  wen;  killed  or 
wounded,  and  nearly  all  the  rest,  including  Stone  hiniHclf,  who  was  wounded, 
were  taken  prisoners.  The  loss  of  the  Puritans  was  trifling,  but  they  did 
not  use  their  victory  with  moderation.  A  drum-head  court-maitial  con- 
demned ten  prisoners  to  death,  upon  four  of  whom  the  sentence  was  exe- 
cuted. Among  those  thus  tried  and  condemned  was  Governor  Stone, 
but  the  soldiers  themselves  refused  to  take  his  life.  It  is  said  that  the  inter- 
cessions of  the  women  caused  the  lives  of  the  others  to  be  spared.  They 
were  however  kept  in  confinement,  and  the  estates  of  the  "  delinquents " 
were  confiscated. 

Each  party  was  now  anxious  to  find  favor  in  the  sight  of  the  Protector. 
Lord  Baltimore  presented  the  affidavit  of  certain  Protestants  in  the  Province 
as  to  the  high-handed  proceedings  of  the  Puritans ;  while  the  commissioners 
transniitted  documents  to  prove  that  he  was  hostile  to  the  Protector.  In 
the  course  of  the  year  several  pamphlets  were  published  on  either  side  of  the 
controversy.  Cromwell,  however,  does  not  appear  to  have  concerned  him- 
self about  the  dispute,  since  both  parties  acknowledged  his  supremacy.  In 
January,  1655,  Baltimore  had  obtained  from  him  a  letter  to  Bennett,  direct- 
ing the  latter  to  forbear  disturbing  the  Proprietary  or  his  people  in  Maryland. 
Soon  after  the  receipt  of  this  letter  Bennett  abandoned  the  governorship 


rj 


540 


NAKKATIVi:    AM)   CRITICAL    HISTORY    OJ     AMERICA. 


of  Virginia  and  went  to  Kngland.  lie  there  made  such  representations 
to  the  Protector,  that,  in  September,  1655,  Cromwell  wrote  to  the  "Com- 
missioners of  Maryhmd,"  explaining;  that  his  former  letter  related  only  to 
the  boundary  disputes  between  Maryland  and  Virginia.  After  the  battle 
of  Providence,  Cromwell  referred  the  matter  to  the  Commissioners  of  the 
Great  Seal,  and  declared  his  pleasure  that  in  the  mean  time  the  j;overnment 
of  Maryland  should  remain  as  settled  by  Clayborne.  The  Commissioners 
of  the  Great  Seal  reported  to  the  council  of  state  in  the  followin^j  year. 
This  report  was  not  acted  ii[)on,  but  was  itself  referred  to  the  Commissioners 
for  Traile.  It  was  probably  favorable  to  Lord  Haltimore,  for  he  made  an- 
other effort  to  wrest  his  Province  from  the  hands  of  the  Puritans.  In  July, 
1656,  he  appointed  Josias  I'endall  governor  of  the  Province,  with  all  the 
powers  formerl)'  exercised  by  Stone.  Fendall  was  in  reality  onlj-  a  per- 
sistent and  unscrupidous  revolutionist, 
but  his  activity  had  hitherto  been  exer- 
cised on  behalf  of  the  Proprietary.  ICvcn 
before  his  appointment  his  conduct  had 
excited  the  suspicions  of  the  Puritan  council.  He  was  arrested  by  them  on 
the  charge  of  "dangerousncss  to  the  public  peace,"  and  kept  in  confinement 
till  September,  1656,  when  he  was  released  upon  taking  an  oath  not  to  dis- 
turb the  existing  government  until  the  matter  was  determined  in  ICngland. 

On  the  1 6th  of  September,  1 656,  the  Commissioners  of  Trade  reported 
to  the  Lord  Protector  entirely  in  favor  of  Haltimore.  The  report  was  not 
acted  upon,  and  Bennett  and  Matthews,  the  agents  of  the  Puri'ians,  continued 
the  contest.  In  October  they  sent  to  the  Protector  a  paper  entitled,  O/'j'tr- 
tioiis  against  Lord  Baltimore's  patent,  and  reasons  w/iy  the  gorernnienf  of 
Maryland  s/ionld  not  he  pnt  into  his  hands.  These  objections  merely  recite 
the  old  grievances.  Baltimore  did  not  wait  for  the  report  to  be  confirmed, 
but,  confident  that  his  province  would  be  restored  to  him,  directed  Kendall 
to  assume  the  administration  of  affairs.  He  also  directed  large  grants  of 
land  to  be  made  to  those  who  had  been  conspicuous  for  their  fidelity  to  him, 
and  instructed  the  Council  to  make  provision,  out  of  his  own  rents,  for  the 
widows  of  those  who  had  lost  their  lives  in  his  service.  Towards  the  close 
of  the  year  the  Proprietary  sent  his  brother,  Philip  Calvert,  to  Maryland  as 
a  member  of  the  Council  and  secretary  of  the  Province.  Maryland  was 
now  divided  between  the  rival  governments.  The  Puritans  held  undisputed 
sway  over  Anne  Arundel,  Kent  Island,  and  most  of  the  settlements,  while 
Fendall's  authority  seems  to  have  been  confined  to  St.  Mary's  County.  But 
there  were  no  acts  of  hostility  between  the  opposing  factions.  In  Septem- 
ber, 1657,  the  Puritans  held  another  Assembly  at  Patuxcnt.  at  which  thcj- 
again  passed  an  act  in  recognition  of  their  own  authority,  and  imposed  taxes 
for  the  payment  of  the  public  charges. 

Such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  when  an  agreement  was  reached  bj*  Lord 
Baltimore  and  the  Puritan  agents  in  England.  The  favor  with  which  the 
Protector  regarded  the  old  nobility,  and  his  failure  to  notice  the  remon- 


THE   ENCiLKSH    »N    MAKYLAND 


541 


•trances  which  the  Puritan  agents  hati  adilrcsscil  tn  him,  caused  the  latter 
to  despair  of  setting  aside  tiie  adverse  report  of  tlie  Commissioners  of 
Trade.  The  new  a^jent  of  Virginia,  Dijjjjes,  acted  as  the  intermediary  be- 
tween Baltimore  and  Mennett  and  Matthews,  and  the  articles  of  agreement 
were  sitjned  «»n  the  30th  of  November,  1657.  After  reciting  the  controver- 
sies and  the  "  very  sad,  distracted,  and  unsettled  comlition  "  of  the  Province, 
they  provide  for  the  submission  of  those  in  opposition  to  the  Proprietary 
and  their  surrender  (f  the  records  and  fjreat  seal.  Lord  Haltimore,  on  hit 
part,  promised  "upon  his  honor"  that  he  woulil  punish  no  offenders,  but 
would  yrant  land  to  all  having'  claims  under  the  conditions  of  plantation, 
and  that  ;iny  persons  desiring;  to  leave  the  Province  should  have  liberty  to 
do  so.  The  Puritans  now  desired  the  protection  of  the  Toleration  Act,  and 
Lord  Baltimore  therefore  stipulated  that  he  would  never  assent  to  its  repeal. 
Fendall,  who  had  ^,'one  to  I'.n^jland  for  the  purpose  of  consulting;  the  Pro- 
prietary, immediately  r.-turned  to  Maryland  with  a  copy  of  this  a^jreenient. 
At  the  same  time  Bennett  wrote  to  Captain  l'"uller,  apprising;  him  of  the 
cnfjagement  which  had  been  made  on  behalf  of  his  party.  Fendall  arrived 
in  the  Province  in  February,  1658;  and  the  Providence  council  were  re- 
quested to  meet  the  officers  of  Lord  Baltimore  in  order  to  treat  for  the 
performance  of  the  a^jreemont  A  meeting  of  the  rival  councillors  accord- 
ingly took  place  in  ^L^rch.  The  Puritans,  fatigued  by  the  K)ng  struggle, 
were  not  unwilling  to  submit,  but  insisted  upon  making  some  changes  in 
the  articles  of  surrender.  Fendall  accepted  their  terms,  and  the  new  agree- 
ment was  signed  on  the  24th  of  March,  1O5S.  It  was  stipulated  thit  the 
o.ith  of  fidelity  should  not  be  pressed  upon  the  people  then  resident  in  the 
Province,  but  that,  in  its  place,  each  person  should  subscribe  an  engagement 
to  submit  to  Lord  Baltimore,  according  to  his  patent,  and  not  to  obey  any 
in  opposition  to  him.  It  was  further  agreed  that  no  persons  should  be  dis- 
armed ;  that  there  should  be  a  general  indemnity  for  all  acts  done  since 
December,  1649,  and  that  the  proceedings  of  the  Puritan  assemblies  and 
courts,  in  cases  rel.iting  to  property  rights,  should  not  be  annulled.  Proc- 
lamation was  then  made  of  this  agreement  and  of  the  governor's  commis- 
sion, and  writs  were  issued  for  an  Assembly  to  be  held  in  the  ensuing  April. 
At  this  Assembly  the  articles  of  surrender  were  confirmed.  And  thus,  after 
si.\  years  of  civil  broils,  the  Proprietary  sway  was  re-established. 

liut  the  spirit  of  that  revolutionary  epoch  was  not  yet  extinct  in  Mary- 
land. Another  attempt  to  subvert  the  authority  of  Lord  Baltimore  was 
made  in  the  following  year.  This  time  the  leader  was  Fendall  himself,  who, 
after  having  broken  faith  with  the  Puritans,  now  broke  faith  with  the  Pro- 
prietary. Upon  the  confusion  which  followed  the  death  of  Cromwell,  Fen- 
dall thought  that  the  opportune  moment  had  come  for  shaking  off  the  rule 
of  his  feudal  lord.  At  a  session  ^'  the  Assembly  held  in  March,  1660,  the 
burgesses,  in  pursuance  of  Fendall's  scheme,  sent  to  the  upper  house  a 
message,  in  which  they  claimed  to  be  a  lawful  assembly,  without  depend- 
ence on  any  other  power,  and  the  highest  court  of  judicature.     "  If  any 


I 


i\ 


II 


ii 


542 


NAKKATIVK   AND  CRITICAL   HISIOKY   OF   AMKRICA. 


objection  can  be  made  to  the  contrary,"  the  mc<iHa(;c  concluded,  "  we  denirc 
to  liear  it."  A  conference  between  the  lioitscH  was  hcUl,  at  which  Fcndall 
stated  that  he  was  only  commissioned  to  confirm  laws  till  the  Proprietary 
should  declare  his  dissent,  but  that  in  his  opinion  the  true  meaning;  of  the 
charter  was  that  the  laws  made  by  the  freemen  an«i  published  by  them  in 
his  lordship's  name  shouUI  at  once  be  of  full  force.  On  the  same  day  the 
lower  house  came  in  a  body  to  the  upper,  and  decl.ired  that  they  would  not 
permit  the  latter  to  continue  its  sittin^^s.  but  that  its  members  mitjht  take 
seats  amon^  them.  Fendall  then  dissolved  the  upper  house,  and,  surren- 
«lerinn  *''^'  powers  he  had  receive<l  from  the  Proprietary,  accepted  a  new 
commissii^n  from  the  burj^esses.  Philip  Calvert  protested  against  the  pro- 
ceedii\ys,  and  left  the  house.  The  burgesses  sought  to  fortify  their  au- 
thority by  making'  it  a  felony  to  disturb  the  jjovernment  as  established  by 
thenj. 

Lord  Baltimore  made  short  work  of  these  treacherous  proceedings.  As 
soon  as  the  tidin^^s  reached  him.  in  the  following  June,  he  appointed  Philip 
Calvert  governor.  Soon  after  he  obtained  from  Charles  II.  a  letter  com 
manding  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  Province  to  submit  to  his  authority. 
Philip  Calvert  was  sworn  in  at  the  Provincial  Court  held  at  Patuxent  in 
December,  1 660,  and  had  no  difficulty  in  obtaining  control  of  the  Province. 
No  one  ventured  to  disobey  the  commands  of  a  monarch  who  had  just  been 
restored  to  the  throne  amid  universal  enthusiasm.  I''endall,  indeed,  at- 
tenjpted  to  excite  an  insurrection,  but,  failing  in  this,  surrendered  himself 
voluntarily.  Lord  Baltimore  had  instructed  his  deputy  not  to  permit  Fen- 
dall to  escape  with  his  life ;  and  subsequently,  while  proclaiming  a  general 
amnesty,  he  excepted  Hatch  and  "that  perfidious  and  perjured  fellow 
I'endall,  whom  we  lately  entrusted  to  be  our  lieutenant  of  Maryland." 
Notwithstanding  these  instructions.  Fendall  was  punished  only  by  a  fine 
and  disfranchisement. 

Charles  II.  was  duly  proclaimed,  and  the  power  of  King  and  Proprietary 
permanently  revived.  The  tranquillity  which  now  came  to  the  exhausted 
colony  was  destined  to  last,  without  interruption,  till  the  mighty  wave  of 
another  revolution  in  England  proved  fatal  to  the  lord  ])aramount  of  Mary- 
land. Clayborne,  who  has  been  called  the  evil  genius  of  the  Province,  now 
disappears  from  its  historj'.  His  courage  and  energy  have  won  the  admi- 
ration of  some  writers  ;  but.  according  to  the  settled  principles  of  public  law, 
his  claim  upon  Kent  Island  was  entirely  without  foundation.     Towards  the 

close  of  1 66 1  Charles  Calvert,  the 
eldest  son  of  the  Proprietary',  was 
appointed  governcr,  and  remained 
that  office  till  the  death  of  his 
father.  The  history  of  the  Prov- 
ince becomes  the  record  of  peaceful  progress  under  his  wise  and  just 
administration.  The  population,  which  in  1660  was  12,000,  had  increased, 
five  years  later,  to    16.000.      In    1676  Lord  Baltimore  wrote  to  the  Priv)' 


^^^oA^  ,^ 


I  Hi:   tM.LlSH    IN    MAPN       NU. 


543 


Council  that  the  |)c)|)iilation  was  20,000.     The  provincial, assemblies  con 
tinuL-d  to  be  held  at  St.  Mary's,  and  new  cminties  were  from  time  to  time 
erected. 

The  cultivation  of  tobacco  was,  from  the  earliest  period,  the  main  occu- 
pation of  the  colonists.  Indeed,  the  prosperity  of  .ill  the  middle  c<donieH 
reposed  chictly  upon  this  foundation.  It  was  almost  the  sole  export  of 
Maryland.  Ihere  were  no  m.uuifactures  and  no  lartje  towns  in  the  Prov- 
ince. It  was  an  agricultural  community,  scattered  alon^  the  shores  of  the 
noble  bay,  an«l  of  the  I'otomac  and  other  tribut.iry  streams  which  inter- 
sected the  country  in  every  ilirjction.  Ihe  abundance  of  these  natural 
hi^jhways  relieved  the  infant  State  from 
a  lar^e  part  of  the  burden  of  maintain- 
ing roads,  l-'very  larjje  i)lanter  had  at 
his  own  door  a  boat-landing',  where  he 
received  his  supplies,  and  from  which 
his  tobacco  was  taken  to  be  shipped 
upon  foreij.;n-bound  vessels.  The  hijih 
price  of  tobacco  in  the  second  (piarter 
of  the  seventeenth  century  (ten  times 
its  present  value),  and  the  lar^je  tle- 
mand  for  it  by  liutch  traders,  led  the 
colonists  to  devote  themselves  so  ex- 
clusively to  its  cultiv.ition,  that,  on 
more  than  one  occasion,  they  suffered 
from  a  scarcity  of  food.  He^inninj;  in. 
1639,  numerous  acts  were  p.isscd  to  enforce  the  planting  of  cereals.  In 
order  to  maintain  the  excellence  of  the  tobacco  exported,  the  Assembly 
in  1640  enacted  the  first  tobacco-inspection  law,  —  and  thus  began  a  sys- 
tem which  has.  in  some  form,  been  maintained  down  to  the  present  day. 
According  to  the  Act  of  1640,  no  tobacco  could  be  exported  till  scaled 
by  a  sworn  viewer ;  and  when  a  hogshead  was  found  bad  for  the  greater 
part,  it  was  to  be  burned. 

Tobacco  was  not  only  the  great  staple  of  the  Province,  but  also  its  chief 
currency.  Taxes  were  assessed,  fines  imposed,  and  salaries  paid  in  tobacco. 
After  the  Rcstomtion  the  restrictive  measures,  to  which  we  shall  refer,  .ind 
the  overproduction  of  tobacco  caused  great  depreciation  in  the  value  of 
the  article.  The  consequent  inconvenience  was  .such  that  in  1661  the  As- 
sembly prayed  the  Proprietary  to  establish  a  mint  for  the  coining  of  money. 
Lord  Baltimore,  by  a  doubtful  stretch  of  his  palatinate  prerogatives,  caused 
a  large  quantity  of  shillings,  sixpences,  and  groats  to  be  coined  for  t  •  t.  'rov- 
ince.     These  coins  were  put  into  circulation  under  an  act,  passed  in  i>62, 

'  [See  a  "  Sketch  of  the  Early  Currency  of  cimens  of  the  coins  were  given  by  the  late  George 

Maryland  and  Virginia,"  by  S.   F.  Streeter,  in  Pealjody  to  the   Maryland    Historical    Society; 

///>/or/c<j/.I/n^iisi«r,  February,  1858,  vol.  ii.  p.  42;  but   they    have    been    surreptitiously    removed, 

and  Crosby's  Early  Coins  of  America^  from  which  Other  originals  arc  in  the  cabinet  of  William  S. 

we  have  Iieen  permitted  to  borrow  uur  cuts.    Spe-  Applcton,  Esq.,  of  Boston.  —  Eu.| 


THE    IIAI.TIMORF.   COINS, 


/ 


1) 


»•. 


i 


,.  i  I 


544 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


requiring  every  freeman  to  take  up  ten  shillings'  worth  of  them  per  poll  for 
every  taxable  person  in  his  custody,  and  to  pay  for  the  same  in  tobacco  at 
the  rate  of  two  pence  per  pound,  liut  their  intmduction  did  not  give  per- 
manent relief,  and  tobacco  continued  to  be  the  chief  medium  of  exchange. 
Its  value  decreased  so  much,  that,  early  in  1663,  commissioners  were  ap- 
pointed by  Virginia  and  Maryland  to  consider  the  evil  and  its  remedy. 
They  could  only  suggest  a  diminution  of  the  quantity  raised.  In  the  fol- 
lowing year  the  V'irginia  agents  represented  to  the  Privy  Council  the  neces- 
sity of  lessening  the  cultivation  of  tobacco  in  Virginia  and  Maryland,  and 
oft'ered  proposals  for  effecting  it.  These  proposals  did  not  meet  the  ap- 
proval of  Lord  Baltimore.  The  Privy  Council  ordered  that  there  should 
be  no  cessation  of  the  planting  of  tobacco ;  but,  in  order  to  ewourage  the 
planters  in  cultivating  other  articles,  directed  that  pitch,  tar,  and  i.'^mp,  of 
the  production  of  those  colonies,  should  be  imported  into  England  free  of 
duty  for  five  years.  In  1666  an  agreement  was  made  between  delegates 
from  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Carolina,  providing  for  a  total  cessation  in 
the  planting  of  tobacco  for  one  year.  The  legislatures  of  these  colonics 
passed  acts  to  enforce  this  agreement;  but  the  Maryland  act  was  vetoed 
by  Lord  Baltimore,  upon  the  ground  that  it  would  work  great  injury  to  tlie 
poorer  sort  of  planters,  as  well  as  cause  a  loss  of  revenue  to  the  Crown. 
For  various  reasons  these  efforts  to  control  the  market  by  limiting  the 
supply  never  succeeded. 

The  colonists  did  not  then  fully  perceive  where  the  root  of  the  evil  la}'. 
There  was  not  too  much  tobacco  but  too  few  buyers ;  and  the  number  of 
buyers  had  been  artificially  lessened.  The  real  cause  of  this  colonial  dis- 
tress was  the  famous  Navigation  Act  and  the  statutes  which  had  been  made 
in  pursuance  of  the  policy  then  begun.  The  Navigation  Act,  passed  by  the 
Long  Parliament  in  October,  165 1,  provided  that  no  goods  should  be  im- 
ported from  Asia,  Africa,  or  America  but  in  English  vessels,  under  the 
penalty  of  the  forfeiture  of  both  goods  and  ship.  Originally  designed  as 
a  blow  at  the  commercial  supremacy  of  the  Dutch,  this  Act  became,  to  use 
the  language  of  Burke,  the  corner-stone  of  the  policy  of  England  with  re- 
gard to  the  colonies.  This  Act  was  supplemented  by  still  more  n^strictive 
statutes  passed  in  1660  and  in  1663  (15  Car.  II.  c.  7).  The  result  of  these 
regulations  was  that  the  colonists  could  buy  nothing  except  from  English 
merchants,  and  could  sell  nothing  except  to  English  merchants.  They  were 
not  even  permitted  to  export  their  own  goods  in  their  own  vessels.  They 
suffered  from  a  triple  monopoly  of  sale,  of  purchase,  and  of  transportation. 
They  bought  in  the  dearest  and  sold  in  the  cheapest  market. 

The  chief  source  of  the  revenue  derived  by  the  Proprietary  from  tlie 
Province  arose  from  the  quit-rents  which,  from  the  earliest  period,  had  been 
charf3'>'.  on  all  grants  of  land.  These  rents  were  at  first  payable  in  wheat. 
In  later  grants  they  were  made  payable  in  money  or  the  commodities  of 
the  country,  at  the  option  of  the  Proprietary,  until  167 1,  when  an  export  duty 
of  two  shillings  per  hogshead  was  imposed  on  all  tobaf^'^o,  one  half  of  which 


THli   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


545 


went  to  the  support  of  the  government,  and  the  other  half  was  granted  to 
the  Proprietary  in  consideration  of  his  commuting  his  money  quit-rents  and 
alienation  fines  for  tobacco,  at  the  rate  of  two  pence  per  pound.  After 
1658  another  source  of  Proprietary  revenue  was  an  alienation  fine  of  one 
year's  rent,  which  was  made  a  condition  precedent  to  the  validity  of  every 
conveyance.  In  1661  there  was  given  to  the  Proprietary  a  port  and  anchor- 
age duty  of  half  a  pound  of  powder  and  three  pounds  of  shot  on  all  for- 
eign vessels  trading  to  the  Province.  The  fines  and  forfeitures  imposed  in 
courts  of  justice  inured  to  the  Proprietary  as  the  fountain  of  justice  and 
standing  in  loco  regis.  The  royal  nature  of  the  Proprietary  dominion  was 
also  shown  in  the  use  of  his  name  in  all  writs  and  processes,  as  the  name  of 
the  king  was  used  in  England.  Provincial  laws  were  enacted  in  his  name, 
by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  upper  and  lower  houses.  In- 
dictments, including  those  upon  the  penal  statutes  of  England,  charged  the 
offences  to  be  against  his  peace,  good  rule,  and  government. 

The  first  mention  of  negro  slaves  occurs  in  an  act  passed  in  1664;  but 
they  had  probably  been  previously  introduced  into  the  Province  from  Vir- 
ginia, where  slavery  existed  before  the  settlement  of  Maryland.  In  1671 
an  act  was  passed  to  encourage  their  importation,  and  ^'avery  was  th^ncc- 
forth  established.  It  was  long,  however,  before  slaves  took  the  place  of  in- 
dented servants,  who  formed  a  large  part  of  the  population  down  to  the 
time  of  the  Revolution.  They  at  first  consisted  of  those  who  had  signed 
an  indenture  of  service  for  a  limited  number  of  years  and  were  brought 
into  the  Province  by  the  masters  themselves.  Subsequently  the  trafiic  in 
ser\'ants  was  taken  up  by  shipowners  and  others,  who  sold  them  for  the 
remainder  of  their  term  to  the  highest  bidders.  The  term  of  service,  which 
was  at  first  five  j'ears,  was  reduced  by  the  Act  of  1638  to  four  years.  Upon 
the  expiration  of  his  indenture  a  servant  was  entitled  to  fifty  acres  of  land 
and  a  year's  supply  of  necessaries.  These  servants  were  called  "  Redemp- 
tioners,"  and  many  of  them  became  valuable  citiJiens.  Afler  the  Restora- 
tion the  practice  of  kidnrpping  men  in  English  seaport?  i'  *  selling  them 
as  servants  in  the  colonies  became  very  common.  Amoixg  the  IMarj'land 
papers  is  the  petition  of  one  Airs.  Beale  to  the  king,  complaining  that  the 
master  of  a  ship  had  taken  her  brother  as  his  apprentice  on  a  voyage  to 
Maryland,  and  there  sold  him  as  a  servant.  The  lord  mayor  and  alder- 
men of  London  complained  to  the  Council  that  "certain  persons,  called 
spirits,  do  inveigle,  and,  by  lewd  subtilities,  entice  away  "  jouth  to  be  sold 
as  servants  in  the  plantations.  Owing  to  its  equable  climate,  Maryland  had 
more  of  these  indented  servants  than  any  other  colonj-,  and  the  statute  book 
contains  many  acts  relating  to  them.  The  practice  of  sending  convicts  to 
America,  however,  was  warmly  resisted,  and  in  1C76  an  act  was  passed  to 
prevent  it. 

A  temporary  exception  to  the  universal  religious  toleration,  which  was  a 
capital  principle  of  government  in  Maryland,  occurred  in  the  case  of  the 
Quakers.     The  first  Quaker  missionaries  appeared  in  Maryland  in   1C57. 

VOL.   ni.  —  6q. 


il 


■.,f( 


Mi 


546 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OK   AMERICA. 


M 


i    i ' 


Two  years  later  other  preachers  of  that  sect  visited  the  Province  and  caused 
"  considerable  convincement."  Their  refusal  to  bear  arms,  or  to  subscribe 
the  engajjement  of  fidelity,  or  to  give  testimony,  or  to  serve  as  jurors,  was 
mistaken  for  sedition.  On  July  23,  1659,  under  Kendall's  administration, 
an  order  was  passed  directing  that  if  "  any  of  the  vagabonds  and  idle  per- 


CECIL,    SECOND    LORD    BALTIMORE.* 

sons  known  by  the  name  of  Quakers  "  should  again  come  into  the  Province, 
the  justices  of  the  peace  should  arrest  them  and  cause  them  to  be  whipped 
from  constable  to  constable  out  of  the  Province.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
this  penalty  was  ever  enforced.  The  most  active  Quaker  missionary  simply 
received  a  sentence  of  banishment;  and  after  the  suppression  of  Fendall's 
rebellion  there  was  no  persecution  of  the  Quakers.  They  found  a  refuge 
in  Maryland  from  the  intolerance  of  New  England  and  Virginia.     In  1672 

'  [See  the  Critical  Essay  for  an  .iccount  of  this  picture.  —  Ed.] 


l>^ 


.'  >  > 


A. 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


547 


and  caused 
o  subscribe 

jurors,  was 
ninistration, 
id  idle  per- 


hc  Province, 
be  whipped 
vidence  that 
jnary  simply 
of  Fcndall's 
ind  a  refuge 
ia.     In  1672 


George  Fox  arrived  in  the  Province  and  attended  two  "  general  meetings 
for  all  Maryland  Friends,"  which  he  describes  in  his  journal  as  having 
been  largely  attended,  not  only  by  Quakers  but  by  "  other  people,  divers 
of  whom  were  of  considerable  quality  in  the  world's  account."  Maryland 
was  also  sought  by  many  French,  liohemian,  and  Dutch  families.  In  1666 
the  first  act  of  naturalization  was  passed  admitting  certain  French  and  Bo- 
hemians to  the  rights  of  citizenship,  and  from  that  time  forward  numerous 
similar  acts  were  passed. 

On  the  30th  of  November,  1675,  died  Cecilius,  Lord  Haltimore,  after 
having  inscribed  his  name  upon  one  of  the  fairest  pages  in  the  history  of 
America.  The  magnificent  heritage  left  him  by  his  father  was  beset  with 
difficulties ;  but  his  courage,  perseverance,  and  skill  had  triumphed  over  the 
ho.stility  of  Virginia  and  the  intrigues  of  Clayborne,  over  domestic  insurrec- 
tion and  Puritan  hatred.  The  first  ruler  who  established  and  maintained  re- 
ligious toleration  is  entitled  to  enduring  honor  in  the  eyes  of  posterity.  His 
name  is  that  of  one  of  the  most  enlightened  and  magnanimous  statesmen 
who  ever  founded  a  commonwealth. 

In  the  year  following  his  death.  Governor  Charles  Calvert,  now  the  Lord 
Proprietary,  called  an  assembly  at  which  a  thorough  revision  of  the  laws  of 
the  Province  was  made.  Among  the  laws  continued  in  force  was  the  Tolera- 
tion Act  of  16^9.  In  the  same  year  Lord  Haltimore  appointed  Thomas 
Notley  deputy-governor,  and  then  sailed  for  lingland,  where  he  remained 
three  years.  Upon  his  arrival  he  found  that  a  clergyman  of  the  Church  of 
England,  named  Yeo,  residing  in  Maryland,  had  written  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  under  the  date  of  25th  May,  1676,  begging  him  to  solicit  from 
Lord  Baltimore  an  established  support  for  the  Protestant  ministry.  "  Merc 
are  ion  or  twelve  counties,"  he  writes,  "  and  in  them  at  least  twenty  thousand 
souls,  and  but  three  Protestant  ministers  of  the  Church  of  England.  The 
priests  are  provided  for,  and  the  Quakers  take  care  of  those  that  are  speakers, 
but  no  care  is  taken  to  build  up  churches  in  the  Protestant  religion.  The 
Lord's  day  is  profaned.  Religion  is  despised,  and  all  notorious  vices  are 
committed,  so  that  it  is  become  a  Sodom  of  uncleanness  and  a  pest-house 
of  iniquity."  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  this  letter  was  an  exagge- 
rated libel.  At  any  rate  the  writer  considered  it  easy  to  cure  the  evil.  It 
would  be  sufficient  to  impose  an  established  church  upon  the  Province.  The 
Archbishop  referred  the  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  London,  who  asked  the 
Privy  Council  to  "  prevail  with  Baltimore  to  settle  a  revenue  for  the  min- 
istry in  his  province."  The  Privy  Council  wrote  to  Baltimore  communi- 
cating the  unfavorable  information  with  regard  to  the  dissolute  life  of  the 
inhabitants  of  his  province,  and  desiring  an  account  of  the  number  of  Es- 
tablished and  Dissenting  ministers  there.  Lord  Baltimore  replied  that  in 
every  county  of  the  Province  there  were  a  sufficient  number  of  churches 
which  were  supported  by  the  voluntary  contributions  of  those  attending 
them,  and  that  there  were,  to  his  knowledge,  four  clergymen  of  the  Church 
of  England  in  the  Province.     He  also  urged  that  at  least  three  fourths  of 


h 


U 


548 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


the  inhabitants  were  Presbyterians,  Independents,  Baptists,  and  Quakers,  the 
members  both  of  the  Church  of  England  and  of  the  Church  of  Rome  being 
the  fewest,  "  so  that  it  will  be  a  most  (.lifficult  task  to  draw  such  persons  to 
consent  unto  a  law  which  shall  compel  them  to  maintain  ministers  of  a 
contrary  persuasion  to  themselves,  they  having  already  assurance  by  an 
Act  for  Religion  that  they  shall  have  all  freedom  in  point  of  religion  and 
divine  worship,  and  no  penalties  imposed  upon  them  in  that  particular." 
The  Council,  however,  directed  that  some  pro'  ision  should  be  made  for 
the  ministry  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  that  the  laws  against  vice 
should  be  enforced.  Baltimore  returned  to  Maryland  in  1680,  but  nothing 
was  done  to  carry  out  the  orders  of  the  Council. 

Soon  after  his  return  the  restless  Fendall,  in  conjunction  with  John 
Coode,  attempted  to  stir  up  an  insurrection  of  the  Protestants  against  the 
Proprietary'.  Baltimore,  having  early  notice  of  the  proceedings,  arrested 
Fendall.  He  was  punished  by  fine  and  banishment,  and  the  enterprise 
ended  almost  as  soon  as  it  began.  The  great  preponderance  of  the  Pro- 
testant population,  and  the  course  of  affairs  in  England  were  fast  making 
the  position  of  a  Catholic  Proprietary  untenable.  Complaints  of  the  favor 
shown  to  Catholics  were  constantly  sent  to  England.  In  October,  1681,  the 
Privy  Council  wrote  to  Baltimore  that  impartiality  must  be  shown  in  admit- 
ting Catholics  and  Protestants  to  the  council  and  in  the  distribution  of  arms. 
In  reply  to  these  complaints  a  declaration  was  issued  in  May,  1682,  signed 
by  t\venty-five  Protestants  of  the  Church  of  England  residing  in  the  Prov- 
ince. This  declaration  certified  that  places  of  honor,  trust,  and  profit  were 
conferred  on  the  most  qualified,  without  any  regard  to  the  religion  of  the 
participants,  and  that  in  point  of  fact  most  of  the  offices  were  filled  with 
Protestants,  one  half  of  the  council,  and  by  far  the  greater  part  of  the  jus- 
tices of  the  peace  and  militia  officers,  being  Protestants.  The  subscribers 
published  to  the  world  the  general  freedom  and  privilege  which  all  the  in- 
habitants of  the  Province  enjoyed  in  their  lives,  liberties,  and  estates,  and  in 
the  free  and  public  exercise  of  their  religion. 

The  first  Proprietary  had  finally  come  off  successful  in  the  long  contest 
for  his  territory  with  Virginia  and  Clayborne.  The  second  Proprietary  was 
now  called  upon  to  begin  a  longer  and  less  successful  struggle  with  William 
Penn.  The  charter  limits  of  Maryland  included  the  present  State  of  Dela- 
ware and  a  large  part  of  Pennsylvania.  In  1638  a  settlement  of  Swedes 
was  made  on  the  Delaware,  which  was  brought  under  subjection  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  States  General  in  1655.'  In  1659  the  governor  and  council, 
in  pursuance  of  Lord  Baltimore's  instructions,  ordered  Colonel  Utie  to 
"  repair  to  the  pretended  governor  of  a  people  seated  on  the  Delaware 
Bay,  within  his  lordship's  province,  and  to  require  them  to  depart  the 
province."  Utie  had  an  interview  with  the  authorities  of  New  Amstel, 
and  threatened  them  with  war  in  case  of  a  refusal  to  leave.  They  replied 
that  the  matter  must  be  left  to  their  principals  in  England  and  Holland 

I  [See  Vol.  IV.— Eu.] 


THE  ENGLISH   IN    MARYLAND. 


549 


Towards  the  close  of  the  year  the  Dutch  sent  Augustine  Hermann  and 
Resolved  VV'aldron  as  ambassadors  to  Maryland.  They  had  an  interview 
with  the  governor  and  council  in  which  the  claim  of  Holland  to  the  ter- 
ritory in  question  was  formally  presented.  The  governor  asserted  the  title 
of  Lord  Baltimore  and  demanded  the  submission  of  the  settlements.  This 
demand  was  rejected  and  the  interview  terminated.  The  Dutch  power  in 
America  was  soon  after  brought  to  an  end  by  the  Duke  of  York,  to  whom 
Charles  II.  in  1604  granted  all  the  territory  between  the  Connecticut  and 
Delaware  rivers.*  In  1680  Penn  asked  for  a  grant  of  the  territory  west  of 
the  Delaware  and  north  of  Maryland.  In  his  patent,  which  passed  the 
seals  in  March,  1681,  the  southern  boundary  of  his  province  was  a  "  circle 
of  twelve  miles  drawn  around  New  Castle  to  the  beginning  of  the  forty 
degrees  of  latitude,"  —  a  description  which  it  was  impossible  to  gratify. 
In  April,  i68r,  the  King  wrote  to  Baltimore  notifying  him  of  Penn's  grant, 
and  directing  him  to  aid  Penn  in  seating  himself,  and  to  appoint  some  per- 
sons to  make  a  division  between  the  provinces,  in  conjunction  witn  Penn's 
agents.2  Lord  Bakimore  met  Penn's  deputy,  in  September,  1682,  at  Upland 
(now  Chester),  when  it  was  found,  by  a  precise  observation,  that  the  for- 
tieth degree  of  latitude  was  beyond  Upland  itself.  The  knowledge  of  this 
fact  caused  Penn  to  be  anxious  to  obtain  a  grant  of  Delaware.  Though 
the  Duke  of  York's  grant  did  not  e.xtend  south  of  the  Delaware,  Penn, 
by  dint  of  importunity,  obtained  from  him  in  August,  1682,  a  grant  of 
the  territory  twelve  miles  around  New  Castle,  and  southward,  along  the 
river,  to  Cape  Henlopen.  Penn  asked  for  that  which  he  knew  to  be  with- 
in the  boundaries  of  Maryland,  and  beyond  the  power  of  the  Duke  to 
grant.  He  also  received  a  release  of  the  Duke's  claim  to  the  territory 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  soon  afterwards  sailed  for  his  province. 

On  August  19,  1682,  he  had  procured  from  the  King  a  letter  to  Bal- 
timore directing  the  latter  to  hasten  the  adjustment  of  the  boundaries. 
An  interview  between  the  two  Proprietaries  took  place  in  December,  when 
Penn  handed  to  Lord  Baltimore  the  King's  letter.  Baltimore  insisted  upon 
the  fortieth  degree  as  his  northern  boundary,  and  the  conference  was  fruit- 
less. They  had  another  interview,  at  New  Castle,  in  the  following  year, 
which  also  made  it  apparent  that  no  agreement  between  the  rival  Pro- 
prietaries was  possible.  Penn  nov  raised  against  the  Maryland  charter  an 
objection  similar  to  that  which  had  been  urged  by  Virginia  and  Clayborne, 
—  that  Delaware  had  been  settled  by  the  Dutch  before  the  grant  of  the 
charter,  and  that,  if  this  were  not  the  case,  Baltimore  had  forfeited  his  rights 
by  failure  to  extend  his  settleme?    ,  there. 

Both  Penn  and  Lord  Baltimore  now  resolved  to  go  to  England  to  contest 
the  matter  before  the  King  and  Council.  Baltimore  called  an  assembly  — 
the  last  over  which  he  presided  in  person  —  in  April,  1684.  He  acquainted 
them  with  the  necessity  he  was  under  of  going  to  England,  and  assured 
them  that  his  stay  would  be  no  longer  than  requisite  for  the  decision  of  the 

1  [See  chapter  x.  — Eu.]  *  [See  chapter  xii.  —  Ed.] 


It 


I 


! 


550 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


differences  between  Penn  and  himself.  The  Assembly  then  proceeded  to 
revise  the  laws  of  the  Province ;  after  »vhicli  the  Proprietary  appointed  a 
council  of  nine,  under  the  presidency  cf  William  Joseph,  to  govern  the 
I'rovince  during  his  absence,  and  sailed  for  luigland.  Baltimore  found 
that  he  was  no  match  in  court  influence  for  Penn.  In  November,  1685, 
the  Board  of  Trade  decided  that  the  Maryland  charter  included  only 
"  lands  uncultivated  and  inhabited  by  savages,  and  that  the  territory 
along  the  Delaware  had  been  settled  by  Christians  antecedently  to  his 
grant,  and  was  therefore  not  includec?  in  it;"  and  they  directed  t'  t  the 
peninsula  between  the  two  bays  should  be  divided  equally  by  a  line  drawn 
from  the  latitude  of  Cape  Henlopen  to  the  fortieth  degree,  and  that  the 
western  portion  was  Baltimore's  and  the.  eastern  Penn's.  The  Revolution, 
however,  came  in  time  to  prevent  the  execution  of  this  decision,  and  the 
ve.xed  question  was  not  finally  settled  till  the  middle  of  the  following 
century. 

The  accession  of  James  II.  brought  increased  danger  to  Lord  Baltimore. 
To  a  king  who  designed  the  subversion  of  the  liberties  of  the  colonies  as 
well  as  of  England,  the  liberal  charter  of  Maryland  was  especially  odi- 
ous. In  April,  1687,  an  order  in  Coincil  was  made  directing  the  prose- 
cution of  a  writ  of  quo  warranto  against  the  Maryland  charter.  In  that 
age  the  issuing  of  such  a  writ  seldom  failed  to  achieve  its  object ;  but 
before  judgment  could  be  obtained  against  Baltimore  the  Revolution  of 
1688  had  occurred,  and  the  Stuart  dynasty  was  at  an  end.  The  tidings 
that  a  writ  had  been  issued  against  Baltimore's  charter  alarmed  the  imagi- 
nations of  the  provincials.  When  the  Assembly  met  in  November,  1688, 
President  Joseph  sought  to  counteract  this  state  of  feeling  in  a  manner 
which  only  served  to  increase  the  anxiety.  In  his  opening  speech  he 
claimed  his  right  to  ru\c  jure  ilivino,  tracing  it  from  God  to  the  King,  from 
the  King  to  the  Proprietary,  and  from  the  Proprietary  to  himself.  He  then 
took  the  unprecedented  step  of  demanding  an  oath  of  fidelity  from  the 
Houses.  The  bu-gesses  at  first  refused,  and  were  with  difficulty  persuaded 
to  yield.  The  Assembly  shov/ed  its  loyalty  to  the  monarch,  who  was  then  a 
fugitive  from  his  kingdom,  by  passing  an  act  for  a  perpetual  thanksgiving 
for  the  birth  of  the  prince,  and  fi.xed  a  commemoration  of  it  each  succeed- 
mg  tenth  day  of  June. 

Upon  the  accession  of  William  and  Mary  the  Privy  Council  directed 
Lord  Baltimore  to  cause  their  majesties  to  be  proclaimed  in  Maryland.  He 
immediately  despatched  a  messenger  with  orders  to  his  council  to  proclaim 
the  king  and  queen  with  the  usual  ceremonies.  This  messenger  unfor- 
tunatelv  died  at  Plymouth,  and,  although  William  and  Mary  had  been  ac- 
knowleaged  in  the  other  colonies,  the  Maryland  council  shrank  from  acting 
without  orders  from  the  Proprietary,  while  they  alarmed  the  inhabitants  by 
collecting  arms  and  ammunition  Information  of  this  delay  was  sent  to  the 
Board  of  Trade  from  Virginia.  Baltimore  was  consequently  summoned  be- 
fore it,  when  he  explained  that  he  had  sent  the  required  directions  to  Mary- 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


551 


land,  but  that  they  had  failed  to  arrive.  He  was  ordered  to  despatch 
duplicate  instructions,  but  before  they  reached  the  Province  the  Proprie- 
tary's power  was  overthrown.  The  absence  of  all  colonial  records  from  the 
close  of  the  session  of  i688  to  the  year  1692  makes  it  difficult  to  under- 
stand the  exact  cause  of  this  revolution.  Enough  appears  from  other 
sources,  however,  to  show  that  it  was  a  rebellion  fostered  by  falsehood 
and  intimidation,  —  "a  provincial  Popish  plot."  In  April,  1689,  John 
Coode  and  other  disaffected  persons  formed  "An  Association  in  arms 
for  the  defence  of  the  Protestant  religion,  and  for  asserting  the  right  of 
King  William  and  Queen  Mary  to  the  Province  of  Maryland  and  all  the 
English  dominions."  Early  in  July  they  began  to  gather  in  large  numbers 
on  the  Potomac.  They  alleged  that  the  Catholics  had  invited  the  northern 
Indians  to  join  them  in  a  general  massacre  of  the  Protestants  in  the  follow- 
ing month,  and  that  they  had  taken  arms  to  defeat  this  conspiracy.  When 
a  similar  rumor  had  been  set  on  foot,  in  the  preceding  March,  a  declara- 
tion had  been  published,  signed  by  several  of  those  who  were  now  Associa- 
tors,  asserting  that  the  subscribers  had  examined  into  all  the  circumstances 
of  the  pretended  design,  and  "  found  it  to  be  nothing  but  a  sleveless  fear 
and  imagination  fomented  by  the  artifice  of  some  ill-minded  persons." 
But  in  July  the  Association  availed  itself  of  this  baseless  rumor  to  obtain 
the  adherence  of  those  who  were  foolish  enough  to  believe  it ;  while  to 
others  they  asserted  that  their  purpose  was  only  to  proclaim  William  and 
Mary. 

By  these  means  the  neutrality  or  support  of  the  greater  part  of  the  pop- 
ulation was  secured,  and  the  Associators  moved  upon  St.  Mary's.  The 
council  prepared  for  resistance,  but,  upon  the  approach  of  Coode  with 
greatly  superior  forces,  they  surrendered  the  State  House  and  the  provin- 
cial records.  The  Association  then  published  a  "  Declaration  of  the  reasons 
and  motives  for  the  present  appearing  in  arms  of  their  Majesties'  Protestant 
subjects  in  the  Province  of  Maryland."  This  Declaration,  dated  July  25, 
1689,  signed  by  Coode  and  many  others,  was  printed  at  St.  Mary's.^  It  is  an 
ingenious  and  able  paper,  but  certainly  an  audacious  calumny,  which  could 
only  have  found  credence  in  England.  It  set  forth  that,  by  the  contrivances 
of  Lord  Baltimore  and  his  officers,  "  the  tyranny  under  which  we  groan  is 
palliated,"  and  "  our  grievances  shrouded  from  the  eye  of  observation  and 
the  hand  of  redress."  These  grievances  were  then  stated  in  general  terms. 
In  the  mean  time  Joseph  and  his  council  retired  to  a  fort  on  the  Patuxent. 
When  Coode  marched  against  them  with  several  hundred  men  they  were 
again  compelled  to  surrender,  and  the  Associators  became  masters  of  the 
situation.  On  the  third  of  August,  1689,  they  sent  an  address  to  the  king 
and  queen  congratulating  them  upon  having  restored  the  laws  and  liberties 
of  England  to  their  "  ancient  lustre,  purity,  and  splendor,"  and  declaring 
that,  without  the  expense  of  a  drop  of  blood,  they  had  rescued  the  govern- 
ment of  Maryland  from  the  hands  of  their  enemies,  and  would  hold   it 

*  £It  is  reprinted  in  the  Magaaiite  of  American  liistjty,  i.  ii8.  —  Ed.] 


i    i 


552 


NAKKATIVE    AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


r 


securely  till  a  settlement  thereof  sVoulc  be  made.  A  convention  was  called 
to  meet  on  the  23cl  of  Aui^ust,  to  which  however  several  counties  related  to 
send  delegates.  The  convention  sent  an  address  to  the  King  asking  that 
their  rights  and  religion  might  be  secured  under  a  Protestant  government. 
The  matter  was  now  to  be  determined  in  England,  and  addresses  from  all 
the  counties  and  from  both  parties  poured  in  to  the  King.  Many  Protes- 
tants favored  the  Proprietary,  and,  in  their  addresses,  denounced  the  false- 
hoods of  the  Associators.  A  number  of  the  Protestants  of  Kent  County 
declared  in  their  address  that  "we  have  here  enj(  ved  many  halcyon  days 
under  the  immediate  government  of  Charles,  Lord  Baron  of  Baltimore,  and 
his  honorable  father,  ...  by  charter  of  your  royal  progenitors,  wherein 
our  rights  and  freedoms  are  so  intenvoven  with  his  Lordship's  preroga- 
tiv..  that  we  have  always  had  the  same  liberties  and  privileges  secured  to 
us  as  other  of  your  Majesty's  subjects  in  the  Kingdom  of  England."  The 
greater  number  of  signers,  however,  sided  with  the  revolutionists.  A 
friend  of  Lord  Baltimore  wrote  that  "  people  in  debt  think  it  the  bravest 
time  that  ever  was.  No  courts  open  nor  no  law  proceedings,  which  they 
pray  may  continue  as  long  as  they  live."  The  same  writer  asserted  that 
the  best  men  and  the  best  Protestants  stood  stiffly  up  for  the  Proprietary's 
interest. 

Those  who  had  benefited  by  a  Protestant  Revolution  in  England  were 
naturally  disposed  to  look  with  favor  upon  a  similar  Revolution  in  Amer- 
ica. And  thus  it  came  to  pass  that  the  Proprietary  government  "  fell 
without  a  crime." 

King  V'illiam  on  Feb.  i,  1690,  in  pursuance  of  t'tp  recommendation 
of  the  com..iiitee  of  the  Council  for  Trade  and  Plantations,  wrote  to  those 
in  the  administration  of  Maryland,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  their 
addresses  and  approving  their  motives  for  taking  up  arms.  He  author- 
ized them  to  cc  ntinue  in  the  administration,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  pre- 
serve the  public  peace.  Lord  Baltimore  struggled  hard  to  retain  his 
province,  a' chough  his  chance  of  obtaining  justice  was  desperate.  He 
presented  to  the  King  and  Council  various  aiTidavits  and  narratives  show- 
ing the  falsity  of  the  charges  against  his  government.  In  January,  1690, 
he  petition  J  the  Board  of  Trade  to  grant  a  hearing  to  such  inhabitants 
and  merchants  as  had  lived  in  and  dealt  with  Maryland  for  up\v.irds  of 
twenty-five  years,  at  the  same  time  forwarding  a  list  of  their  names.  A 
few  days  later  he  requested  the  Board  to  hear  his  account  of  the  dis- 
turbances, to  the  end  that  the  government  might  be  restored  to  him.  In 
August,  however,  the  Council  directed  the  aUorney-general  to  proceed  by 
scire  facias  against  Baltimore's  charter.  Chief-Justice  Holt  had  previously 
given  an  opinion  that  the  King  could  appoint  a  governor  of  Maryland 
whose  authority  would  be  lega.;  and  the  attorney-general  and  solicitor- 
general  were  directed  to  draft  a  commission  of  governor. 

On  the  1 2th  of  March,  1691,  Queen  Mary  wrote  to  the  Grand  Committee 
of  MaryLnd  that  the  Province  was  taken  under  the  King's  immediate  super- 


THE    ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


553 


intcnclence,  that  Copley  would  be  governor,  and,  until  his  arrival,  they  were 
lo  administer  the  jjovernnient  in  the  names  of  their  Majesties.  In  the 
followinji  August  Sir  Lionel  Copley  was  CDUimissioned  by  the  king  and 
queen.  He  reached  Maryland  early  in  1692,  and  the  Province  became  a 
royal  colony  for  a  quarter  of  a  century.  The  Proprietary  was  still  allowed 
to  receive  his  quit-rents  and  export  duty,  but  all  his  other  prerogatives  were 
at  an  end. 


CRITICAL   ESSAY   ON    THE   SOURCES   OF    INFORMATION. 


'T*HE  earliest  publication  relating  to  Maryland  was  a  pamplilet  which  appeared  in  Lon- 
■'•  don  in  1634.  It  is  entitled./  Relation  of  lite  Successful  Dci^iniiiiij^s  of  the  Lord 
Baltemore's  Plantation  in  Mary-land :  being  an  extract  of  certaine  Letters  written  from 
thence  by  some  of  the  Adventurers  to  their  friends  in  England}  The  similarity  of  the 
language  of  this  relation  with  Father  White's  Relatio  Itineris  would  seem  to  show  that  he 
was  its  author.  The  relation  describes  the  first  settlement  and  the  products  of  the  soil, 
and  narrates  the  naive  wonder  of  the  Indians  at  the  big  ships  and  the  thunder  of  the  guns. 
It  is  dnted  "From  Saint  Marie's  in  Mary-land,  27  May,  1634." 

The  ne.xt  publication  was,  A  Relation  of  Maryland,  London,  Sept.  8,  1635,  —  a  work 
of  great  value  to  the  student.  It  was  evidently  prepared  under  the  direction  of  Lord  Bal- 
timore, and  is  an  extensive  colonizing  programme.  It  recounts  the  planting  of  the  colony 
and  their  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  and  describes  the  commodities  which  the  country 
naturally  afforded  and  those  that  might  be  procured  by  industry.  It  also  contains  the 
"  conditions  propounded  by  the  Lord  Daltemore  to  such  as  shall  goe  or  adventure  into 
.Maryland,"  and  gives  elaborate  instructions  as  to  what  the  adventurers  should  take  with 
them,  together  with  an  estimate  of  the  cost  of  transporting  servants  and  providing  them 
with  necessaries. - 

A  very  full  account  of  the  voyage  of  the  "Ark  and  Dove"  to  Maryland  n  contained 
in  a  letter  written  by  Father  Andrew  White,  S.  J.,  to  the  General  of  the  Order.  The  origi- 
nals of  this  letter,  as  well  as  of  different  letters  from  the  Jesuit  missionaries  in  Maryland 
from  163s  to  1677,  were  discovered,  about  fifty  years  ago,  by  the  Rev.  W.  M.  Sherry,  who 
was  afterwards  Provincial  of  the  Jesuits  in  Maryland,  in  the  archives  of  the  Society  in 
Rome.  The  copy  he  then  made  of  these  manuscripts  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Loyola 
College,  Baltimore.  In  1874  and  1877  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  published  this 
Relatio  Itineris,  and  extracts  from  the  annual  letters,  in  the  original  Medi.xval  Latin,  with 
a  translation  by  Mr.  Josiah  Holmes  Converse.     This  publication  also  contains  an  account  of 


•  A  copy  of  the  original,  which  is  very  rare, 
is  in  the  British  Museum.  It  was  reprinted  by 
Munsell,  of  Albany,  as  No.  I  of  Shea's  Early 
Southern  Tracts.  [It  is  suggested  in  the  preface 
of  the  reprint,  which  was  edited  by  Colonel 
Brantz  Mayer,  that  it  "was  perhaps  prepared  by 
Cecilius  Calvert,  Lord  Baltimore,  from  the  let- 
ters of  his  brothers,  Leonard  and  George  Cal- 
vert, who  went  out  with  the  expedition."  It 
was  also  reprinted  in  the  Historical  Magazine, 
October,  1865.  — Er.] 

-  This  second  tract  was  reprinted  by  Sabin, 
of  New  York,  in  1865  [under  the  editing  of 
VOL.  III.  —  70 


Francis  L.  Hawks.  X  perfect  copy  should  have 
a  map,  engraved  by  T.  Cecill,  "  Nona  Tcrrae- 
Maria;  tabula."  It  is  often  wanting,  as  in  the 
Harvard  College  copy;  it  is,  however,  in  the 
Library  of  Congress  copy.  Sabin  reproduced 
it  full  size,  and  a  reduced  fac-simile  of  it  is  given 
in  Scharf's  History  of  Maryland,  i.  J59.  An- 
other is  given  in  the  text.  The  Chalmers  Cata- 
logue says  that  at  the  time  of  the  boundary  dis- 
putes between  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  the 
only  copy  to  be  found  was  in  the  Sir  Hans  Sloane 
Collection.  See  the  Sparks  Catalogue,  and  the 
Huth  Catalogue,  iii.  926.  —  Ed.] 


I'iV 


^|A 


w 


^. 


554 


NARRATIVE    AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


the  colony  in  which  the  character  of  the  country  and  its  numernus  sources  of  wealth  are 
set  forth  in  the  glowing  colors  of  anticipation.  The  original  of  this  Deilaratio  Coloniir 
was  aNo  found  at  Rome.     It  was  probably  written  by  Lord  lialtimore  soon  after  the  grant 

MS  patent,  and  sent  to  the  Ijencral  of  the  Society  at  the  time  of  his  request  that  priests 
light  be  sent  out  to  the  colony.  Thesi  publications  are  enriched  with  the  notes  of  the 
late  Rev.  E.  A.  Dalrymple,  S.  T.  I).'  then  Corresponding  Secretary  of  the  Maryland  Hi»- 
torical  .Society.  The  letters,  which  have  been  frequently  u.sed  in  the  preceding  narrative, 
throw  much  light  upon  the  early  d.iys  of  the  I'rovince,  and  give  a  vivid  picture  of  the 
activity  of  the  missionaries.* 

The  reduction  of  Maryland  at  the  time  of  tlie  Commonwealth  caused  several  pamphlets 
upon  its  affairs  to  be  publi.siied  in  London.  The  tirst  of  the.se  was  /'//(•  Lonl  lUiltenuiie's 
case  comeniing  the  I'lovhiLt'  of  Maryland,  luijoyiiinj;  to  I'irj^iiiia  in  America  with  full 
and  clear  ansti'  -rs  to  all  material  objections  touchini;  his  A'ii^'hts,  jurisiliction,  and  fro- 
ceedinj,'s  there,  etc.  London,  1653.  This  tract  was  i)robably  called  forth  by  the  rc|X)rt  of 
the  committee  of  the  Navy  on  Maryland  affairs  in  December,  1652.  Although  written  by 
Lord  Baltimore,  or  under  his  direction,  it  is  a  temperate  and  reliable  statement.  It  con- 
tains his  reasons  of  state  why  it  would  be  more  advantageous  for  the  Commonwealth  to 
keep  Maryland  and  Virginia  separate. 

An  answer  to  this  pamphlet  was  published  in  London  in  1655,  entitled,  I'irj^inia  and 
Maryland,  or  The  Lord  lialtcmore's  printed  case  uncased  and  answered,  etc.*  This  work 
is  of  value  in  giving  a  full  statement  of  the  Puritan  side  of  the  controversy  down  to  1655. 
It  has  the  proceedings  in  Parliament  in  1652  rel.iting  to  Maryland,  copies  of  the  instruc- 
tions of  the  commissioners  for  the  reduction,  and  other  documents. 

There  are  four  pamphlets  bearing  upon  the  battle  of  Providence  in  March,  1655.  The 
first  is  called.  An  additional  brief  narrative  of  a  late  Bloody  design  against  The  Protes- 
tants in  Ann  Arundel  County  and  ScTcrn  in  Maryland  in  the  County  of  I'irginia.  .  .  . 
Set  forth  by  Roger  Heaman,  Commander  of  the  Ship  Golden  Lyon,  an  eye-witness  there. 
London,  July  24,  1655.  The  author  gives  a  detailed  but  unfair  account  of  the  fight,  and 
of  his  connection  with  it,  and  of  the  previous  proceedings  of  Governor  Stone.  Heamans 
was  answered  by  John  Hammond,  "a  sufiferer  in  these  calamities,"  in  a  tract,  called  Ham- 
mond vs.  Heamans;  Or,  an  answer  to  an  audacious  pamphlet  published  by  an  impudent 


'  [Dr.  Dalrymple  was  bom  in  Baltimore,  in 
1817,  and  was  for  twenty-four  years  the  Corre- 
sponding Secretary  of  the  Maryland  Historical 
Society.  He  is  said  to  have  possessed  the  largest 
private  library  (ov^t  14,000  volumes)  south  of 
Pennsylvania.  He  died  Oct.  30,  1881.  —  iVccrol- 
01^  (1881)  (/  ///«■  A'limisniatii  iiiiJ  Antiquarian 
Society  of  Philadclf>hia.  —  Ed.] 

■■*  [In  1844  Georgetown  College  presented 
to  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  a  copy  of 
McSherry's  transcript  of  the  RcUitio  Itineris ; 
and  in  1847  Dr.  X.  C.  Brooks  made  a  transla- 
tion from  this  copy,  which  was  later  printed 
in  Force's  Tracts,  iv.  No.  12.  The  Latin  text, 
with  a  revision  of  Brooks's  version,  was  printed 
privately  in  the  Woodstock  Letters,  in  1872.  Two 
years  later  (1874)  the  Maryland  Historical  So- 
ciety reprinted  it  as  stated  in  the  text,  follow- 
ing, however,  the  original  McSherry  transcript, 
which  had  lx;en  transferred  to  Loyola  College, 
Baltimore.  This,  however,  then  wanted  the 
concluding  pages,  but  in  1875  the  whole  was 
found,  which  necessitated  the  printing  of  a  sup- 
plement to  the  Fund  Publication  of  the  Society 
(No.  7)  which  contained  it.    The  later  version 


of  Converse  is  largely  reprinted  in  Scharf's 
Marylaiul,  \.  69,  etc. 

Various  accounts  of  Father  White  have  been 
printed:  B.  U.  Campbell's  in  the  Metropolitan 
Catholic  Almanac,  1841,  and  in  the  United  Stales 
Catholic  Magazine,  vol.  vii.  Mr.  Campbell  also 
read  before  the  Historical  Society  a  paper  on 
Early  Missions  in  Maryland,  and  printed  a  chap- 
ter on  the  same  .subject  in  the  United  States  Cath- 
olic Afaf;azine  in  1846.  There  is  also  an  account 
of  Father  White,  by  Richard  H.  Clarke,  in  the 
Baltimore  Metropolitan,  iv.  (1856),  and  a  sketch 
in  the  IVoodstoci  Letters.  Upon  all  these  is  based 
the  account  in  the  Fund  Publication  already  men- 
tioned. Other  accounts  of  the  Maryland  mis- 
sions may  be  found  in  Shea's  Early  Catholic 
Missions ;  and  in  Henry  Foley's  Records  of  the 
English  Pro7nnce  of  the  Society  of  fesus,  London, 
1878,  vol.  iii.  Mr.  Neill  has  used  this  last  in  his 
tract,  Light  Thrown  by  the  fesuits  upon  Hitherto 
Obscure  Points  of  Early  Maryland  History,  Min- 
neapolis.    .See  also  his  Eng.  Co/.,  ch.  xv.  —  En.] 

'  Reprinted  in  Force's  Historical  Tracts,  vol. 
ii.  There  is  a  copy  of  it  in  Harvard  College 
Library. 


wealth  are 
(10  ColoHiit 
;r  the  grant 
that  pricHts 
inteH  of  the 
irylanci  Hi«- 
ig  narrative, 
dure  of  the 

al  pamphlet* 
Hiillfmor/s 
a  with  full 
<n,  ami  Pro- 
he  rejKirt  of 
h  written  by 
:nt.  It  con- 
inonwealth  to 

I'iri^inia  anJ 
«  This  work 
own  to  1655. 
t  the  instruc- 

^,  1655.  The 
/  T/ie  Proles- 
Virginia.  .  .  . 
witness  there. 
the  fight,  and 
le.  Heamans 
,  called  Hain- 
an impudent 

ed   in   Scharf* 

iThite  have  been 
lie  Metropolitan 
le  United  Stoles 
Campbell  also 
ety  a  paper  on 
printed  a  chap- 
titeJ  States  Cath- 
also  an  account 
.  Clarke,  in  the 
and  a  sketch 
11  these  is  based 
ion  already  men- 
Maryland  mis- 
Ear!y   Catholic 
Records  of  the 
Jesus,  London, 
:1  this  last  in  his 
■  upon  Hitherto 
1/  History,  Min- 
,ch.  XV.  — El).] 
'ical  Tracts,  vol. 
[arvard  College 


Tin:  KNiiLisn  in  makvland. 


555 


anil  riitiiulous  ftllo;k<  namtii  Kof^er  lleinnans,  etc.  The  author  wan  the  pemon  (Icn- 
patched  hy  Stone,  early  in  1^)55,  to  remove  the  recordii  from  I'aiuxcnt.  lie  declared  that 
he  "  went  unarmed  amongst  these  iion.H  ol'  Thunder,  and  my.ielf  alone  seized  and  carrieil 
away  the  records  in  defiance."  In  the  same  year  were  puhlixhcd  Inith  liatiylon's  l-'all  in 
Maryland,  etc.,  by  Leonard  Strong,  and  John  Langford's  Kejutation  of  liahylon's  Fall,  etc. 
Strong,  the  author  of  the  former  pamphlet,  was  one  of  the  leading  I'uritans  of  Providence, 
and  .afterwards  their  .igent  in  London,  where  he  wrote  the  tr.act.  I,  is  a  party  work,  con- 
taining a  garbled  statement  of  the  f.acts.  Langford's  Refutation  h.is  a  litter  from  Gov- 
ernor Stone's  wife  to  Lord  llaltimore  describing  the  conduct  of  the  I'uritans  and  their 
treatment  of  her  husband.  Langford  was  rewarded  for  this  work  by  Lord  Ualtimore  with 
a  gift  of  fifteen  hundred  acres  of  land  in  .M.iryland.' 

In  1656  John  Hammond  published  his  l.eah  and  Rarhel ;  or,  the  Two  friiitfull  Sisters 
Virgini'a  and  Maryland.  Their  present  condition  impartially  stated  and  related,  etc' 
This  pamphlet  is  favorable  to  Lord  llaltimore  and  condemns  the  I'uritans. 

A  highly  curious  production  is,  A  Character  of  the  Province  of  Maryland,  by 
George  Alsop.  London,  1666.*  Alsop  had  been  an  indented  servant  in  Maryland,  and 
gives  a  favorable  account  of  the  condition  of  Maryland  apprentices.  The  tract  is  written 
in  a  jocular  style,  and  was  designed  to  encourage  emigration  to  the  Province.  It  contains 
some  Interesting  details  concerning  the  Indian  tribes. 

Various  causes,  chief  among  which  are  Ingle's  Rebellion,  time,  and  negligence,  have 
resulted  in  the  destruction  of  a  Large  part  of  the  early  records  of  the  Province.  The  prin- 
cipal portion  of  what  now  remains  rel  iting  to  the  period  before  the  Protestant  Revolution 
is  contained  in  the  following  manuscript  folio  volumes  :  — 

1.  Lila-r  Z.  The  I'roprictary  Record-l)ook  from  1637-1641.  This  is  the  oldest  record-lnxik 
extant.  It  contains  a  full  account  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Assembly  held  in  i6j8,  and  of  the 
process  against  William  Lewis  for  his  violation  of  the  procL-imation  prohibiting  religions  disputes. 
This  volume  also  has  the  records  of  the  Council  acting  as  a  county  court,  and  of  proceedings  in 
testamentary  cau.ses.  Many  of  the  original  signatures  of  Leonard  Calvert,  Secretary  Lcwgcr,  and 
others  are  scattered  through  the  volume. 

2.  A.  1647-1651.  The  original  second  Record-book  of  the  Province.  The  first  fifty-eight  pages 
and  several  of  the  h  *  are  wanting.  It  has  in  it  proceedings  of  assemblies,  court  records,  appoint- 
ments to  office,  dem.    .Is  and  surveys  of  land,  wills,  etc. 

3.  Y.  1649-1669.  Journals  and  .icts  of  different  assemblies,  commissions  from  the  Proprie- 
tary, etc.  This  volume  contains  the  Toleration  Act  of  1649''  •'nd  the  proceedings  of  Fcndall's 
revolutionary  assembly  in  1660. 

4.  H.  H.  1656-1668.  Council  proceedings.  The  original  volume  containing  instructions  from 
the  Proprietary,  commissions  of  Fendall  and  others,  ordinances,  and  the  proceedings  against  the 
Quakers.* 

5.  A.  M.  1669-1673.     Council  Proceedings.     A  copy  probably  made  in  the  last  centur)-. 

6.  F.  1637-1642.  Council  Proceedings  .ind  other  documents  in  vol.  i.  of  the  Land-Office 
Records.  This  copy  of  the  original,  which  is  lost,  was  made  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  and  is  certified  by  a  Judge  of  the  Provincial  Court  to  be  correct.  This  volume  contains 
(iovernor  Leonard  Calvert's  commission,  Clayborne's  petition  to  the  King,  orders  of  the  Privy 
Council,  etc. 


1  The  documents  transmitted  by  Bennett  and 
Matthews  to  the  Protector,  during  their  contest 
with  Lord  Baltimore  in  1656,  may  be  found  in 
Thurloe's  State  Papers,  v.  482-486.  Copies  of 
Strong's  and  Langford's  rare  tracts  are  in  the 
Boston  Athenxum. 

*  Reprinted  in  Force's  Historical  Tracts,  vol. 
iii.  There  is  a  copy  of  it  in  Harvard  College 
Library.     See  Sabin,  viii.  302761 

•  Reprinted  in  Gowan's  Bibliotheca  Ameri- 
cana, No.  5.  New  York,  1869.  [This  edition 
has  a  map,  with  introduction  and  notes  by  John 


Gilmary  Shea.  It  has  again  been  reissued  as 
one  of  the  Fund  Publications  of  the  Maryland 
Historical  Society.  —  Ed.] 

♦  It  is  reprinted  in  Scharf's  Maryland,  i.  174. 

*  [The  early  Quakers  of  Maryland  have  been 
the  subject  of  two  publications  of  the  Historical 
Society ;  one  by  J.  Saurin  Norris,  issued  in  1862 ; 
and  the  other.  Dr.  Samuel  A.  Harrison's  IVen- 
lock  Christison  and  the  early  Friends  in  Talbot 
County,  1878.  See  also  Neill's  Terra  Marice, 
ch.  iv.  On  Wenlock  Christison  see  Memorial 
History  of  Boston,  i.  187.— Ed.] 


'ii 


556 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


7.  A.  1647-1650.  Council  and  Court  rrncecding*.  Some  part  of  the  original  I*  lost.  A  copy 
In  vol.  il.  of  the  I.ancl-Ottice  KcconU 

8.  It.  I()4H-|657.  CiMintil  and  Court  I'riKccdingi  and  Actiof  Aiicmlil)'.  The  original  If  lutt 
A  copy  i»  in  vol».  I.  and  iii.  o(  ihc  l.aiid.i  ittitc  kccord*.  Thi*  voliiinv  contain*  the  proceeding*  of 
Captain  F<illcr'»  council  and  of  the  ruiitan  Aticmbly  in  1654,  li>t*  of  servant)  for  whouc  iniporta. 
lion  land  »a<t  ili-inandcd,  cic. 

9.  Vclliini  folio.  tUyj-tOiJ.  Council  Proceeding*.  A  copy  made  in  the  eighteenth  century. 
Thi»  volume  hai  Stonc'o  conmiiwion,  the  coiuliiion*  »(  plantation  in  164.S  and  1649,  the  proceed- 
iiiK*  of  llcnnctt  and  ClaylNiriic  in  the  reduction  of  Maryland,  and  of  Stone  and  the  i'lirilan*.  The 
document*  in  Ihi*  volume  are  not  arranged  in  chronological  order. 

10.  Vellun.  folio.   1(137-1658.     Proceeding*  of  Atteinblici.     A  copy. 

11.  V.  K.  i65(/-i&J9.  Ipjicr  lloutc  Journal*.  A  copy.  Contain*  a  full  account  of  the  pro- 
ceeding*. 

11.  X.  1661-166J.  Council-lHMik.  Thi*  original  volume  cimtaini  initructionii  from  the  Pro- 
prietary to  Philip  Calvert  and  Femlall,  demand*  and  grant*  of  land,  etc. 

13.  1676-1703.  Vote*  and  Proceeding*  of  the  Lower  Mouse.  A  copy  made  by  the  .'^tate  Li- 
brarian in  l.Sj.Sfrom  the  original  papers,  which  are  nut  now  tu  lie  found.  It  ha*  the  proceedings  of 
the  .\ssenililie*  in  1676,  1683,  and  16S4. 

14.  C.  II.  168J-16.S4.     The  original  Council-liook  for  land. 

The  first  live  of  tiic  alwve  volumes  are  in  the  jiossession  of  the  Maryland  Historical 
Society,  Hiiltimorc.  havin);  been  entrusted  to  its  guariliansliip  by  a  resolution  of  the  Legis- 
lature in  1S47.     The  remaining  folios  are  in  the  Land  Office  at  Annapolis. 

The  three  following  manuscript  volumes  are  in  the  office  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Court  of 
Appeals,  at  Annapolis  :  — 

15.  Liber  W.  II.  L.i«»:  erroneously  lettered  on  the  back  1676-1678.  This  volume  contains 
laws  made  at  dil'fereiit  .\sseinl)lic-i  from  1640  to  16.S8.  They  are  not  placed  in  strict  chronological 
order.  These  copies  were  made  in  the  seventeenth  century,  and  many  of  the  transcripts  are  at- 
tested by  Philip  Calvert  as  Ciiiiielianus. 

16.  W.  II.  and  L.  1640-1693.     I.aw.s  made  at  some  of  the  Assemblies  held  during  these  years. 

17.  C.  ami  \V.  II.  163.S-1678.  Laws.  A  copy  from  older  books  made  in  1736,  and  certified 
to  be  correct. 


The  two  following  original  volumes  arc  in  the  State  Library  at  Annapolis  :  — 

18.  Proprietary,  1643-1644.  Contains  proceedings  of  the  Council  sitting  as  the  Provincial 
Court,  proclamations,  commissions,  etc.  .\  part  of  this  volume  has  l>ecn  transcribed  into  one  of 
the  Land-«  )ttice  Records. 

19.  Provincial  Court  of  Maryland.  Records.  March,  i65S-Xoveml)er,  1663.  This  volume 
is  in  bad  condition  and  several  pages  are  wanting.  It  contains  the  records  of  the  Council  as  a 
Court,  oaths  of  officers,  depositions,  etc. 

A  calendar  of  the  state  papers  contained  in  Xos.  1-13  of  the  above  volumes,  and  in 
some  of  a  later  date,  was  compiled  in  i860  by  the  Rev.  Ethan  Allen,  under  the  direction  of 
J.  H.  Alexander.'  No  .systematic  publication  of  extracts  from  these  records  has  ever  been 
made.  After  the  death  of  Mr.  S.  F.  Streeter,  in  1864.  his  large  collection  of  manuscripts 
pertaining  to  the  jirovincial  history  of  Maryland  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Henry  Stock- 
bridge  Esq.,  who  prepared  them  for  publication,  and  in  1S76  some  extracts  from  these  with 
notes  by  Mr.  Stockbridge  were  published  by  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  in  a  volume 
entitled.  Papers  Relating  to  the  Early  History  of  Maryland,  by  S.  F.  Streeter.  This 
volume  contains  the  proceedings  and  acts  of  the  .Assembly  of  1638.  with  a  list  of  the  mem- 
bers and  their  occupations,  the  record  of  the  case  against  William  Lewis,  the  first  will,  the 
first  marriage  license  and  various  court  proceedings. 

The  Legislature  of  Maryland  at  its  January  session.  1882,  passed  an  act  directing  that 


1  This  manuscript  volume  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Maryland  Historical  Society, 
to  the  Calcndai  was  printed  in  1S61. 


An  Indea 


rut    LNGLISH    IN    MARVLAND. 


557 


hll 


he  Court  of 


All  the  recordst  and  iitatc  papiTH  ItelonKinx  to  the  period  prior  to  the  Revolution  he  tranx* 
ferred  to  the  custody  of  tlic  Maryland  llintorical  Society,  ami  appropriating  the  sum  oltwo 
thousand  dollar.H  to  lie  expended  l)y  the  Society  in  the  pul)lication  of  extract*  front  thi'»e 
documents. 

In  if<tj4,  when  the  capital  was  removed  from  St.  Mary's  to  Annapolis,  —  then  called  Anne 
Aiundel  Town,  —  the  Assembly  directed  that  the  records  should  l>e  transjxirted  on  horses, 
and  in  ba^s  sealed  with  the  great  seal  and  covered  with  hides.  The  persons  charjjcd  with 
this  duty  afterward  reported  to  tlie  Assembly  that  they  had  safely  delivered  the  books  to 
the  sherifl  of  Anne  Arundel  County.  There  is  a  lull  list  of  these  volumes  in  the  Journal  of 
the  Lower  House,  and  one  perceives  with  regret  that  the  greater  part  of  them  no  loiigct 
exist.  .Many  state  papers  were  greatly  damaged  during  this  removal,  and  others  were  lost 
in  the  fire  which  destroyed  the  State  House  in  1 704.  When  the  government  of  the  Province 
was  restored  to  Lord  Ilaltimorc  in  1716,  an  act  was  passed  appointing  commissioners  to  in- 
spect the  recorils  and  to  employ  clerks  to  transcribe  and  bind  them  The  preamble  to  the 
act  set  forth  the  loss  of  several  important  records,  and  that  a  great  part  of  what  remainetl 
was  "much  worn  and  damnified;"  which  was  partly  owing  to  the  want  of  proper  books  at 
first.  On  such  general  revisions  of  the  laws  as  were  made  in  1676,  1692,  and  at  other  times, 
it  was  customary  to  make  transcripts  in  a  "  Uook  "i  Laws  "  only  of  those  acts  which  were 
continued  in  force.     The  record  of  the  laws  not  re-enacted  was  then  neglected. 

Very  little  care  was  bestowed  upon  the  state  papers  generally.  Many  of  the  volumes 
cfted  by  li.acon  in  his  Laws  of  Maryinmi,  published  in  1765,  are  not  now  to  be  found.  In 
1835  the  State  iP'rarian  (Kidgely)  made  three  reports  to  the  governor  and  council  upon  the 
early  records,  which  contain  :<.  partial  list  of  those  then  discovered.  He  s.ays  that  in  the 
treasury  department  he  found  "the  remains  of  two  large  sea-chests  and  one  box  which 
had  contained  records  and  files  of  papers  which  were  in  a  state  of  total  ruin."  He  also 
discovered  many  early  a-cords,  whose  existence  had  not  been  suspected,  in  different  public 
offices,  and  some  "  under  the  stairway  as  you  ascend  the  dome." ' 

Other  original  authorities  for  the  history  of  the  Province,  second  in  importance  only  to 
its  own  records,  are  the  documents  preserved  in  the  state-paper  office  in  London.  The 
peculiar  n.iture  of  the  palatinate  proprietorship  of  Maryland,  and  the  fact  that  the  Pro|irie- 
tary  generally  resided  in  England,  have  caused  the  ALiryland  papers  to  be  more  abundant 
than  those  of  any  other  colony.  It  was  customary  to  send  to  the  Proprietary  documents 
concerning  all  the  public  affairs  of  the  Province.  A  large  number  of  these,  as  well  as 
of  the  papers  directly  transmitted  to  the  Privy  Council  or  the  Hoard  of  Trade,  are  in 
the  state-paper  office.''  In  1852  Mr.  George  Peabody  gave  to  the  NLiryland  Historical 
Society  a  manuscript  index,  prepared  by  Henry  Stevens,  to  the  Mp  -land  papers,  then 
accessible  in  that  office.  This  index  contains  abstracts  of  i.72(,  ..ocuments  relating  to 
Maryland  affairs  between  the  years  1626  and  1780:  and  the  abstracts  are  somewhat  more 
full  than  those  in  Sainsbury's  Calendars  of  State  Papers.^ 

Additional  papers  have  been  placed  in  the  state-paper  office  since  the  Peabody  Index 
was  made,  and  it  is  therefore  necessary  to  consult  both  calendars.  There  are  other  man- 
uscripts relating  to  Maryland  in  the  British  Museum,  tlie  Uodleian  Library,  and  elsewhere 
in  England,  of  which  no  calendars  have  been  published.^ 


'  In  i860  another  valuable  report  to  the  gov- 
ernor on  the  condition  of  the  public  records  was 
made  by  the  Kev.  Ethan  Allen,  D.  I). 

*  Cf.  Preface  to  Alexander's  Calendar. 

»  Published  in  the  Master  of  the  Rolls  series. 
[The  Peabody  Index  is  de.scribed  in  Lewis 
Mayer's  account  of  the  library,  1854.  —  En.] 

*  The  Maryland  Historical  Society  has  a 
manuscript  copy  of  some  of  the  Sloane  manu- 
scripts in  the  British  Museum,  pertaining  to  the 
first  Lord  lialtimore  and  Maryland.    Mr.  Alex- 


ander gave  to  the  State  Library  at  Annapolis 
sonic  uf  the  manuscripts  relating  to  Maryland  in 
Sion  College,  London.  .\  number  of  the  Mary- 
land pai)ers  in  the  state-paper  office  h.ive  been 
published  in  Scharf's  History  of  Maryland,  and 
in  the  Ref'ort  on  the  I'hxi'iia  ami  A/arylami 
Poiiiulary  Line,  1873.  The  Journal  of  the  Dutch 
Embassy  to  Maryland  in  1659,  and  some  of  the 
communications  between  the  Maryland  Council 
and  the  Dutch  at  N'ew  Amstcl  have  been  pul> 
lished  in  Documents  /Celatiii£  to  the  Colonial  His- 


\ 


\ 


I 
1 


) 


;■ 


558 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


A  letter  of  Captain  Thomas  Yong  to  Sir  Tobie  Matthew,  written  from  Virginia  in  July, 
1634.  describes  his  interviews  with  Clayborne  and  Captain  Cornwallis,  and  passes  an  un- 
favorable judgment  upon  the 
former.  Yong  gives  an  account 
of  various  i)lots  of  Clayborne 
and  other  Virginians  against  the 
colony  at  St.  Mary's,  and  of 
Clayborne's  refusal  to  attend  a 
conference  which  had  been  ar- 
ranged for  the  adjustment  of  the 
controversy.  The  letter  is  printed  in  Documents  connected  with  the  history  of  South 
Carolina,  edited  by  I'  C.  J.  Weston,  London,  1856,  p.  29,  and  in  4  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.  ix. 
p.  81  (Aspinwall  Papers),  and  in  the  Appendix  to  Streeter's  Papers  Relating  to  the  Early 
History  of  Maryland. 


There  are  scarcely  any  remains  of  the  buildings  erected  in  the  Province  before  1688. 
Lord  B.iltimore  wrote  to  the  Lords  of  the  Committee  for  Trade  and  Plantations  in  1678  that 
"  the  principal  pl.ice  or  town  is  called  St.  Mary's  where  the  General  Assembly  and  pro- 
vincial court  are  kept,  and  whither  all  ships  trading  there  do  in  the  first  place  resort ;  but 
it  can  hardly  be  called  a  town,  ii  being  in  length  by  the  water  ibout  five  miles,  and  in 
breadth  upwards  towards  the  land  not  above  one  mile,  —  in  all  which  space,  excepting  only 
my  own  house  and  buildings  wherein  the  said  courts  and  offices  are  kept,  there  are  not 
above  thirty  houses,  and  those  at  considerable  distance  from  each  other,  and  the  buildings 
(as  in  all  other  parts  of  the  Province),  very  mean  and  little,  and  generally  after  the  manner 
of  the  meanest  farm-houses  in  England.  Other  places  we  have  none  that  are  called  or  can 
be  called  towns,  the  people  there  not  affecting  to  build  near  each  other,  but  so  as  to  have 
their  houses  near  the  water  for  convenience  of  trade,  and  their  lands  on  each  side  of  and 
behind  their  houses,  by  which  it  happens  that  in  most  places  there  are  not  above  fifty 
houses  in  the  space  of  thirty  miles."  ' 

The  principal  building  at  St.  Mary's  was  the  State  House,  erected  in  1674,  at  a  cost  of 
330,000  pounds  of  tobacco.  In  1720  it  was  given  to  the  parish  of  William  and  Mary  to  be 
used  as  a  church;  and  in  1830,  being  very  much  decayed,  it  was  pulled  down,  and  a  new 
edifice  built  in  the  neighborhood.  Lord  Baltimore's  house  —  called  the  Castle  —  stood  on 
the  plain  of  St.  Mary's,  at  the  head  of  St.  John's  Creek.  The  spot  is  marked  by  a  few 
mouldering  bricks  and  broken  tiles,  and  a  square  pit  overgrown  with  bushes.*  At  St. 
Inigoe's  manor,  near  St.  Mary's,  there  is  preserved  the  original  round  table  at  which  the 
first  council  sat,  besides  a  few  other  relics.' 


tory  of  tht-  State  of  AVrc  Vi'rk,  ii.  84  et  stuj.  The 
1S80  Index,  p.  246,  to  accessions  of  manuscripts 
in  the  British  Museum  shows  various  papers  of 
Cecil  Calvert. 

'  A  description  of  the  occupations  of  the 
planters  of  Mar}-land,  and  of  the  culture  of  to- 
bacco by  them  in  the  year  16S0,  is  contained  in 
the  "Journal  of  a  voyage  to  New  York  and  a  Tour 
m  several  of  the  American  colonies,"  by  Jaspar 
I)ankcrs  and  Peter  Sluyter,  published  in  the 
Memoirs  of  the  Lotit;  Island  Ilistorieal  Society, 
vol.  i.  pp.  194,  214-216,  218-221. 

-  An  article  in  Li/>pi>icott's  Miis^azine  for  July, 
1 87 1,  describes  the  topography  and  the  present 
condition  of  St.  Mary's. 

^  There  is  a  fine  portrait  of  the  first  Lord 
Baltimore  in  the  gallery  of  the  Earl  of  Verulam 
at  Glastonbury,  England.     It  was   painted   by 


Mytcns,  court  painter  to  James  \.  An  engraving 
from  it  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Maryland 
Historical  Society.  In  1SS2  a  copy  of  this  por- 
trait was  presented  to  the  State  of  Maryland  by 
John  \V.  Girrett,  Esq.  It  is  engraved  in  Mc- 
Sherry's  Maryland,  p.  21,  as  from  an  original  in 
the  great  gallery  of  Sir  Francis  Bacon;  and  again 
in  S.  II.  Gay's  Popular  History  of  the  United 
States,  i.  485.  An  engraved  portrait  of  Cecilius, 
second  Lord  B.iltimore,  at  the  age  of  fifty-one, 
made  by  Blotling,  in  1657,  is  in  the  possession  of 
the  Maryland  Historical  Society.  Engravings 
of  these  portraits  of  the  two  lords  are  given  in 
the  present  chapter. 

The  Baltimore  arms  are  those  of  Calverts, 
quartered  with  Crosslands.  The  Calvert  arms 
are ;  barry  of  six,  or  and  sable,  over  all  a 
bend    counterchanged.     Crosslands:    quarterly, 


,'  1' 


THE   ENGLISH    IN    MARYLAND. 


559 


The  earliest  historian  of  Maryland  was  George  Chalmers,  whose  Politkal  Annals  of 
the  present  United  Colonies  was  published  in  London  in  1780.  Chalmers  was  a  Maryland 
lawyer,  who  returned  to  England  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution.  He  had  access  to 
the  English  state  papers  in  writing  his  work,  and  his  account  of  Maryland  is  fair  and,  for 
the  most  part,  accurate.' 

The  ablest  man  who  has  written  upon  the  history  of  the  Province  was  John  V.  L. 
McMahon.  He  was  born  in  Cumberland,  Maryland,  in  1800,  and,  after  graduating  at 
Princeton,  began  the  practice  of  the  law  in  Maryland,  where  he  soon  became  one  of  the 
leaders  of  a  very  able  bar.  The  first  volume  of  his  Historieal  view  of  the  Go7<ernment 
of  Maryland  from  its  Colonization  to  the  Present  Day  \in.%  published  in  183 1.  Though 
the  author  did  not  die  till  1871,  this  volume  was  never  followed  by  its  promised  succes.sor. 
The  manuscript  of  the  second  volume  is  in  the  possession  of  McMahon's  heirs.  The 
volume  publisiied  brings  the  history  of  the  Province  down  to  the  Revolution,  but  its 
strictly  historical  part  is  less  than  one  half  of  the  whole,  and  treats  the  subject  only  in 
outline.  The  remainder  of  the  book  is  devoted  to  an  examination  of  the  legal  aspects  of 
the  charter,  the  sources  of  Maryland  law,  and  the  distribution  of  legislative  power  under 
the  State  government.  The  work  is  founded  on  an  original  study  of  the  records,  so  far  as 
was  thought  necessary  for  its  limited  historical  scope. ^ 

The  History  of  Maryland  from  its  first  settlement  in  1633  to  the  Restoration  in  1660, 
in  two  volumes,  by  John  Leeds  ISozman,  was  published  in  1837.  The  manuscript  of  this 
work  was  offered  to  the  State  in  1834,  after  the  death  of  its  author,  on  condition  of  its 
being  printed  within  two  years.  The  offer  was  accepted  by  the  Legislature,  and  the  book 
was  published  under  its  direction.    The  first  volume  is  introductory,  and  the  history  of  the 


argent  .ind  gules,  over  .ill  a  cross  bottony  coun- 
terchangcd.  Lord  Baltimore  used :  (luartcrly, 
first  and  fourth  paly  of  six,  or  and  sable,  a  bend 
countercli.ingcd ;  second  and  third,  quarterly, 
argent  and  gules,  a  cross  bottony  counter- 
changed.  Crest:  on  a  ducal  coronet  proper, 
two  pennons,  the  dexter  or,  the  sinister  sable ; 
the  staves,  gules.  Supporters:  two  leopards, 
guardant  coward,  proper.  Afolto:  Futti  musc/iii, 
parole  fcmine. 

The  first  great  seal  of  the  Province  was  lost 
during  Ingle's  Rebellion ;  and  in  164S  the  Pro- 
prietary sent  out  another  seal,  slightly  different. 
This  seal  had  engr.iven  on  one  side  the  figure  of 
the  Pioprietary  in  armor  on  horseback,  with 
drawn  sword  and  a  helmet  with  a  great  plume  of 
feathers,  the  trappings  being  adorned  with  the 
family  arms.  The  inscription  round  about  this 
side  was :  Cccilius  ahsoliitus  dominus  Terra  Ma- 
rill  et  Avalonia:  Baro  de  Baltimore.  t)n  the 
other  side  of  the  seal  was  engraven  a  scutcheon 
with  the  family  arms ;  namely,  six  pieces  impaled 
with  a  band  dexter  counterchanged,  quartered 
with  a  cross  bottony,  and  counterchanged ;  the 
whole  scutcheon  being  supported  with  a  fisher- 
man 0.1  one  side  and  a  ploughman  on  the  other 
(in  the  place  of  the  family  leopards),  standing 
upon  a  scroll,  whereon  the  Baltimore  motto  was 
inscribed ;  namely,  Fatti  maschii,  parole  femine. 
Above  the  scutcheon  was  a  count-palatine's  cap, 
and  over  that  a  helmet,  with  the  crest  of  he 
family  arms ;  namely,  a  ducal  crown  with  two 
half  bannerets  set  upright.  Behind  the  scutcheon 
and  supporters  was  engraven  a  large  ermine 


mantle,  and  the  inscription  about  this  side  of  the 
seal  was,  Scuto  home  toliintatis  tiue  coronasti  iios 
In  1657  Lord  Baltimore  sent  out  another  scij, 
similar  in  design,  which  was  used  till  1705.  Sub- 
sequent changes  were  made  in  the  seal  and 
ar.ns  of  the  Province  and  State,  but  in  1876  the 
Last  described  side  of  the  Great  Seal  sent  out 
in  1648  was  adopted  as  the  arms  of  Maryland. 
A  full  account  of  the  pedigree  of  the  Calvcrts 
will  be  found  in  An  Appeal  to  the  citizens  of  Marv 
land,  from  the  lei;itimate  descendants  of  the  Balti- 
more family,  by  Charles  Browning,  Baltimore, 
1S21.  [Fuller's  IVorthies  of  Eiii^land  and  An- 
thony Wood's  Athenie  Oxonicnsis  give  us  im- 
portant facts  regarding  the  first  Lord  Baltimore. 
See  John  G.  Morris's  The  Lords  Baltimore,  1874, 
No.  8  of  the  Fund  Publications  t^i  the  Historical 
Society;  and  Ncill's  English  Colonization  in 
A'orth  America,  ch.  xi.  —  Ed.] 

'  [lie  undertook  it  at  the  instance  of  .Sir 
John  I).ilrymple.  Sec  his  chapters  ix.  and  xv. 
See,  also,  his  Introduction  to  the  I/istorv  of  the 
Ki-i'olt  of  the  American  Colonics.  Chalmers  h.-id 
come  to  Maryland  in  1763  to  give  legal  assist- 
.ance  to  an  uncle  in  pursuing  a  land  claim. 
Many  of  his  papers  were  bought  at  his  sale  by 
Sparks,  and  are  now  in  Harvard  College  Library. 
—  En.] 

-  [Comp.ire  George  William  Brown's  Origin 
and  Grmvth  of  Civil  Liberty  in  Maryland,  a  dis- 
course before  the  Historical  Society  in  1850. 
And  Brantz  Mayer's  Calvert  and  Penn,  —  a  dis- 
course before  the  Pennsylvania  Historical  So- 
ciety in  1852.  —  En.] 


/   . 


I. 

t 

!'    II 


!    ' 


56o 


NARRATIVE   AND    CRITICAL   HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Province  proper  is  contained  in  tlie  second  volume.  The  work  is  based  on  an  exact  study 
of  the  original  records,  and  is  a  very  careful  and  accurate  summary  in  great  detail.  Boz- 
man  did  not  have  access  to  the  papers  preserved  in  the  English  state-paper  office,  and 
much  other  material  has  been  brought  to  light  since  he  wrote.  His  strict  pursuance  of 
the  chronological  order  often  results  in  sacrificing  the  interest  of  the  narrative.  The  ap- 
pendi.x  to  the  second  volume  has  a  valuable  collection  of  extracts  from  the  records.  The 
work  as  a  whole  may  be  said  to  furnish  materials  for  the  history  of  the  I'rovince  rather 
than  to  be  the  finished  history  itself.' 

The  History  of  Maryland  from  its  first  Settlement,  in  1634,  to  the  year  1848,  in  one 
volume,  by  James  McSherry,  a  lawyer  of  Frederick  City,  Maryland,  was  first  published  in 
1849.  It  is  written  in  an  agreeable  style,  and,  so  far  as  relates  to  the  peilvd  under  con- 
sideration, gives  a  clear  summary  of  the  leading  occurrences,  but  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  founded  on  original  investigation  of  the  sources. 

In  Burnap's  Life  of  Leonard  C(?/7v;-/,  published  in  Sparks's  American  Biographv." 
there  is  an  excellent  history  of  the  colony  to  the  death  of  Governor  Calvert  in  1647.  Dr. 
Burnap  was  for  many  years  pastor  of  the  Unitarian  Church  in  Baltimore.  His  chief  au- 
thorities were  Bozman  and  Father  White's  Relatio  Itincris. 

To  Mr.  George  Lynn-Lachlan  Davis,  a  member  of  the  Baltimore  Bar,  who  died  a  few 
years  ago,  is  due  the  credit  of  having  settled  the  vexed  question  of  the  religious  faith  of 
the  legislators  who  passed  the  Toleration  Act  of  1649.  His  work  was  based  on  an  ex- 
amination of  wills,  rent-rolls,  and  other  records.  His  conclusions  are  those  stated  in  the 
preceding  narrative.  The  result  of  his  investigations  was  published  in  1855  in  a  volume 
entitled.  The  Day  Star  of  American  Freedom  :  or,  The  Birth  and  Early  Growth  of  Tol- 
eration in  the  Province  of  Maryland.  It  also  contains  a  summary  of  all  that  is  known  of 
the  entire  personal  history  of  each  member  of  the  Assembly  of  1649.' 

The  Rev.  E.  D.  Neill's  Terra  Maria::  or,  Threads  of  Maryland  Colonial  History, 
published  in  1867,  is  a  digressive  account  of  the  career  of  the  first  Lord  Baltimore,  with 
some  notices  of  men  more  or  less  connected  with  the  Province  in  its  early  days.  He 
quotes  many  letters  of  the  seventeenth  century,  but  rarely  refers  to  the  source  from  which 
he  drew  them.*  What  the  volume  contains  relative  to  the  internal  affairs  of  the  Province 
is  not  always  accurate.  Mr.  Xeill  has  published  several  pamphlets  and  articles  on  the 
early  history  of  Maryland,  in  which  he  endeavors  to  show  that  Maryland  never  was  a  Ro- 
man Catholic  colony,  that  a  majority  of  the  colonists  were  from  the  beginning  Protestants, 
and  that  the  Church  of  England  was  established  by  the  charter.^ 


1  [Bozman  was  born  in  1757  and  died  in 
1823.  He  had  iHiblished  in  iSii  a  preliminary 
Slvtc/i  of  the  History  of  MarylanJ  during  the 
tlirtc  first  years  tftcr  its  Settlement.  Some  of  tlie 
old  rejord.s,  supposed  to  have  been  lost  since  he 
used  them,  wtre  found  at  Annapohs  in  1S75,  and 
serve  to  show  the  accuracy  witli  wliich  lie  copied 
them.  Gav's  ropular  History  of  the  United 
States,  i.  515.  —  Ed.] 

^  New  Scries,  vol.  i.x. 

8  [Following  Chalmers,  it  had  been  often 
stated  that  the  Assembly  of  1649  >*'as  Catholic 
by  majority ;  but  four  or  rive  years  before  this 
publication  of  Davis,  Mr.  Sebastian  F.  Streeter, 
;n  his  M,iryliind  Two  Hundred  Years  Ago,  had 
claimed  that  the  Assembly  which  passed  the 
Ti.leration  Act  was  by  majority  Protestant,  for 
which,  so  late  as  January,  1S69,  he  was  taken  to 
task  in  the  Southern  /".t/itc  by  Richard  McSher- 
rv.  M.D.,  who  reprinted  his  paper  in  his  Essays 
and  Lectures.     The  question  of  the  relations  of 


Protestant  and  Catholic  to  the  spirit  of  tolera- 
tion is  discussed  by  E.  D.  Neill,  in  his  "  Lord 
Baltimore  and  Toleration  in  Maryland,"  in  the 
Contemporary  Mez'ietC,  September,  1S76;  by  ]!. 
F.  Brown,  in  his  Early  Reliffious  History  of  Ma- 
ryland:  Maryland  not  a  Koman  Catholie  Colony, 
1S76;  in  "Early  Catholic  Legislation,  1634-49, 
on  Religious  Freedom,"  in  tlie  Ne^u  Englander, 
November,  1S7S.  The  Rev.  Ethan  Allen,  in  his 
]Vho  luere  the  Early  Settlers  of  Maryland?  pub- 
lished by  the  Historical  Society  in  1865,  aimed 
to  show  that  the  vast  majority  were  Protestant. 
Kennedy  also  had  asserted  that  the  Assembly 
of  1649  was  Protestant.  —  Ed.] 

*  [He  says  in  his  preface  that  he  picked  up 
his  threads  from  the  printed  sources  in  the  Li- 
brary of  Congress  while  he  was  one  of  the  Sec- 
retaries of  President  Johnson.  —  Ed.] 

'■'  [The  principal  of  Mr.  Neill's  other  contri- 
butions are  The  Fouvdfr'  of  Maryland  as  por- 
trayed in  Afanuseri/ts,  Provincial  Records,  and 


THE    ENGLISH    I\    MARYLAND. 


561 


The  latest  and  most  comprehensive  History  of  Maryland  is  that  by  Mr.  J.  T.  Scharf, 
in  three  octavo  volumes,  published  in  1879.  This  work  extends  from  the  earliest  period  to 
the  present  day.  Mr.  Scharf  publishes  in  full  many  valuable  documents  from  the  English 
state-paper  office,  among  which  is  an  English  translation  of  the  charter  of  Avalon.i 

Histories  of  Kent,  Cecil,  and  some  other  counties  in  the  State  have  also  been  pub- 
lished.'^ 


The  subject  of  religious  toleration  in  Maryland  —  its  causes  and  significance  —  has 
given  rise  to  much  discussion  both  within  and  without  the  State.  We  shall  refer  only  to 
a  few  of  the  many  pamphlets  and  articles  which  have  appeared  on  this  topic.  In  1845  the 
late  John  P.  Kennedy  delivered  a  discourse  before  the  Maryland  Historical  Society  on  the 
Life  and  Character  of  the  first  Lord  Baltimore.  He  maintained  tfiat  toleration  was  in 
the  charter  and  not  in  the  Act  of  1649,  and  that  as  much  credit  was  due  to  the  Protestant 
prince  who  granted  as  to  the  Catholic  nobleman  who  received  the  patent,  and  that  the 
settlement  of  the  Province  w.is  mainly  a  commercial  speculation.  This  discourse  was  re- 
viewed in  1846  by  Mr.  B.  U.  Campbell,  who  contended  with  so  much  show  of  reason  that 
the  honor  of  the  policy  of  toleration  must  be  attributed  to  the  Proprietary  and  the  first 
settlers,  that  Mr.  Kennedy  felt  called  upon  in  the  same  year  to  reply  to  the  review.'  In 
1855  the  Rev.  Ethan  Allen  published  a  pamphlet  on  Maryland  Toleration,  in  which  he 
upheld  Clayborne's  side  of  the  controversy  with  Lord  Baltimore,  denied  that  Maryland 
was  a  Catholic  colony,  and  asserted  that  protection  to  all  religions  was  guaranteed  by  the 
charter.  This  question  was  also  referred  to  in  the  discussion  between  i.Ir.  Gladstone  and 
Cardinal  Manning,  concerning  the  Vatican  decrees,  in  1875.  Cardinal  Manning  had 
pointed  to  the  toleration  established  by  Catholics  in  Maryland  to  refute  Mr.  Gladstone's 
assertion  that  the  Roman  Church  of  this  day  would,  if  she  could,  use  torture  and  force  in 
mailers  of  religious  belief.  Mr.  Gladstone  replied,  in  his  Vaticanism,  that  toleration  in 
Maryland  was  really  defensive,  and  its  purpose  was  to  secure  the  free  exercise  of  the 
Catholic  religion,  because  it  was  apprehended  that  the  Puritans  would  flood  the  Province.'' 


early  Documents,  published  by  Munsell,  of  Albany, 
in  1876;  and  Eiigiis/i  Colonization  of  America, 
chapters  xi.,  xii.,  and  xiii.,  where  he  first  printed 
Captain  Henry  Fleet's  Journal  of  1631.  Streeter, 
in  his  Papers,  etc.,  gives  an  account  of  Fleet.  — 
Mr.  Neill  also  printed  Maryland  not  a  Roman 
Catholic  Colony,  Minneapolis,  1875.  —  Ed.] 

1  A  manuscript  copy  of  this  charter,  both  in 
Latin  and  English,  is  ni  the  M.iryland  Historical 
Society.  Many  writers,  including  the  Rev.  E.  D. 
Neill,  so  late  as  1871,  in  his  English  Colonization 
in  the  Sci'enteenth  Century,  have  made  the  mis- 
take of  supposing  that  the  charter  of  Maryland 
was  copied  from  the  chartir  of  Carolina,  granted 
in  1629  to  Sir  Robert  Heath.  The  last  two 
named  charters  were  both  copied  from  the  char- 
ter of  Avalon,  issued  in  1623.  [The  Maryland 
charter  of  June  20,  1632,  is  printed  by  Scharf,  i. 
53,  following  Thomas  Hacoii's  translation,  as 
given  in  his  edition  of  the  Laws,  .Vnnapolis,  1765 ; 
where  is  also  the  original  Latin,  which  is  like- 
wise in  Hazard's  Collection,  i.  327.  Lord  Balti- 
more had  printed  it  in  London,  in  1723,  in  a 
collection  of  the  Acts,  1692-17 15,  —  an  edition 
which  Bacon  had  never  found  in  the  Province. 
See  the  Brinley  Catalogue,  No.  3657.  The  Phil- 
adelphia Library  has  an  edition  printed  in  Phil- 
adelphia in  171S.  — Ei).] 

VOL.  III.  —  71. 


■■^  [The  Rev.  John  G.  Morris,  D.D.,  began  a 
Bibliography  of  Maryland  in  the  Historical  Mag- 
azine (Ajjril  and  May,  1S70),  but  it  was  never 
carried  beyond  "  Baltimore."  If  a  topical  index 
is  furnished  to  S^bin's  Dictionary,  when  com- 
pleted, it  may  supply  the  deficiency ;  but  in  the 
mean  time  the  articles  "  Baltimore  "  and  "  Mary- 
land" can  be  consulted.  Of  the  local  works 
references  may  be  made  to  a  few :  George  A. 
Hanson's  Old  Kent,  1S76,  is  largely  genealogical, 
and  not  lucidly  arranged.  T.  W.  Griflith  pub- 
lished in  1821  his  Sketches  of  the  Early  History 
of  Maryland,  and  in  1S41  his  Annals  of  Balti- 
more. J.  T.  Scharf  published  his  Chronicles 
of  Baltimore  in  1874.  David  Ridgely  published 
in  1S41  his  Annals  of  Annapolis  {1649-1872). 
Rev.  Ethan  Allen's  Historical  A'otes  of  St.  Ann's 
Parish  (1649-1S57),  appeared  in  1S57 ;  and 
Georr-c  Johnstone's  History  of  Cecil  County  in 
18S1        Ed.] 

8  [  .\i  r.  Kennedy's  reply  appeared  in  the  United 
Stats  Catholic  A/agazine,  and  Mr.  Michael  Court- 
ney Jenkins  printed  a  rejoinder  in  the  same  num- 
ber.—  Ed.] 

*  [Mr.  Gladstone  was  answered  by  Dr.  Rich- 
ard H.  Clarke,  in  the  Catholic  IForld,  December, 
1S75.  in  a  paper  which  was  later  issued  as  a 
pamphlet,  with  the  title,  Mr.  Glads/one  and  Ma- 


I'. 


s62 


NARRATIVE   AND   CRITICAL    HISTORY   OF   AMERICA. 


Students  of  Maryland  history  are  fortunate  in  possessing  an  admirable  edition  of  the 
laws  ot  the  Province,  compiled  in  1765  by  Thomas  Uncon,  chaplain  to  the  last  Lord  Balti- 
more. It  contains  all  the  laws  then  in  force,  and  the  titles  of  all  the  acts  passed  in  the 
several  assemblies  from  the  settlement.  There  arc  references  to  the  books  where  the  dif- 
ferent acts  are  recorded,  and  numerous  notes  upon  historical  and  legal  points. 

The  chief  impetus  to  the  study  of  the  history  of  Maryland  and  to  the  preservation  of  its 
archives  has  been  given  by  the  Maryland  Historical  Society,  which  was  organized  in  1844.' 
One  of  the  originators  of  this  Society  was  Mr.  lirantz  Mayer,  an  accomplished  man  of 
letters,  who  until  his  death,  two  years  ago,  was  active  and  efficient  in  promoting  its  welfare. 
The  Society  has  a  large  membership  and  occupies  a  suitable  building  in  Baltimore.  Its 
library  contains  about  20,000  volumes,  including  nearly  every  book  relating  to  the  history 
of  Maryland.  The  collection  of  manuscripts  bearing  upon  the  Colonial  and  Revolutionary 
history  of  the  State  is  large  and  valuable.  It  has  also  many  rare  American  maps,  coins, 
and  pamphlets,  and  a  large  collection  of  Maryland  newspapers  from  the  year  1 728.  The 
Society  has  published  about  eight  volumes,  relating  chiefly  to  the  history  of  Maryland. 
It  now  has  a  permanent  publication  fund,  which  it  also  owes  to  the  generosity  of  George 
Peabody. 

Notwithstanding  the  loss  of  many  original  records,  there  is  still  in  the  State  archives 
an  abundance  of  historical  material  which  has  never  been  adequately  worked  up  by  any 
writer.  This  material  is  now  better  known  and  more  accessible  than  formerly.  Many 
documents  in  the  state-paper  office  are  now  being  made  known  for  the  first  time  by  the 
calendars  published  under  the  direction  of  the  Master  of  the  Rolls.  It  is  probable  that 
the  papers  in  the  British  Museum  and  Bodleian  Library  will  also  be  calendared.  This 
varied  treasure  of  interesting  and  important  material  relating  to  the  provincial  history  of 
Maryland  has  never  been  thoroughly  searched,  and  the  history  in  which  a  satisfactory  use 
of  it  is  made  remains  to  be  written. 


^r  ^  /Tr^^^^^^^^^' 


rxland  Toleration.  Mr.  Gladstone  had  reissued 
h  s  I'a/iianism  essays  with  a  preface,  styling  the 
book,  /i^ome  and  'he  A'ewcst  Fashions  in  Religion, 
in  which  he  reiterated  his  arguments. 

It  is  perhaps  largely  owing  to  the  deficiency 
of  early  personal  narratives  bearing  upon  Mary- 
land histor)-  and  throwing  light  upon  character, 
that  there  is  so  much  diversity  of  opinion  regard- 
ing the  interpretation  to  be  \>\x\.  on  the  charter  as 
an  instrument  inculcating  toleration.  The  shades 
of  dissent,  too,  are  marked.  Hildreth,  History 
ef  the  i'nitiJ States,  says,  "There  is  not  the  least 
hint  of  any  toleration  in  religion  not  authori  :d 
bv  the  law  of  England."  Henry  Cabot  Lodge, 
Short  History  of  the  Ent^lish  Colonies,  p.  96,  says, 
"There  is  no  toleration  about  the  Maryland 
charter."  Some  light  regarding  Calvert,  on  the 
side  of  doubt,  may  be  gathered  from  Gardiner's 
Prinee  Charles  and  the  Spanish  Marriage, 

In  Baltimore's  controversy  with  Clayborne, 
the  side  of  the  latter  has  been  espoused  by  Mr. 
Streeter  in  his  Life  and  Colonial  Times  of  Wil- 
liam Claihoriie,  which  he  has  left  in  manuscript, 
and  of  which  an  abstract  of  the  part  relating  to 
Claybome's   Rebellion  is  ^iven   by  Mr.  S.  M. 


Allen  in  the  New  England  Historical  and  Gene- 
alogical Register,  April,  1873.  Mr.  Streeter  wa3 
of  New  England  origin,  a  graduate  of  Harvard 
(1831),  and  had  removed  to  Richmond  in  1835, 
and  to  Baltimore  the  following  year,  where  he 
had  been  one  of  the  founders,  and  was  long  the 
Recording  Secretary  of  the  Maryland  Historical 
Society.  He  contributed  also  in  1868  to  its 
Fund  Publication  (Xo.  2),  The  First  Commander 
of  Kent  Island,  —  an  account  of  George  Evelin, 
under  whose  administration  the  island  passed 
into  Calvert's  control.  This  tract  has  been  re- 
printed in  G.  D.  Scull's  Evelyns  in  America, 
privately  printed  at  Oxford  (England),  iSSi. 
Streeter's  "  Fall  of  the  Susquehannocks,"  a 
chapter  of  Maryland's  Indian  historj-,  1675, 
appeared  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  March, 
1857,  being  an  extract  only  from  a  voluminous 
manuscript  work  by  him  on  the  Susquehannocks. 
—  Ed.] 

'  [Lewis  Mayer  published  an  account  of  its 
library,  cabinets,  and  gallery  in  1854;  and  No.  i 
of  its  Fund  Publications  is  Brantz  Mayer's  His- 
tory, Possessions,  and  Prospects  of  the  Society, 
1867.  — Ed.] 


mm-  ^^ 


d 


dition  of  the 

Lord  Balti- 

assed  in  the 

here  the  dif- 


'4 


INDEX. 


tReference  is  commonly  made  but  once  to  a  book  if  repeatedly  mentioned  in  the  text;  but  other  references  are  ma'^i 
when  additional  information  about  the  book  is  conveyed.] 


^/Vo/  afti/  Gette- 
r.  Streeter  wa3 
te  of  Harvard 
imond  in  1S35, 
year,  where  he 
d  was  long  the 
land  Mistorical 
in  186S  to  its 
rst  Commander 
George  Evelin, 

island  passed 
:t  has  been  re- 
rj  ///  A  merit  a, 
Ingland),  iSSi. 
ehannocks,"    a 

histor)-,  1675, 
^aziney   March. 

a  voluminous 
isquehannocks, 

account  of  its 
554 ;  and  No.  i 
z  Mayer's  fiis' 
of  the   Society^ 


Aa,  Vax  der,  Versameling^  79,  iSS. 

Abelin,  J.  P.  167. 

Accomac,  147,  179. 

Achter  Kol,  429. 

Acomenticus,  charter  of,  364;   river, 

322.     See  Aganienticus. 
Acosta,  map  in  (159H),  196. 
Acquines  (Hawkins),  82. 
Adams,  Annals  of  Portsmouth^  366. 
Adams,    Charles    Francis,   Jr.,    edits 

Morton's  Nev.*   EugUsh   Canaan, 

348  ;    on    "  old    planters  "    about 

Boston  Harbor,  347. 
Adams,  Clement,  36,  41,  43,  44,  47. 
Adams,  C.  K.,  Manual  of  Historical 

Literature y  166,  368. 
Adams,    Henry,  on  the    Pocahontas 

story,  162. 
Adams,  J.  Q.,  on  the  New  England 

Confederacy,  354. 
"  Admiral,"  ship,  171. 
Adventurers  in  Virginia,  127. 
Agamenticns,  i<)o.     See  Acomenticus. 
Aggoncy,  184. 
Agnesr     Baptista,    map  (1554),    218; 

his    jrtolanos,  218. 
Agostino,  77. 

Azricullure  in  New  England,  316. 
Ahasimus,  422. 
Aitzema,  Histoire,,  415. 
Albany,  300,  407. 
Alcocke,  John,  autog.,  338. 
Alden,  John,  in  Duxburjj,  272,  273  ; 

autog.,   26S;    last  survivor  of   the 

signers  of  the   Pilgrims'  compact, 

271. 
Aldsworth,  ^21. 
Alexander,  James,    452 ;   his   Bill  in 

Chancery,  452. 
Alexander,  J.  H.j  556. 
Alexander,  Sir  William,  327  ;  his  map, 

306,   341;  his  gran;,  2'>9;  his  En- 

couragetnent  to  Colonies,  305. 
Alexandria,  province  of,  30(1. 
Allard,  C,  view  of  New  York,  416; 

m.ip  of  New  York,  417. 
Allard,  Minor  Atlas,  384, 
Allen,    Rev.    Kthan,    556, 

St.  Ann's  Parish^  561  ; 

Toleration,  561. 
Allen,  James,  autog.,  319, 
Allen,  Nathaniel,  479. 
Allen,  S.  M.,  5C.2. 
Allen,   Zachariah,   377;  Founding  of 

Rhode  Island,  377. 
Allerton,  Isaac,  273,  276,  277;  autog., 

2(>8;  assistant,  275. 
Allyn,  John,  334  ;  autog  ,  335.  374- 
AIsop,    (Jeorge,    Province  of  Alary- 
land,  555. 
Amadas,  Philip,  loS,  in,  122. 
Amaxons,  118. 


557.   560;^ 
Alary  lana 


America,  part  of  Asia,  69 ;  earliest 
English  publifitions  on,  199;  ear- 
liest instance  of  the  name  on  maps, 

American  Antiquarian  Society,  344. 

Amsterdam,  English  Hrownists  in, . 

Amyrault,  Moses,  474. 

Anderson,  J.  S.  M.,  History  of  the 
Church  of  England  in  the  Colo- 
nies, 155,  286. 

Andress,  Lawrence,  43^>. 

Andringa,  Joris,  397. 

Andros,  Sir  Edmund^  his  rule  in 
Plymouth,  282;  in  Cc  necticut.  335; 
in  Rhode  Island,  339 ;  governor  of 
New  York,  308,  429  ;  administra- 
tion, 4C0;  knighted,  401;  vice-ad- 
miral, 401 ;  arrests  Carteret,  401  : 
portrait,  402  ;  governor  of  New 
England,  407,  444  ;  New  York 
added,  409 ;  in  Massachusetts,  32 1 ; 
imprisoned,  411  ;  interferes  in  New 
Jersey,  433,  434  ;  collects  duties  in 
New  Jersey,  4^1. 

Andros  Tracts^  362. 

Andrus,  Silas,  371. 

Anian  straits,  68,  80,  203  ;  sought  by 
Drake,  in} ;  gulf,  68 ;  regnum,  68. 

"  Ann,"  ship,  292. 

Ann,  Cape.    See  Cape  Ann. 

Annapolis  in  Maryland,  ^35,  561. 

Anne  Arundel  county  in  ^laryland, 
535:  town,  557. 

Anonaebo,  77. 

Antillx',  201, 

Antinomian  controversy,  literature  of, 
349p3S>»352;  in  Rhode  Island,  336. 

Antiquary,  a  London  periodical,  160. 

Apian's  map  (1532),  199. 

Appleton,  \V.  S.,  543. 

Aquednecki  336,  376,  377.  i'f^  Rhode 
Island. 

Arber's  English  Garner,  346. 

Arboledo,  Cape,  77. 

Archaologia  Atnericana,  or  Trans- 
actions of  the  American  Antiquarian 
Society,  123. 

**  Archangel,"  ship,  175,  191. 

Archdale,  324. 

Archer,  Gabriel,  130;  his  Relation, 
131  ;  his  account  of  Newport's  ex- 
plorations, 154. 

Arctic  regions,  Cabot  in,  36,  39 ;  dis- 
coveriesin  1586,42;  bibliographies, 
07.     See  Northwest  Passage. 

Arembec,  170,  185.     See  Norumbega. 

Arenas,  C.  de  'as,  197,  213. 

Argall,  Samuel,  159,  301,  30c  ;  ar- 
rested, 142;  expedition  to  Acndia, 
1^0;  elected  deputy-governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, 141 ;  on  the  Maine  coast,  178, 
i79i  >93  ;  at  Jamestown,  134,  139. 


Arica,  67. 

"  Ark,"  ship,  524. 

Arlington,  Lord,  150. 

Armor,  Goz'ernors  of  Pennsylvania^ 

475- 
Armstrong,  Edward,  510,   516  :   edits 

Budd's  Good  Order,  451  ;  edits  the 

Penn     Correspondence,     506  ;     on 

Penn*s  landing,  513. 
Arnold,  James  N.,  3S1. 
Arnold,  S.  G.,  History  of  Rliode  /i- 

land,  376, 
Arran,  Earl  of,  370. 
Arundell,  Karl  of,  297. 
Asher,  G.  M.,  Hudson  the  Xavigaior, 

t)<.,    104;  List  of  Maps  and  Views 
of  Xe^v  I'tf^A,  417. 
Ashley,  Anthony,  207. 
Ashton,  Robert,  Works  and  Life  of 

Robinson.  286. 
Aspinwall,  Colonel  Thomas,  350  ;  his 

library,    159;  on  the  Narragansett 

Patent,  379;  papers,  1O4. 
Assacuniet,  180. 
Astrolabe,  207. 

Atherton  Company,  338.    See  Narra- 
gansett. 
Atkinson,   Joseph,  History  of  Xew 

ark,  456. 
Atlas,  c.irliest  marine,  207. 
Atwater,  E.  V..,  History  of  New  Ha- 

7'en  Colony^  375- 
Augusta  (Me.),  365. 
Austerfield,  383,  284  ;  map  of  vicinity, 

259;  church  at,  260. 
Avalon,  519,  523  ;  charter,  561. 
"  Ayde,*'  ship,  87. 

Baccalaos,  3i  9.  io»  12,  14,  26,  27,  29, 
32.  37t  4-*.  56,  ici,  185,  203,  213, 
215,  216. 

Backus,  Isaac,  377;  History  of  New 
England,  377  :  Church  History  of 
Netv  England,  377. 

Bacon,  Francis,  aspersions  on  Ra- 
legh, 120  ;  his  Declaration  about 
Ralegh,  121  ;  autog.,  121  ;  his  Cer- 
tain Considerations,  247  ;  Contro- 
versies of  the  Church  of  England^ 
217. 

Bacon,  Leonard,  Genesis  of  the  Neio 
England  Churches,  285  ;  '1  hirteen 
Historical  Discourses,  359,  371  ; 
on  New  Haven's  civil  government, 

«   VS. 

Bacon,  Nathaniel,  Jr.,  151. 

Bacon,  Thomas,  561  ;  Laws  of  Mary- 
laud,  561. 

Bacon's  faws  (Virginia),  152. 

Bacon's  rebellion,  151  ;  authorities, 
164. 

Badajoz,  junta  at,  4,  48. 


W. 


\\ 


5<>4 


INDEX. 


I 


Baffin,    William,   93;  autog.,  04;  .lu- 

thorities,  i/^ 
Baffin's   Bay,  '/> :    Lukt   Fox's  map, 

Bagadiice,  vto.     See  Pentagdet. 

Bagnall,  Atnhuny,  iu> 

Baunall,  Walter,  \2  2. 

Baillie,  K.,  Ana^tptistUy  a88. 

Baker,  yorthatnptotisktre,  457. 

Balboa,  ^.5. 

Ballard,  Edward,  210. 

Baltimore,  Lord.     See  Calvert, 

Baltimore  (town),  histories  of,  561. 

Banitield,  4^1. 

Bancroft,  George,  154,  160,  ifij  ;  on 
the  Cabots,  43 ;  controversy  with 
losiah  Quincy,  37S  ;  on  the  Qua- 
kers, 50(>. 

Baptists,  228,  377;  in  Pennsylvania, 
494- 

Barber,  Conttecticut  Historical  Col- 
UctionSy  375. 

Barcia,  Episayj  Chronologico^  48. 

Barclay,  Alex.,  199,  20a. 

Barclay,  David,  435. 

Barclay,  Robert,  435,  443;  governor 
of  East  Jersey,  436;  autog.,  43'j ; 
his  Apoh^y,  436,  503. 

Barclay,  Robert  (of  our  day),  Inner 
Life,  251,  504. 

Bardolo,  (i.  G.,  26. 

Bnrentz,  217. 

Barker,  James  N.,  Settlements  on  tlie 
Ih'tauuirey  463,  512. 

Barker,  J.  W.,  History  of  Xe^v  Ha- 
ven, 372. 

Barker,  Thomas,  435  :  autog.,  4S4. 

Barlow,  S.  L.  M.,  Bibliotheca  Bi.r- 
loxvianay  \  59. 

Barlow,  William,  Xaz'igator^s  Supply, 
2oS. 

Barlowe,  Arthur,  loS,  122. 

Barney,  C.  G.,  163. 

Barrel,  Charles,  457. 

Barrow,  Sir  John,  Chronological  His' 

tory  of  the  I  'oyages  to  the  A  rctic 

Regions^  97  ;  Life  of  Drake^   79  ; 

Xnval  lyorthies,  102. 
Barrowism,  219,  2^4' 
Barry,   J.  S.,   History  of  Massachu- 

setts,  2S6,  344 ;   and  the  Bradford 

MS.,  286. 
Bartlett,  John  Russell,  Bibliography 

of  Rhode  I  shindy  354,  3S0  ;  Xaval 

History    of  Rhode    Island,,    3 So  ; 

Catalogue  of  the  Library  of  John 

Carter   Broivn^  3S0;    edits  Rfmde 

Island  Records,  377. 
Bartlett,  W.  H.,  Pilgrim  Fathers,  258, 

,184,  292. 

Baudet,  Leven  van  Blaen,  216. 
Bay  Psalm-book.  350. 
Baylie,  Dissuasive,  351. 
Baylies,  Francis,  Memoir  of  Xetv  Ply- 
mouth, 291. 
Bayne,   Peter,   English  Puritanism, 

Beach,  Indian  Miscellany,  167. 

Beare,  James,  102. 

Beauvois,  Eugene,  La  Xorambegue, 

i«4. 
Becher  on  Frobisher,  103. 
Bedford,  Cai>e,  90,  91. 
Beechey,  I  'oyage  to^vards  the  Xorth 

Pole,  98. 
Behaim,  Martin,  his  astrolabe,    207  ; 

globe,  212,  217  ;  'ife  by  Ghillany,  8. 
Bebring's  Straits,  69. 
Belknap,  Jeremy,  American  Biogra- 

phy,  94,  188,  291  ;  on  Pilgrim  history, 

291  ;  founder  of  the  Massachusetts 

Historical  Society,  344  ;  his  life,  344  ; 

papers,  344,  3^8;  History  of  Xetu 

Hampshire,  367. 
Bell,  C.  H.,  on  the  Wheelwright  deed, 

366. 
Belle  isle,  213. 

Belleforest,  CosmographiCy  36, 
Betlingham.    Richard,     governor    of 

Massachu-iv'fis,  318. 
Bennet,  Richard,  14!^,  149,  537. 
Bergen.  422,  423. 
Bergenroth,  57. 


Berkeley,  John,    144,    145  ;    in   New 

Jersey,  422  ;  autog.,  422  ;  sells  his 

right,  430. 
Berkeley,  Sir  Willi.im,  147.  537 ;  a. .tog., 

147  •  governor  of  Virginia,  149 ;  Di:- 

course,  157. 
Bermuda,  216  :  Gates  wrecked  at,  134, 

135.  iS^"-      . 
Bermuda  in  Virginia,  138. 
Bernard,  Recueil de  voiages,  i83. 
Berry,  John,  42S,  436,  443. 
Berry,  Leomrd,  118. 
Bertius,  Peter,  4^1. 
Beschrifvinghe  van  yirginia,  415. 
Bcsse,  Joseph,  on  William  Penn,  505; 

Sufferings  of  tlie    People    called 

Quakers,  359.  5"3- 
Beste,  George,    True   Discourse,    36, 

102,  204. 
Bevan,  Sylvanus,  475. 
Beverley,    Robert,   History   of  '  ir* 

ginia,  164. 
Beiar,  John,  479. 
Bible,  authority  of  the,  227,  229. 
Biddle,  Craig,  507. 
Biddle,  Richard,  Memoir  of  Sebastian 

Cabot,  14,  43. 
Biddle,  William,  441. 
Billings,  Hammatt,  293. 
Billington  Sea,  272. 
Binckes,  397. 
Birch,  Thomas,  Lives  of  Bacon,  121 ; 

General  Dictionary,  121. 
Hiscayan  fishermen,  12. 
Bishop,      George,      Xe^v     Eptgland 

Judged,  359- 
Bishop,  History  of  A  merican  Mann* 

facturcs,  1O6. 
Bittle,  Edward,  515. 
Blackstone,  Wdliam.  autog.,  311. 
Itlackwell,  Captain  John,  495. 
Blaeu  map  (i^^kSs;  of   New  England, 

3S1,  3S4;  atlas,  381 ;  globes,  216. 
Blagrave,  John,  Solace  for  Xaviga- 

fors,  208, 
Blanco,  Cape,  So,  213. 
Bland,  Colonel  Richard,  158. 
Blaxton.     See  Blackstone. 
"  Blessing,"  ship,  ^34. 
Block,  Adrian,  370;  on  the  Connecti- 
cut River,  36S. 
Block  Island,  3S2. 
Blome,  Richard,  Present  State,  etc  , 

3S4,  449-     ^ 
Bloody  Point  (Maine),  367. 
Bloody  Statute,  The,  231. 
Blue  Hills  (Massachusetts),  198,  342. 

See  Cheviot   Hills,  Massachusetts 

Mount. 
Blue  Laws,  371,  372. 
Blundeville,      Thomas,       Universall 

Maps,   etc.,    207;    his    Exercises, 

207,  208,  217. 
Bodega  Bay,  74,  75,  80. 
Body  of  Liberties,  314,  350,  37<- 
Bollen,  James,  autog.,  428> 
Bollero's  map,  200. 
Boiling.  Robert,  141,  163. 
Boiling,  Thomas,  163. 
Bonavista,  Cape,  216. 
Booth's  Bay,  191. 
Bordone,  Libro,  194. 
Boston,   2S2,  2S3  ;   site  of,  visited  by 

Smith,    179;    by    Dermer,    183 ;  in 

Smith's  map,    19S  ;    jiublication  of 

its    Record    Commissioners,     343  ; 

Harbor,   old   planters  about,  347: 

histories  of,  362. 
Boterus,  We  It-he  sc  lire  ibung,  102. 
Bourchier,  Sir  John,  300. 
Bourje,   T.    P.,   map  of   New   York, 

418. 
Bourne,  Edward  E.,  210. 
Bourne,    William,    Regiment  of  the 

Sea,  207,  20S. 
Bouton,    Nathaniel,    363,   366;    edits 

Provincial  Papers,  367. 
Bowden,    Friends   in   America,    314, 

504,  508. 
Bowen,  C.  V^.,  Boundary  Disputes  of 

Connecticut,  374. 
Bowen,  Geography,  185,  188. 
Boyle,  Robert,  356;  autog.,  356. 


Bozman,  J.  L.,  560  ;  History  of  Mary- 
land, 55«). 

Bradford,  Alden,  History  of  Massa^ 
chusftts,  344. 

Bradford  Club,  384. 

Bradford,  William,  notices  of  him,  2Sg  ; 
Plymouth  lUantation,  aSh,  28.^  ; 
fac-simile  of  writing,  2%^,  21^2  ;  will, 
2M9:  Bible,  289;  clescendants,  2%^\ 
Dialogues,  2S9;  letter  to  Wnithrop, 
289:  his  verses,  2H<^ ;  part  autt»or 
of  Mourfs  Relation,  I'/n  ;  Lettur- 
b(Kik,  291  ;  fac-simile  of  record  of 
his  baptiim,  260;  autog.,  2()S,  278; 
at  Plymouth,  273  ;  his'manuscripts, 
2S3  ;  life  by  Cotton  Mather,  283. 

Bradford,  William,  printer,  493,  515, 
516. 

Bradstreet,  Simon,  autog.,  338. 

Brain,  James.  435. 

Brant,  Sebastian,  Ship  of  Fools,  199, 
201,  202. 

Brantly,  William  T.,  "The  English 
in  Maryland,"  517. 

Brasil  Island,  101. 

Brawnde,  Edward,  181. 

Brayton,  G.   A..  Defence  of  Gorton, 

Brazd,  Prisdia,  201 ;  Brasiliam,  201. 

Bruda,  Treaty  of,  395,  415,  421. 

Bremen  (Mame),  365. 

Brent,  Giles,  532. 

Brent,  Margaret,  459;  autog.,  533. 

Brereton,  John,  Brief  and  Tru-;  Re^ 
lation,  187. 

Breton,  Cape.     See  Cape  Breton. 

Brevoort,  J.  C,  his  I'errazano,  12; 
as  an  historical  scholar,  20,  28,  41, 
53  ;  drawings  of  old  New  York,  419, 
420, 

Brewster,  Edward,  137. 

Brewster,  Jonathan,  autog.,  349. 

Brewster,  William,  at  Scrooby,  25S ; 
teaching  Elder,  27^;  date  of  birth, 
287  ;  prmter  while  m  Holland,  2S7  ; 
life  by  .Steel**, 285,287  ;  autog.,  268, 
287;  his  library,  287;  at  Leyden, 
263;  in  Duxbury,  373;  his  sword, 
274;  hischair,  278  ;  Brief  Relation 
of  Xe7V  En^laml,    192. 

Brigham,  William,  on  Jones  of  the 
'"  Mayflower,"  28S  ;  edits  Plymouth 
Laxvs,  292. 

Brinley,  George,  374  ;  Catalogue  of  his 
Library,  211 ;  rich  in  Connecticut 
history,  375. 

Bristol  (England),  2,  5. 

Bristol  (Maine),  365. 

Bristol  mariuscripts,  53. 

Brock,  Robert  A.,  "Virginia,"  127. 

Brockenbrough,  W.  H.,  History  of 
Virginia,  165. 

BrockhoUs,  Anthony,  398,  401,  402, 
404,  4.^5- 

Brodhead,  J.  R.,  History  of  Xew 
York,  413,  414  ;  oration  to  com- 
memorate the  English  Conquest, 
414. 

Bronson,  Henry,  on  early  government 
of  Connecticut,  375. 

Brook,  Lord,  326,  331. 

Brooks,  N.  C.,  554. 

Brown,  Alexander,  on  Virginia  history, 
162. 

Brown,  B.  F.,  560. 

Brown,  G.  W.,  Civil  Liberty  in  Mary- 
land, 559. 

Brown,  Henry  Armitt,  456. 

Brown,  John,  of  Pemaquid,  321. 

Brown,  John  Carter,  his  library,  380  ; 
rich  in  Arctic  books,  97;  autog.,  381. 

Brown,  Nicholas,  381. 

Brown,  Peter,  273. 

Brown  University,  381. 

Browne,  Fox,  his  English  Merchants, 
78. 

Browne,  Robert,  and  Browmsts,  261; 
his  autog.,  261. 

Browning,  Charles,  559. 

Brownists,  219,  248,  261. 

Bruce,  E,  C,  123. 

Brun,  Malte,  Histoire  de  la  Giogra* 
phic,  195- 


Iti  . 


I'i 


INDEX. 


565 


ory  of  Massa' 

cesof  him,  2%) ; 
!tf«,  aSh,  aS«> ; 
,  3S<),  2i)2  ;  will, 
scendants,  3S9 ; 
ler  to  Winthrop, 
9 :  part  author 
»/,  a<>n  ;  l.etlor- 
lie  of  record  of 

lUlOg.,  2*)H,  378; 

his'manuscripts, 
Mather,  2H3. 
rinter,  493.  515, 

tog.,  338. 

'P  0/  Fools f  199, 

*'The   English 


Brasiliam,  301. 

415.  421- 


;  autog.,  533. 
f  ami  Tru-i  Re- 

ape  Breton. 
I'errazaito^   12 ; 
holar,  20,  28,  41, 
i  New  York,  419, 

(7- 

uitog.,  349- 

It   Scrooby,  25S : 

'j\  date  of  birth, 
in  Holland,  2S7 : 

287  ;  autog.,  268, 

287 ;  at  Leyden, 

273  ;  his  sword, 

Brief  Relation 

on  Jones  of  the 
;  edits  Plymouth 

Catalogue  of  his 
h  in  Connecticut 


Virpmia,"  127. 
H.,   History   of 

U    398.   4o»>   402, 

History  of  iVWw 
oration  to  com- 
nglish  Conquest, 

early  government 


n  Virginia  history, 


Liberty  in  Mary- 


Prun<^wick  (Maine),  365. 
Itrydges,  Sir  E-,  Rtstititta,  loj. 
Buck,   W.    J.,   Montgomery   County^ 

509:  Bucks  County ^^xiji, 
Bucklev,  John,  341. 
Budd,Tiiumas,44>  '.  GootiOrtler, etc., 

450,  fH). 

Bi^iKK'  t  rancis, /V/«rf  of  Quakeristu, 

Bulfinch,    Thomas,    Oregon  ami  F.I 

Doratio,  12*1. 
Bulklty.  Gershom,  People's  Right  to 

Election,  375- 
Bulkley,  K'ter,  autoj;.,  35'). 
Bull,  Hetiry,  Memoirs  of  Rhode  Is^ 

land,  37't. 
Bullock,    William,    I'irginia    impar- 


tially examined,  157. 
iurdt-'tt,  CJeorge,  32''. 
Burk,  John,  History  of  I'irginia,  165. 


Burdt-'tt,  CJeorge,  32''. 

•  History  of  i  irgmta,  165. 
Burke,     Edmund,    European    Settle' 


iglish  Merchants, 
id  Brownists,  261; 


ire  de  la  GiogriP 


ments,  50.^ 
Burke,    Bernard,    Commoners,    457 ; 

Landed  Gentry,  457. 
Bu.Ieigh,  Lord,  S6. 

Burlington  (New  Jersey), 432,  441,456, 
huri\A\h  L/fe  of  Leonard  Citl^'ertt  560. 
Burnet,  Gilbert,  Reformation.  248. 
Burney,  I'oyagcs  in  the  South  Sia^-j%, 
Burras,  Anne,  132. 

Burrough,  Edward,  359;  autog.,  359. 
Burroughf  Stephen,  207. 
Burton,  Robert,  English  Hero,  83. 
Burtsell,  R.  L.,  New  Jersey  colonized 

by  Catholics,  4S7> 
Burwell,  Nathaniel,  i^>4. 
Butler,    B.    F.    (of    New    York),    on 

Smith's  History  of  Nexv  York,  4i3> 
Butler*s  Hudibras,  237. 
Butrigarius,  26. 
Butten,  William,  284. 
Button,  Sir  Thomas,  93. 
Button's  Bay,  96. 
Buzzard's  Bay,  7.7S. 
Byllynge,  Edward,  435,  440:  in  New 

lersey,  430;  autog. ,430;  trustees 

of,  432  ;  dies,  442 ;  difficulties  with 

the   Province,   451 ;    tracts  on  the 

difficulty,  451. 
Bylot,  Robert,  93. 
Byrd,  Colonel  William,  145,  148,  158, 

159,  161. 

Cahbll,  N.  F.,  Agriculture  in  Vir- 
ginia, 166. 

Cabot,  Anthony,  18. 

Cabot,  John,  maps  now  lost,  8,  24,  35, 
3ft;  firense  (1497-98),  43;  date  uf 
his  discovery,  44;  career,  i,  52; 
family,  3  ;  first  voyage,  2,  8,  32,  33, 
51,  216;  second  voyage,  3,  8,  57; 
first  printed  notice,  23  ;  letters  pat- 
ent, 37;  portrait,  58. 

Cabot,  Sebastian,  vtappe  monde,  6; 
described,  20,  217;  fac-simile,  22; 
notices  of,  24,  34,  43  ;  rejected  by 
Kohl,  45  .  career,  2,  12,  52  ;  voyage 
with  Pert,  4;  in  Spain,  4,  48;  por- 
trait, 5,  31,  47,^  58;  not  a  knight, 
32;  earliest  notice  of,  innrint,  by 
Peter  Martyr,  14,  15;  lite  of,  by 
Richard  Biddle,  14,  43;  voyage  of 
1516-17,  28;  maps,  39i  41,  44.45: 
Iwes  of,  43  ;  intrig.e  with  Venice, 
/,(,;  refuses  to  return  to  Spain,  51  ; 

f)ension,    51,   56;    on    ascertaining 
ongitude,  207. 
Cabot  family,  58» 
Cabrillo,  ^8. 
"Cacafuego,"  ship,  67. 
Cadwalader,  John,  464, 
Cadwalader,  R.  M.,  Law  of  Groutui 

Rents,  512. 
Cassar,  Sir  Julius,  47  ;  autog.,  205. 
Caines,  island,  68. 
Calamy's  Nonconformist  Memorial, 

252. 
Campbell,  B.  U.,  554.  561. 
Campbell,  Charles,  History  of  Vir- 

ginia,  164. 
Campbell,  J-  W.,  History  of  yirginia, 

164. 
Campbel',  Lord  Neill,  443. 


Campbell's  Lirts  of  the  Admirals, 

\02. 

Calendar  of  State-Papers^  193,  343. 
.SVt*  Sainsbury,  Nncl. 

California,  '>73  ;  visituci  by  I'ortuguese, 
f.H  ;  gdld.  72  ;  (.luli  of,  called  "Mare 
Vermeo,"  79. 

Callender,  John,  Historical  Discoursei 
37''- 

Callunder,  Vojfages,  79. 

Calvert,  Cecilius,  second  Lord  Batti* 
more,  receives  charter  of  Mar>-land, 
520  ;  his  grants  to  sei  tiers,  528;  ajv 
points  Protestants  to  office,  533  ; 
deposed  by  Charles  II.,  53<i;  strug- 
gles to  preserve  his  province,  537, 
539.  IA*^\  succeeds,  541  ;  his  quit- 
rents,  544;  portrait,  546,  55S  ;  dies, 
547  ;  papers,  55.S ;  tracts,  554. 

Calvert,  Charles,  third  Lord  Balti- 
more, 542,  547  ;  contest  wit!.  **enn. 
J4M  ;  struggles  to  preserve  his  prov- 
ince, 552  ;  autm;.,  542. 

Calvert,  George,  first  Lord  Baltimcre, 
517;  autog.,  146,  518;  portrait, 
518,  558;  made  Baron  Baltimore, 
519;  a  Roman  Catholic,  519;  in 
Newfoundland,  519  ;  in  Virginia, 
519;  arms,  520,  55S  ;  dies,  520;  his 
descendants,  520;  tracts,  553,  554. 

Calvert,  George,  the  younger,  524. 

Calvert,  Leonard.  147,  459,  524,  555  ; 
autog.,  524  ;  dies,  533  ;  life  by  Bur- 
nap,  560. 

Calvert,  Philip,  556,  autog.,  535. 

Calvert,  Philip,  the  younger,  540,  542. 

Calvert  pedigree,  559. 

Cambritlpe  Platform,  314,  334,  354. 

Cambridge,  Press  at,  350. 

Camden  Hills  (Maine),  17^.,  190^  191. 

Canada,  101,  313,  316;  as  an  island, 
203. 

Canada  Company,  327. 

Canaries,  islands,  as  the  first  meridian, 

indish.     Sec  Cavendish. 
tntino's  map,  218. 

".ape  Ann,  311  ;  settlement  at,  346. 

Cape  Breton  discovered,  2  ;  landfall 
of  Cabot,  24.  56;  mentioned,  101, 
201,  213,  216. 

Cape  Cod,  381  ;  visited  by  Gosnold, 
173  ;  on  the  old  maps,  197  ;  Pilgrims 
at,  267  :  plan  of  the  harbor,  270. 

Cape  Fear,  213. 

Cape.    See  the  various  names  of  capes. 

Captain's  Hill,  272,  273,  284. 

Captivities,  a  hobby  of  collectors,  361. 

Carey's  Swan's  Nest,  93. 

CarleiU,  J.,  Discourse,  205. 

Carpenter,  Samuel,  493. 

Carr,  Sir  Robert,  421  ;  in  Maine,  364 ; 
autog.,  3SS,  422. 

Cartagena,  63,  80. 

Carter'Br<m*n  Catalogue.  See  Browni 
John  Carter. 

Carteret,  Sir  George,  in  New  Jersey, 
422  ;  autog.,  423  ;  receives  new 
grant,  430;  dies,  433. 

Carteret,  James,  427. 

Carteret,  Philip,  governor,  424,  430; 
autog.,  424  ;  hostility  to  his  govern- 
ment, 426;  relations  with  Andros, 
433  ;  imprisoned,  434. 

Cataya.     Sec  Cathay. 

Cates,  Thomas.  Sum.  uiry,  S2. 

Cathay,  3,  S8,  91. 

Cartier's  I'oyage,  20^. 

Cartwright,  Colonel  George,  aatog., 
388. 

Cartwright's  Admonition,  233. 

Carver,  John,  2S4  ;  at  Leyden,  263  ; 
governor,  271 ;  his  sword,  274;  dies, 
274  ;  his  chair,  278. 

Cary,  Colonel  Archibald,  145. 

Casco,  190,  382  ;  Treaty  of,  361. 

Cass,  Lewis,  515. 

Castine  (Maine),  190,  365.  See  Baga- 
duce,  Pentagtiet. 

Caulkins,  Miss,  History  of  Nor^vich, 
375  ;  History  of  New  London,  375. 

Cavendish,  Thomas,  74,  77 ;  in  Vir- 
ginia, II I ;  portrait,  83 *  voyages,  84. 


Cayley,  Arthur,  Life  of  Ralegh,  121. 

Cedri,  island,  (>7,  '••<. 

Cecil,  Sir  Kobert,  517  ;  autog.,  306. 

Cculv,  Chrisiitpher,  »2. 

Ch.iftin,  John,  44i- 

Challer's  Cajic,  (>o. 

Chalmer'*-  Gtorgc,  Political  Annals, 

159.  3-tu.   4M.  559;    R'-volt  if  the 

American  Colonies,  559. 
Chamberlain,    Joshua,     Maine,    her 

J'lace    in   History^    190,    210,   211, 

3"". 
Champernoun,  305,  3()6. 
Champernoun,  Henry,  105. 
Champernoun,  Sir  Philii),  103. 
Champlain  on  the  New  England  coast, 

174;  on  the  ^Llille  coast,  '91,  193. 
Champlain,  Lake,  337,  3^1,  3S2,  3S3, 

384. 
Chandler,  Pcleg  W..  Criminal  Trials, 

349- 
Charles  II.    proclaimed  in  Massachu* 

setts,  316;  dies,  406. 
Charles  City,  147. 
"  Charles,"  ship,  95, 
CharlKm  Island,  95. 
Charter  Oak,  375.    See  Connecticut, 
Cliasteaux,  213. 
Chauveton,     Histoire    Nout'elle    du 

Nouveau  Monde,    36. 
Chaves,  A'onzo  de,  49, 
Cheeviir.Journal  (fthe  Pilgrims,  390, 
Chesapeake  Bay,  213,  2i'>;  Oe  Laet's 

map  (1630),  125  ;  explored  by  John 

Smith,   131 ;  maps  of  167,  465,  501, 

C25  ;  visited  by  Spaniards,  107.    ^V* 

Virginia,  maps  of. 
Chester,  Joseph  L.,  364. 
Chester  (Pennsylvania),  483. 
Cheviot  Hills  (in  Massachusetts),  198, 

342.     Sec  Blue  Hills. 
Chiapanak,  213- 
Chicneiey,  Sir  Henry,  151,  152. 
Child,  Major  John,  354. 
Child,  I>r.   Robert,  354;  Neiu  Eng' 

lamps  Jonas,  354,  355. 
Childley,      Catharine,      Independent 

Churches,  2S8. 
Chilton,  Mary,  272. 
China,  Gulf  of,  67  ;  routes  through  the 

continent  to,  183. 
Christison,  Wenlock,  505;  autog.,  314. 
"Christopher,"  ship,  65. 
Church,  Colonel  Benjamin,  his  sword, 

274;  autog.,  361;  notes  on  Philip's 

War,   etc.,  3^G   spurious  portrait, 

3''i- 
Church,  "^Iiomas,  autog.,  361  ;  Enter- 
taining Passages,   ^61  ;  edited  by 

Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter,  361. 
Church  members.     See  Freemen. 
Churchill,  Charles,  his  likeness  passed 

otTfor  Colonel  Church's,  361. 
Churchill's  I'oyages,  0. 
Churchyard,  'Ihomas,  on  Fro6isher*s 

I  'oyage,  36,  204. 
Chytrceus,  rarionnn  in  Europa  Hin- 

erum  Deliciie%  9,  21,  45,  46. 
Cibola,  So. 
Cimaronnes,  65. 
Cladera,  Investigaciones^  213. 
Claesz,  I'oyages, -ji). 
Claiborne.     Sec  Clayborne. 
Clarendon,  Lord,  310. 
Clarendon  Papers,  414. 
Clark,  Daniel,  a*  .jg.,  374. 
Clark,     James    S.,     Congregational 

Churches,  285. 
Clark,  Dr.  John,  portrait,  315. 
Clark's  Island,  271,  272. 
Clarke,  Dorus,  371. 
Clarke,  John  (sectary),  330. 
Clarke,  John,  of  Rhode  Island,  33% 

.  337.  33'^- 
Clarke,   Dr.    John,    378  ;    ///  N'^ves 

from  Ncxv  England.^  358,  376. 
Clarke,  Sir  Richard,  187. 
Clarke,  R.  H.,  415,  554,  561. 
Clarke,  Samuel,  Life  of  Drake,  83. 
Clarke,  Maritime  Discor>ery,  205. 
Clarkson,  Thomas,  Life  of  Penn,  50J ; 

Portraiture  of  Quakerism,  504. 
Claudia,  isl'tnd,  213,  316. 


>il 


ij 


566 


INDEX. 


Cljybnme,  William,  144,  14^^  148,  4$H, 
53i,  $2f>;  incites  thr  Indians,  527: 
war  with  Haltimoret  $27  :  regains 
Kent  Island,  sji  ;  his  rebellinn, 
5)3  ;  disappears,  542  :  cnnimi^ 
sinntTt  537;  in  tlK>  archives,  ss'>: 
Vihik's  account  of,  35M ;  defended, 
561,  $t>2. 

Clay{)o(ile,  James,  4S1,  41^2,  497  ;  au- 
((>K.,  4K4  ;  his  letter-bouk,  4v7< 

CIccvcs,  George,  ,122.  323' 

Clement,  John,  History  0/ Femviike's 
Co/ofO't  45'*' 

Clerk,  Robert,  aia. 

CluveriuH,  iHtroductio^  etc.,   1S4. 

Clyrton,  Richard,  35<>,  262. 

Coale,  James,  autog.,  273. 

Coalu,  Josiah,  473,  47(>,  505. 

Coast  names  in  maps.  11^7. 

Cobbetl,  Thomas,  Civtl  Magistrate' i 
Powiry  37S. 

Cod,  Cupe.     St'i'  Cape  Cod. 

CoddiiiKton,  William,  377;  in  Khnde 
IhUnd,  336;  autog.,  336;  portrait, 
37S ;  commission  as  governor  re- 
voked, 378;  controversy  with  Mass- 
achusetts. 378  ;  Demonstration  0/ 
True  LoTt\  37H;  deed  to,  37c>. 

Coddiiigtoii  usurpation,  337,  377.  ^V^ 
RlH}de  Island. 

Codrington.  Thomas,  437,  443. 

Cofrin.  Joshua,  History  of  Ne^vbury^ 

Coke,  Sir  Edward,  300,  307. 

Colburn,  Jeremiah,  Bibliograplty  of 
MassachuS'/tiSy  292,  ihj. 

Colden,  CadwalLider,  on  Smitli's  His- 
tory of  Neav  York,  412. 

Coleman.  James,  Pedigree  of  Penn 
Family^  507. 

Colliher,  S..  Cobtmna  Re  strata ',  or 
English  Sea  Ajffairs^  S4,  1-^4. 

Collier,  J.  P.,  Rarest  Books  in  the 
English  Language^  154. 

Collier,  William,  2W'. 

Collinson,  Richard,  Voyages  of  Frob- 
isker^  99,  102. 

Columbia  College,  411. 

Columbus*  third  voyage,  218 

Colve,  Anthony,  397. 

Commelin,  Isaac,  Begin  en  Voort' 
gnngh,  79. 

Commerce  of  Nev  England,  316. 

Comokt-'e,  216. 

Compass  (sea),  208. 

Conant,  Roger,  311. 

"Concord,    ship,  172. 

Congregationalism  a  modification  of 
Barrowism,  254;  bibliography  of, 
246,  285,  293. 

Connecticut,  first  settled,  310;  "Old 
Patent,"  310  ;  history  of,  330  ;  first 
constitution,  330;  secures  a  charter, 
334,  374  :  quo  warranto  against  its 
charter,  335  ;  charter  concealed,  335; 
first  book  printed  in,  3:j4  ;  sources 
of  its  history,  368  ;  origin  of  name, 
368;  Indian  names  in,  368;  the 
three  towns,  368  ;  original  constitu- 
tion of  them,  368  ;  Say  patent,  3^k)  ; 
notes  on  the  constitutions,  3'^>9; 
royal  letters  to  the  governors,  361^ ; 
laws,  334,  ^71.  374>  375  ;  capital 
laws,  371 ;  disputes  with  the  Dutch, 
373  ;  education  in,  373 ;  charter 
uniting  New  Haven,  334,  373;  col- 
onial secretaries,  374;  genealogies, 
375  ;  early  constitutions,  375  ;  quar- 
rels with  Rhode  Island,  374  ;  boun- 
dary disputes,  374;  Records  pub- 
lished, 375  ;  histories  of,  37^  ;  laws 
under  Andros,  375;  local  hTstones, 
375:  Gazetteer^  376;  bounds  with 
New  York,  391,  398,  399,  405,  414  ; 
claims  to  land  in  Pennsylvania)  463. 
See  New  Haven. 

Connecticut  River  explored,  368 ; 
rights  cjf  the  Dutch  to,  369 ;  Eng- 
lisli  settle  on  it,  369  ;  inap(  i6f/0,  333. 

Connecticut  Valley  Historical  Society, 
344- 

Conner,  P.  S.  P.,  Sir  IVilliam  Penn^ 
506. 


Conrad,  R.  T.,  uj. 

Constable's  hook,  4JI. 

Constitution  of  Govemrr.jnt,  first  writ- 
ten, 330. 

CoMtarini,  49. 

Converse,  J.  H.,  J533. 

Convictf  sent  to\  irginia,  153,  160,545. 
See  VirKinia. 

Coode,  John,  548;  his  rebellion,  551. 

CVike,  John,  28^;  autog.,  2*>8. 

Cjoley,  W.  U..  82. 

Ci)o|)er,  Captain  Michael,  181. 

Cooper,  Thomas,  435. 

Coote,  C.  H.  215. 

Cope,  (jilbert,  510. 

*  lopiapo,  67. 

Copland,  Rev.  Patrick,  144,  166. 

Copley,  Sir  Lionel,  553. 

Copier  in  New  England,  197. 

Cornelius,  Cape,  48<;. 

Cornell,  W.  M.,  History  of  Pennsyl' 
vania,  50*;. 

Cornwall  county,  Maine,  335. 

(  ornwaltis,  Thomas,  534,  528;  autog., 
5M 

Coroiit-lli,  ma()  of  New  England,  384, 

Cortaniberl,  E.,  217. 

Cortereal,  5(1,  (n) ;  Terra  Cortesia,  201  ; 
Cortereali,  201. 

Cortes,   Martin,  Art  of  JVavigation, 

207  ■ 

Cortes  conquest  of  New  Spain,  204. 

Cosa,  Juan  de  la,  his  map,  2,  8,  194, 
217;  fac-simile,  M. 

Cosmografihite  Introduction  214. 

Cothren,  \\' .,  Ancient  H^oodbnry ,  sy $. 

Cotton,  John,  writings,  255  ;  Iray  of 
the  Churches  Cleared,  334i  35i  J 
Mosesy  his  yudiiials^  $$0;  portrait, 
351;  his  books,  351  ;  controversy 
with  Roger  Williams,  351,  378; 
with  HcM)Ker,  3S2;  Blmtdy  Tefut^ 
351;  Keyes  of  Heave n^  351;  Afilk 
for  BabeSy  352:  and  the  Cambridge 
Platform,  354 :  tracts  edited  by 
Guild,  37;'- 

Cotton,  John,  of    Plymouth,  autog., 

35'»- 

Cotton,  Josiah,  291. 

Coxe,  Rrinton,  452. 

Coxc,  Daniel,  442. 

Cozones,  island,  79. 

Cr.idock,  Mathew,  311  ;  autog.,  311. 

Craig,  Neville  H.,  514. 

Crandall,  John,  37S, 

Crane  Kay,  382.     See  Plymouth. 

Craney  Island,  1 1 1. 

Crashaw,  Ralegh,  133. 

Crashaw,  William,  136;  sermon,  155. 

Cressap,  Thomas,  514. 

Creuxius,  map  of  New  England,  382  ; 
Historia  Canadensis,  383. 

Crispin,  William,  479. 

Croatoan,  112. 

Croese,  Gerard,  Historia  Quakeria>ia^ 
503, 5"4- 

Crosby,  Early  Coins  of  A  fnerica,  543. 

Cross-staff,  207,  208. 

Croswell,  Edwin,  372. 

Croswell,  Rev.  Harry,  372. 

Croswell,  Sherman,  372. 

Croswell,  Rev.  William,  372. 

Cro7vninshii'ld  Catalogue.,  206. 

Cruden,  History  of  Gravesend,  2oj. 

Cuba,  name  applied  to  North  America, 
201, 

Cudworth,  James.  359. 

Cullick,  John,  autog.,  374, 

Culpepper,  Lord,  150,  152. 

Cumberland  Isles,  90,  91. 

Cunningham,  William,  Costnographi- 
I  all  Glasse,  200 

Curteis,  G.  H.,  Bampton  Lectures, — 
Dissent  in  its  Relation  to  the 
Church  of  England^  252,  253. 

Cushman,  David  Q. ,  History  of  Sheep- 
scot,  365. 

Cushman,  Mary,  283. 

Cushman,  Robert,  at  Leyden,  263; 
negotiates  in  London,  266;  in  Ply- 
mouth, 275;   his  Sermon,  290. 

Cushman,  Thomas,  autog.,  271. 

Cushman  Genealogy,  391. 


Cutt,  John,  310. 
Cuttyhunk,  173,  188. 
Cyp|K)  Bay,  67. 

Dalb,  Sir  Thomas,  117;  governor  ol 
Virginia,  138;  sails  f()r  Engt.ind,  141. 

Ualrymple,  E.  A.,  554 ;  dies,  554  ;  his 
library,  554 


^/ 


Dalrymple,  Sir  lohn.  539. 

Daly,  Charles  P.,  Early  History  Oj 


Cartography,  9,  318. 
iRiv 


Dainariscotta  River,  x^ya, 
Damariscove  Islands,  191. 
Danby,  Sir  Thomas,  458, 
Danckaerts,  see  Dankers. 
Danckers'  Atlas,  417  ;   map  ot  New 

York.  417. 
Danfortli,  Thomas, in  Maine,  33f> :  an« 

log.,  326. 
Dankers,  JaHi>er,ytf«r«rt/,  420, 
Dankers'  aim  Sluyter's  fournalj  505, 
,     358. 

Danvers,  Sir  John,  158. 
Dapper,  Die    nnbtkante    neue   iVelty 

184. 
Dare,  \  irjfinia,  114. 
Darnall,  (..,  511. 
U*Ave/ac,  217. 
Davenani,  Sir  William,  536. 
Davenport,  John,  portrait,  332  ;  autog., 

332;  Civil  Government  in  a  Ne^o 

Plantation,  371  ;  memoir  by  Dex- 

ter,  375 
Davies,    James,  /  oyage   to   Sagada- 

hoij  192. 
Davies,  Richard,  autog.  4S4. 
I)a  Vinci,  Leonardo,  his  map,  14,  314. 
Davis,  G.  L.   L.,  Daystar  of  Atner^ 

itan  Freedom^  $<yo. 
Davis,  J.,  /-Vrj/  Settlers  of  I'irginiay 

1()2. 

Davis,  Judge  John,  291. 

Davis,  John,  of  Sandridge,  navigator, 
73.99;  voyages,  K«>:  autog. ,89:  au- 
thorities, (j9  ;  his  World  s  Hydro- 
graphical  Description,  9*^,  205  ;  his 
niaps,9<>;  Seaman*s  Secrets^  307 

Davis,  John,  of  Limehouse,  9t). 

Davis,  William  T. ,  on  the  Pilgrims, 

284,  3f>0. 

Davis,  W.  W.  H.,  Bucks  County,  510. 

Davis  Straits,  89. 

Davis  Island,  t>o. 

Davison,  William,  358. 

Day-breaking,  7  he,  355. 

Day,  Sherman,  Historical  Collections^ 
508. 

Daye,  Stephen,  350. 

Dealy,  P.  K.,  415. 

Dean,  John  Ward,  Memoir  of  Nw 
ihaniel  Ward,  ^50. 

Deane,  Charles,  his  library,  passim ; 
on  the  Cabots,  i  ;  on  Virginia  his- 
tory, i53-»55»  158,  i5y»  tby;  on  the 
Smith-Pocahontas  story,  161  ;  edits 
Hakluyl's  ll'esterne Plantings  208  ; 
notice  of  J.  G.  Kohl,  2ot);  on  the 
Popham  question,  210;  on  Smuh's 
A'«/'  England  Trials,  3 1 1 ;  oi, 
John  Smith,  213;  interest  in  Pil- 
grim History,  259,  260,  284,  285 ; 
edits  Plymouth  Patent,  275  ;  edits 
Bradford's  History,  286 ;  edits  Brad- 
ford's Dialogue,  28ij ;  on  Roger 
Williams,  290;  edits  Cushman's 
Sermoff,  291 ;  on  '*  New  England," 
395;  on  the  Narragansett  Patent, 
379;  on  J.  F.  Watson,  509. 

De  ury,  Voyages,  123,  167. 

De  Bure  globe,  214. 

De  Costa,  B.  F.,  on  "  Norumbega," 
169;  Northmen  in  Maitte,  185; 
Cabo  de  Baxos,  18S,  197 ;  Foot- 
prints  of  Miles  Standish^  290;  edits 
Voyage  to  Sagadahoc,  190,  192; 
Hudson^ s  Sailing  Directions,  193  ; 
Mount  Desert,  194  ;  Verrezano 
the  Explorer y  199. 

Dee,  Dr.  John,  196;  his  map  (15801, 
igfj;  diary,  171,  196. 

Deerficld,  attack  on,  384. 

De  Forest,  J.  W.,  Indians  of  Con^ 
necticut,  368. 


I 


INDEX. 


567 


17 ;  governor  ol 
>ir  KiikI'""!,  141. 
;  dies,  554  ;  hi> 

139- 

r/y  //iitirrjt  0/ 


S8. 
rs. 
;  map  "I  New 

Maine,  3"'  '■  ai>- 

Ma/,  420. 

's  Journal^  505, 

K, 

Htt   Hiut  Welt, 


1.  53''- 

rait,  333;  autog., 
nunt  ill  a  Nrtu 
nenuiir  by  Uex- 

'jf**   to  SagttUii- 

Ids  map,  14,  214- 
ystar  0/  Anier. 

frs  of  I'irginia^ 


Iridge,  navigator, 
;  autog.  »8<);  au- 
HoritVs  Hydro- 
tiou^ffi),  2(j5  ;  liis 
i*s  Secrets,  207 
houst* ,  9<^>> 
311  the  Pilgrims, 

tcks  Cffunty^  510. 


ricai  Collections., 


Memoir  of  Na^ 

ibrary,  passim  ; 
on  Virginia  his- 
'59»  <67 1  ""  *^^ 
story,  i6i  ;  edits 

Piantittg-^  208 ; 

il,  2o<);  on  the 

10;  on  Smith's 
'riti/Sf    211;    Oi. 

nierest  in    Pil- 

2()o,  284,  285 ; 
tfent,   275  ;  edits 

286;  edits  Brad- 
2H() ;  on  Roger 
dits    Cushman's 

New  England,*' 
igansett    Patent, 
oil,  509. 
167. 

'  Norunibega," 
m   A/aitte,     1S5; 

8.S,  197  ;  Foot- 
tuiish,  290;  edits 
ahoc,  190,  192 ; 
Directionsy  193 ; 
94  i     Verrczano 

his  map  (1580', 

_.84. 
Indians  of  Con^ 


auttm-, 
in  Vir- 
aulog., 


De  Laet,  hir  map  of  Virginia,   115; 

map    of      ihe    Chesapeake,    167 ; 

Niemve  W-  rddty  184  ;  map  of  New 

England,    i^i. 
Delatield,  M.  I...  4i3- 
Delaware  Uay,  ij;,  42.1,  4'>S' 
Delaware,  northern   boiimli:   of,  477  ; 

bought  by  Penn,  \-*^\  cunfirmecl  to 

Penn,  4*^<>  '•  menti^med,  S4^i  549 
De  la  Warre,  Lord,  Kf/ation,  Si,  156 ; 

governor  of  Virginia,   \\\ 

ij(  ;  goes  to  Virginia,  1 1'> 

guiia,    142 ;   iMirtrait,    142 

15'.. 
"  iJeliverance."  ship,  i.U'- 
Delltliaven,  293  ;  Pilt;rinis  at,  2'J7. 
Demarcation,  jiapal  line  of,  4. 
Deuisim,  Uaniel,  auiog.,  338. 
Deulson,  (Jeorgc,  autog.,  33S, 
Dennin,  RobL-rt,  14S. 
Dennifi,  Saniut'l,  417. 
Deniinville,   415;    and    the    Iroquois, 

40S. 
Denlnn,  Daniel,  Bruf  Description  of 

Xi-w  i'ori-,  419. 
De  Pci/sler,  ( ieneral  j.  W.,  415- 
De  (^nir,  104. 
Derby  (^Connecticut),  375. 
Dermer,  Cantain,  iSi-183,  194. 
Desolation,  land,  91,  i<>o. 
De  Vrics,  I'.ivid  Pielerson,  422. 
Dexter,  I'.  It.,  "The  Pilgrim  Church 

and  Plymnulh  Colony,"  257;  /./'A' 

of  John  I)iive>i/>or/,  375 ;  on  Gotfe 

and  Whallev,   37.i :  on  relations  of 

New  Netheriandaiid  New  England, 

^  375- 

Dexier,  ( leorge,  First  I  ojti^e  of  istl' 
Iwrt,  1S7. 

Dexter,  Henry  M.,  CoPtgregational' 
ism,  338,  J39.  245,  240,  2tj3  ;  his 
historical  labors,  246  ;  his  bibliog- 
rafihy  of  Congregationalism,  240  ; 
visits  to  Scrooby,  284,  285  ;  interest 
in  I*ilgrim  history,  jS^;  explores 
their  Leydcn  life,  j8S  ;  edits  jAwr/'j 
Ke/ittion,  288,  20(» ;  edits  Church's 
Ktifertainittg  l^tssiiges,  yn  ;  As  to 
Roger  li'iiTiams,  378;  recovers  a 
tract  by  Williams,  378. 

**  Diamond,"  ship,  134. 

Diarinm  Europaum,  496. 

Digges,  Sir  I>udley,  94,  loj. 

Diggcs,  Edward,  149. 

Diman,  J.  E.,  edhs  Cotton's  Reply  to 
Williams,  378. 

Dipping-needle,  207. 

'*  Discovery,"  ship,  91-93,  128,  173, 
_289. 

Disraeli,  Isaac,  Amenities  of  Litem- 
ture^  122. 

Dissenters,  2Ji  ;  in  Virginia,  14S.  See 
^  Nonconformists. 

Dixon,  Jeremiah,  autog.,  4S9. 

Dixon,  William  Mepwortli,  Wiliixm 
Penn,  506. 

Dixwell,  Colonel  John,  374.  See  Re- 
gicides. 

'*  Dominns  Vobiscum,"  ship,  185. 

Doncker,  Hcndrick,  New  England  in 
his  Paskiiert,  384. 

Dongan,  Colonel  Thomas,  439;  gov- 
ernor of  New  York,  403, 407  ;  autog., 
403  ;  cliecks  Penn's  attempt  to  ex- 
tend bounds  of  Pennsylvania,  404  ; 
retires,  409;  references,  415. 

Doppelmayr,  212. 

Dorchester  Anti{|uarian  Society,  344. 

Dorchester  Eishing  Company,  311. 

Dorr,  Henjamin,  509. 

Dorr,  H.  C.,  Planting  of  Provide  tee, 

^  377- 

Doughty  executed,  66. 

Douglass,  William,  346;  Summary  of 
British  SettlementSy  etc.,  346. 

"  Dove,"  ship,  524. 

Dover  t  New  Hampshiret,  327  ;  Neck, 
326 ;  Hilton  patent  of,  367.  See 
Hilton. 

X>owning,  Sir  George,  333  ;  intrigues 
of»  387,  389;  pamphlets  against, 
415 ;  his  agency,  415  ;  Downingiana, 
4»5. 


Doyle,  Ji  A.,  The  English  in  Amtv 
tea,  16H. 

Drake,  Krancis,  207;  with  Hawkins, 
4*3  ;  called  "  The  Drag»m,"<J4  ;  voy- 
ages to  West  I  ndics,  (14  ;  autog.,  h$  ; 
sees  the  Pacific,  r>s  ;  vdyage  round 
the  world,  (>f  ',  on  northwest  coast, 
fx> ;  and  the  Indians,  7*1;  takes tms- 
session  of  the  country,  72  ;  aullior- 
ilies,  ytf  ;  //  'orld  Encompassed,  74, 
79;  ibir  Francis  Drake  Keziied, 
79,  82;  discovers  California  coa^t, 
465;  at  home,  73;  knighted,  73; 
again  with  Hawkins,  73;  dies,  73  ; 
crowned  by  the  Indians,  8.);  l,t 
I'oyag*  de  Drack,  79;  Le  I'oya^e 
Cnrienx,  7*; ;  Expeditio  Franc isci 
Draki,  8<, ;  portrait,  81 ,  84,  1O8, 4O5  ; 
his  library,  81  ;  Cates's  Summary, 
82,  iji;  expedition  with  Norris, 
82  ;  his  !og-Dook,  82  ;  Maynarde's 
account,  82  ;  lives  of,  83  ;  biblioera- 
phy  of,  84  ;  Joitrnalen  van  drie 
t'oyagien,  84;  lale-*t  notices,  84; 
at  Roanoke  Island,  112;  on  the 
New  England  coast,  18S. 

Drake,  S.  C.,  Hesrarches  among  the 
British  A  rehires,  i(>u  ;  Booh  of  the 
Indians,  2*/) :  editor  of  Itaylies' 
Xe7v  J'lynionth,  2i)i  ;  accounts  of, 
3^>o;  reprints  tracts  on  Philip's  War, 
3(»o;  (Jld  Indian  Chronicle,  3'-); 
Narrative  Remarks,  ^(n  ;  History 
of  King  Phihp's  ll'ar,  361  ;  edits 
Increase  Mather's  Plariy  History 
of  Xe7v  F.ngland,  36 1  ;  edits 
Hubbard's  Xarrative,  jfn  ;  edits 
Cliurch's  Plntt rtaining  J\issages, 
3^1  ;  History  of  Boston,  3O2 ;  Afe- 
moir  of  Prince,  34O. 

Drake's  Hay,  '>9 ;  where  was  it?  74, 
80. 

Dresser,  Matthxus,  Historien  von 
China,   123. 

Drew,  John,  91. 

I  >rogCO,  ^f^,   lOI. 

Drummond,  John,  435. 

Du  Creux.     See  Creuxius. 

Dudley,  Joseph,  portrait,  320;  autoff., 
320,  356  ;  president  f  the  Council, 
320,  407. 

Dudley,  Robert,  his  maps,  74;  Ar^ 
cano  del  Mare,  74,  ii>4,  196,  303; 
his  Coast  of  New  Albion  map,  70, 
77  ;  map  of  New  England,  381. 

Dudley.Tliomas,  205  ;  Letter  to  Count- 
ess of  Lincoln,  346. 

Duke's  Laws,  391,  414,  510,  511.  See 
Vork,  Duke  of. 

Dungan,  Rev.  Thomas,  494. 

Dunlap.  William.  History  of  New 
Netherlands  and  Neiv  Vork,  413. 

Dunloi>,  James,  on  the  Penn-Baltimore 
controversv,  514. 

Duponceau,  P.  S.,  512,  513. 

Durfee,  Job,  377. 

Durrie,  D.  S.,  Index  to  American 
Genealogies,  289. 

Dusdale.  Robert,  441. 

Dutch,  The,  on  the  New  England 
coast,  193  ;  on  the  Connecticut. 
3(jo;  in  Pennsylvania,  494,  515; 
embassy  to  Maryland,  557.  See 
New  Netherland. 

Dutch  Gap,  138. 

Duxbury,  map  of  harbor,  272;  settle- 
ments at,  273. 

Dwight,  Theo. ,  Jr.,  History  of  Con- 
necticut, 375. 

Dyer,  Mary,  505. 

Dyre,  William,  440. 

East  India  Ciimpany,  92,  loj. 
East  Jersey,  population  of.  436;  laws, 

437;    Brief  Account  of   438,449; 

Board  of  Proprietors,  439  ;  bounds 

with  New  Vork,  442;  Records,  452. 

See  New  Jersey. 
Easter  Point,  ifo. 
Eastman,  .S.  C,  Bibliography  of  Ne^M 

Hampshire,  3O8. 
Easton,  John,  Narrative  of  Philip^s 

War,  360. 


itory 


Eaton,  Cyrus,  History  of  Thomaston, 

etc.,  ir^). 

Eaton,  Krancis,  autog.,  268. 

Eaton,  Theophilus,  333,334:  memoir, 
371  ;  cmle  of  laws,  371  ;  Netu  Ha- 
ven^s  Settling  in  New  Englandt 
.154.  37'- 

Ebeling,  Professor,  Erdbeschretbung 
von  A  merica,  y^. 

Eden,  Richard,  35  ;  Treatise  of  the 
Newt  India,  2;,  1(^9,  204  ;  fac-simile 
of  title,  2«jo ;  Decades,  14,  2i>,  30,  35, 
47,  2<>'i;  accpiainlance  with  .Sebastian 
Cabtil.  3<i ;  A  Brief  Correction,  etc., 
201  ;  edits  Cortes  Art  of  Naviga- 
tion, 307,  208 ;  Book  concerning 
Navii^ation,  207. 

Edmundson,   William,  494;    Jourttai, 

45-1.  5"3-  . 

Education  in  Connecticut,  373;  in 
Virginia,  early  etTorts,  144  ;  in  Penn- 
sylvania, 4>^2. 

Edw.ird  \'l.,  autug, ,  6. 

Edwards,  Edward, /.^^/frt/t-^A,  122. 

Egle,  W.  H.,  History  of  Pennsyl- 
vania^  508. 

Elbridge.321. 

El  Dnratio,  iiO,  136, 

Etdridge,  John,  430. 

Elephants,  186. 

Eliot,  John,  the  .Apostle,  31s:  his  la- 
bors, 355  ;  autog.,  35'> ;  Indian  Bible, 
35');  letters,  35'i ;  portrait,  35'! ; 
Christian  Commonwealth,  35') ; 
Tracts,  35')  ;  Briefe  Narrative, 
35'!  ;  and  the  Hay  Psalm-book,  350. 

Eliot,  John,  Jr.,  3''"- 

Elizabeth,  (Jueen,  autog.,  i(rf>. 

Elizabeth  (New  Jersey),  424;    histo 
of,  45'). 

Elizabeth  Islands  (Tierra  del  Euego), 

Elizabeth  city,  \^^^ 

'*  Elizabeth,"  ship,  65,  ()o,  139,  173, 

Elizabethtown  Hill  in  Chancery,  452; 

answers  to,  452,  453. 
Ellis    Arthur    H.,    History  of  First 

Church  in  Boston.  2-^(t,  354. 
Ellis,  tieurge  E.,  "Religious  Element 

in  the  Settlement  of  New  England,'* 

2u}\  on  intruders  and  dissentients  in 

Massachusetts,  378;   Life  of  If^il- 

liain  Penn,  5fj6. 
P-lIis,  Thomas,  account  of  Frobisher's 

voyage,  102. 
Elton,  Romeo,  edits  Callender's  Dis* 

course,  376;    Life  of  Roger  li^il- 

Hams,  378. 
Emiey,  William,  441. 
Emott,  James,  437. 
Endicott,  John,  sent  to  New  England, 

311;  portrait,  317;  autog.,  317;  at 

Salem,  346. 
Endic<)tt's  company  at  Salem,  242. 
Endicott  Rock,  329. 
England,  her  title  to  North  America. 

ii  39(  40,  41  ;  laggard  in  coloniza- 
tion. 184. 
English  in  New  York,  The,  385. 
English  Public  Record  Office,  343. 
Engronelant.     .5"^^  Greenland. 
Epenow,  180. 

Erasmus's  Encomium  of  Folly^  237. 
Eriwomeck,  467. 
Esopus,  3()o. 
Essex  Institute,  344. 
Estland,  roi. 
Estotiland,  91,  101. 
Etechemins,  382. 
Etting,  F.  M.,  474. 
Evangelical  and  Literary  Afagagin*, 

16S. 
Evans,  B.,   Early  English   Baptists, 

252. 
Evans,  Charles,  504:  Friends  in  the 

Seventeenth  Century,  504. 
Evelin,  Robert,  458;    Directions  for 

A d7>enturers,  459;  autog.,  458. 
Evelyn,  George,  562  ;  at  Kent  Island, 

528. 
Everett,  Edward,  on  the  Pilgrims,  293. 
Evertsen,  397. 
Exeter  (New  Hampshire),  329. 


i 

!  1 


;   ' 


-^ 


568 


INDEX. 


Fabritius  Jacdb,  491. 
Kiiirbairn,    Henry,   (lalcn< 


nc«    of   Ptnn 


j^i :     Customs  0/  Xrw   Enehi 
.i'>3 :  Rfth  to  n'hite,  255;  Att- 


FairhcU)  il'ntiiiecticut),  jjj. 

Kairnuii,  TliunuK,  4«>4. 

**  Frtlonj,"  Hhip,  i(y». 

Falklanf)  IhUiuK  '>'>• 

Kalkiicr,    UavuI,   joi,   50s;    CurieuM 

XtuhruMtt  50J, 
FjlliiiK  Creek,  1451  mauacre,  lUy. 
F<iUe  Cape,  4H<^. 
Fanner,  John,   y>^ ;    etlita   Uelknap't 

//isiory,  t^.M. 
Farmer    anil    Moore,     CalUction*    0/ 

New  Hamfuhirt,  367. 
FanilloncM,  7;. 

F.irrar.  Canon,  on  Kalegh,  tj6. 
Farrar  ft  Nlatul,  1  iS. 
Farrc,  Klias,  441, 
Farrer,  J(»hn.  Distovtry  of  Xtw  Brit- 

aine,  map  in,  4''»      Stt  Ferrar. 
Fe.ir.  Cape.     .V<v  Capo  Fear. 
FcailiLTHtone,  Kicliard,  \\\. 
Fell,  MarK^ret.  ^04. 
Fell,  J.    H,,   .141;  History  0/  SaUmt 
"  '    "         EneUina., 

-     j5;  AVtV^j- 

iattiKiil  I/i$t>*ry  of  AV»c  England^ 

3y> :     arrangcil    Nlassachuselts  ar- 

cnivcft,  \\\. 
Fcndall,  Josias  540,  541,  541;  autog., 

540 ;  arrested,  54H. 
Fenwick,  ( ieorKe,  \\i. 
Fenwick,  Jnhn,  rroposah^  440;  buys 

grant   in    New  Jersey,  4v»;    comes 

over,    4,(1  ;    ^  prisoner   to  Antlros. 

431;  released,  4.U :    represeniaiion, 

441 ;  memoir  by  Johnson,  45^;  //«- 

torical    A  c count    of    Sa/em^    455  ; 

history  of  his  colony  by  Clement, 

45'^. 
Fenwick  of  Connecticut,  370. 
Ferdinando,  Simun,    113;    in   Norum- 

be^a,  171,  iS*'. 
Ferrar.  Oumina  Virginia,  her  map  of 

the  Chesapeake,  etc.,  i'»M. 
Ferrar,  John,  i'kS.     See  Farret, 
Fcrryland,  ji'i. 
Fesscnden,  History  0/  H  'arrgn^  Rhode 

Ji/itud,  2<f*. 
Figurative  map,  .^Si, 
Fin.cus,   Orontius   and   his   map,    10, 

II. 
**  First-comers"  to  Plymouth,  202. 
Fisher,  J,  F.,5ij;  on  William  Penn, 

Fisher,  Mary,  505:  autog.,  314. 
Fisheties,  p;rant  of,  2<f-> :    act  against 

monopolies   of,  298,   Zijg,   300,   301, 

107. 
FitE(  Jeffrey,  Life  of  Drakt,  S3. 
FilzHugh,  Colonel  William,  iM, 
Five  Nations.     .SV**  Iroquois. 
Fleet,  Henry,  526;  his  yonrtuil,,  ^(n. 
Fletcher.   Francis,  in  the   IVcHd  En" 

comfassedy   79 ;    Drake's  chaplain, 

Florida,  25.  37,  42,  201 ;  early  described 
by  the  Engli-^h,  60,  ^i  ;  Indians,  7S  ; 
account  in  English,  following  Ki- 
bault,  200, 

Florio,  John,  204. 

Flower,  Enoch,  402. 

Foley,  Henry,  Records  of  the  English 
Jesuits,  457. 

Folsoni,    tieorge,    210;     Catalogue  of 
Documents  relating  to  Maine,  20S; 
Saco  and  Biddefird,    364 ;    Cata- 
logue vf  Original  Docununts,  364 
on  Samuel  Aretill,  4'>3' 

Forbes,  Alexander,  his  California^ 
7S. 

Force,  Peter,  Historical  Tracts^  fas- 
si  m. 

Ford,  Philip,  autog.,  4.S4;  yindicaiicn 
of  Penn,  4t)S. 

P'orest,  Mrs.  Thomas,  132. 

Forster,  W.  E  ,  JFilliam  Penn  and 
T.  B.  Macaulay^  506, 

Fort  Nassau,  422. 

Fort  Orange,  390. 

*'  Fortune,"  ship,  275. 

Foster,  John,  printeri  of  Boston,  361. 


Fonike,  W.  P.  515. 

Fox.  (icofKc,  44i  i   latter  from  Rogtr 

Willunift,  37H;    his  ministry,   4f>-^ ; 

(Mtrtraii,  4711 ;  plan  of  stttlemcnt  m 

America,  47') ;  tracts  497  :  yournal, 

yj3  ;  Swathmore  manuKriptv,   304  ; 

\n  Maryland,  k^j.     See  (JnakerH. 
Foi,  l.ukc,  v3';  ni»  Nortkunst  Foxe, 

95i  7>- 
Fox,  Kichard,  14H. 
Fix  Channel,  941  VJ- 
Fox  ItLind,  i>>o. 
Frame,   Kichaid,   Short   Descriftion, 

etc.,  500. 
Frampi(Mi.  John,  foyfull  Nrtves%  204, 

2<i5;  edit*  Medina's  Arte  de  Nav 

egar,  luy. 

rrancisca,  2<>n     See  New  France, 

Frank,  manor  of,  4(7, 

Frankfort  globe,  214,  215,  217, 

Frankfort  Land  Company,  490,  502  i 
Curiens^  Xachricht,  Kt>j. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  Historical  Re- 
vieii't  508. 

Frascator.  24,  25,  2(>- 

Free  Society  of  Traders,  482,  497;  re- 
ceipt and  seal  of,  49S  ;  their  articles, 
etc.,  49K. 

Freeman,  History  of  Cafe  Cod^  itfo. 

Freemen  to  be  church  mcmherH,  313, 

French  claim  *c  the  Ircxpiois  country, 

4<i/.. 

Friends.     See  Quakers. 

Frieslaiul,  i(»o,  h>i 

Frobisher,  Martin,  35,  36 ;  hU  voy- 
ages, SO;  (xirtrait,  S^  ;  au'.og,,S7; 
relics  of,  S«> ;  authorities,  (><>,  102; 
us*?d  the  Zeno  map,  i<xi ;  Heste'a 
Tme  Discourse^  102,  204  ;  De  For* 
bisseri  Xavigatione^  102 ;  lives, 
102;  his  Straits,  ,s/>,  «,i,  9S ;  mis- 
placed, io»  :  map  of,  103  ;  map,  19s  ; 
settle's  account  of  liis  I'oyiigeyZos', 
Churchyard's  account  «)f  hiH  I'oy- 
atre,  204. 

Fronde,  History  of  h.ngland,  79  ; 
Forgotten  Worthies^  *y)' 

Fuller,  Samuel,  284:  autog.,  a^>8 ; 
cradle,  27S. 

Fuller,  Thomas,  Holy  and  Profhane 
State  y  S3  ;    Worthies  of  Englandi 

in2,    \U\. 

Fundy  Hay,  visited,  176. 
Furlano's  map^  i^>'^. 
Furman,  Gabriel,  420. 
I-uthey,   J.   S ,     and    Cope,    Gilbert, 
Chester  County^  510. 

*'ri,\BKiKi.,**  ship,  86. 

"(»abryll  Koyall,"  ship,  i36. 

Ga;vara,  Antonio  de,  207. 

Gali.     See  Gaulle. 

Galvano,  Antonio,  Tradadoy  32. 

GammelJ,  William,  J/f;«<)/r  of  Roger 
Williams^  37S. 

Garde,  Kocer,  autog.,  364. 

Gardiner,  Lion,  331,  349  :    autog.,  348. 

(iardiner,  R.  H.,  210,  291. 

Gardiner,  S.  K.,  Prince  Charles,  etc., 
122,  2S5,  517;  Personal  Govern- 
vient  0/  Charles  /. ,  524. 

"  Garganne,"  ship,  170. 

Garrett,  J.  W.,  55«, 

Gastatdi,  25. 

Gates,  Sir  Thomas,  133,  iw;  autog., 
133;  wrecked,  134;  reaches  James- 
town, i3'^i;  returns  to  England,  137; 
again  comes  over,  138. 

Gaulle,  Francis,  80. 

Gay,  Sidney  Howard,  on  Pilgrims'  his- 
tory, 2'p;  Pofular  History  of  the 
United  States,  passim. 

Genealogies  of  New  England,  363  ; 
of  Virginia,  160. 

'•George,"  ship,  142. 

George,  Staugnton,  510. 

George's  River,  up,  191. 

Gerard,  J.  W.,  420. 

Germans  in  Pennsylvania,  490,  502, 
515. 

Germantown  (Pennsylvania),  491,  501, 

515- 
Gerritsz,  H.,  on  Hudson,  103. 


Ghillany,  Erdf^hhus  von  Behaiw^  ttc-, 
214;  MartiH  Behaim,  H^  an. 

Giants,  201, 

Giblxins,  AnibroM,  3271  jal. 

(fibboni,  Edward,  531. 

(fibson,  William,  .ftsi  autog.,  4%. 

"(lift  of  (mhI."  ship,  I7'i. 

<iilbert,  Itartliotomew,  iM;. 

Gilbert,  Sir  Humphrey,  8<>,  loj,  171, 
1H7  ;  Discourse  of  Visiorery^  \y 
2o(> ;  hin  voyage,  39 ;  his  cx{>cdi* 
tions  (1^78),  10/',  122  ;  (is***)!  i"/; 
at  Newtonndland,  loH;  autog  ,  1K7; 
his  True  Refort,  1H7;  bin  iharta 
lost,  iit'<:  hit  map  (i;;^),  203. 

Gilbert,  Sir  John,  118. 

<iilbert,  Olho,  105. 

(nlbert,  K.ilcigh,  176. 

(lilbert  family,  187. 

(filbert's  Sound,  i;o. 

Gillett.  K.  H.,  Civd  Liberty  in  Con- 
necticut, 37J. 

Girardin,  1..  If.,  iO$. 

Gladstone,  W.  K.,  on  Maryland  toN 
cration,  s6i,  562. 

<  ilobes,  early,  212:  paper  on,  215. 

lilorious  Progress  of  the  Gosfel,  355, 

Gffche,  Ur,  Itarnabe,  3ni,  305, 

"  ( iodspeed,"  ship,  <)i,  128. 

Godfrey,  Edward,  324. 

Godfrey,  J.  E.,  2-;!. 

(ioffe  and  Whallcy,  374,  375.  See 
Regicides. 

Gohl,  supposed  to  be  found  by  Fro- 
bisher, S; ;  supposed  to  be  in  New 
England,  iHt.,  181.  1S3. 

"Golden  Hind,"  ship,  187. 

'Mlolden  Lion,"  ship,  539, 

(iomara,  Historia  General  tie  las 
Indiasy  aO,  27;  account  of  Cortes, 
204. 

Gome/,  1^,  195. 

CiOhdomar,  Count,  119. 

(inodell,  A.  C.,  210. 

Good  S feed  to  Virginia,  155. 

(iookin,  Oaniel,  Sr.,  145,  159. 

Gookin,  I>aniel,  Jr.,  goes  to  New 
England,   145. 

GooH,  Peter,  /<ce-Ailas,  418. 

Gordon,  Robert,  435. 

(tordon,  'T.  F.,  History  of  Xno  fer- 
sO't  455i  History  of  Pennsylvania^ 
SoS. 

Gorgeana,  it)o,  322,  323,  324,  364. 

(iorgcs.  Sir  Ferdinando,  175;  autog., 
yS'  275,  3^4;  plans  of  coloniza- 
tion, 180,  1S4,  \')2,  2./>;  grant  to, 
H)2  ;  Brief  Narration,  192,  i<)i, 
365;  papers,  192;  his  fame,  210; 
fort  named  after  him,  210;  patent 
for  New  En>;l<ii<d,  297,  299.  300; 
his  grants  under  it,  2</y;  defends 
his  patent,  307;  attacks  the  Massa- 
chusetts Charter,  31S;  his  province 
of  New  Somerset,  322,  323,  324; 
dies,  324,  36^  ;  tomb,  I'lO  ;  pedigree, 
3W>;  Laconia  patent,  327,  ^izH;  his 
patent  an  the  Maine  coast,  341  ; 
grants  to,  in  Maine,  3>Ot  M*i  '•  com- 
mission as  governor  of  New  Eng- 
land, 3^'S  ;  deed  to  Edgecomb,  363  ; 
chosen  governor,  302,  3 10.  See  New 
I'jigiand. 

Gorges,  Ferdinando,  the  younger,  pa- 
pers regarding  him  in  the  State- 
Paper  Office,  364  ;  patent,  322  ; 
seeks  to  recover  his  patrimony, 
324;  sells  it  to  Massachusetts,  325; 
America  J'ainted  to  the  Life,  192, 

Gorges,  Robert,  sent  to  New  England, 
303  ;  at  Wessagusset,  304,  311. 

Gorges,  'Thomas,  J23  ;  autog.,  364. 

Gorges,  William,  tn  Maine,  322. 

Gorges  and  Mason  Grant,  191. 

Gorges  Tracts,  365. 

Gorton,  Samuel,  336,  337  ;  autog., 
336;  his  trouble  with  Massachu- 
setts, 354  ;  Simflicitie\s  Defence^ 
354.  .^8;  edited  by  Staples.  35.^, 
defence  of,  by  Brayton,  354  ;  10 
Rhode  Island,  378;  letter  to  Mor 
ton,  378. 


»,  H,  aiJ. 

aulog.)  4*4- 

i87- 

y,  8.).  loj,  171, 
Viiiin'trj',  iy 
,1, ;  hii  e«l>«di- 
li  ;  els'*)).  '"Ti 
sX;  »un>K  ,  i«7; 
iH;',  his  ilutlt 
I5;fi),  ioS. 


Libtrty  i«  Cii«- 

n  Maryland  lol- 

iper  nil.  aiJ. 
Ihf  (iosf*l,  J55- 
Jill,  ,105. 
,  118. 


J74,   375' 


Sft 


c  found  by  Kro- 
itd  10  bu  in  New 

iHj. 
|>.  i87. 
>.  S.V)- 

Ceneriil   at    (at 
ccount  of  Cortes, 


10. 

inia,  155. 

r.,    goes   to  New 

Am,  4>8' 

',iri'  0/  Snv  Jtr- 
0/  l'enns)lrania, 

3J3,  J24,  ^(^. 
do,  175  ;  aulon., 
lans  of  coloniza- 
2./.;  grant  to, 
ration,  iq^i  ")!• 
tiis  fame,  210; 
him,   210;  patent 

,     2')7,     2'».    .1°°i 

it,  2<>j ;    defends 

macks  the  Massa- 

iS;  his  provinca 

122.    32.1.    324! 

mb,  1'''' ;  pedigree, 

enl,  327,  32S;  his 

aine   coast,    341  ; 

e,  310,  3'>3  ;  com- 

nor  of  New  Kng- 

Kdgecomb,  3^3 ; 

302,  3  lo-   See  New 

the  younger,  pa- 
im  in  the  Slate- 
04  ;  patent,  322  ; 
r  his  patrimony, 
.ass,ich"5etls,  325; 
i  to  ttu  Life,  19J, 


it  to  New  Kngland, 
^^et,  304,  311. 

autog.,  364. 
Maine,  322. 
Grant,  i9'- 

33^  337.;  a""*-' 
e  with  Massacliu- 
Micitie's  Defence, 
\  by  Staples.  3  5^, 
Brayton,  354;  '" 
178 ;  letter  to  Mor 


1 


ling,  , 

(losnold,  Anthony,  iji 

(ii>«ncild,  C.iptain  Karthnliimew,  n^; 
diet,  II';  on  the  New  Kngland 
cikiat,  I  I  ;  aulhiiritits,  1M7  ;  his 
landfall.   ifUt 

Ciiittfried'n   yayagei,  71);  Xiut  H'elt, 

|h7. 

•  ioiiKh,  History  of  th4  Qualurt,  504. 

(limld,  K.  K.  I..,  ii'.. 

(•(iw.ins,  Willi.tin.  tjo. 

CiractT,  A.  op  den,  4>,i. 

(Irahama,  (  olonial  History  0/  Unittd 

St.ttts,  j7(t,  5i>). 
(irande,  Rio,  to. 
(iranganiineo,  ioi>. 
Cir.inile  MoMlhh,  l''t. 
(iraiitltani.  Sir  riinnia*,  his  Historical 

Account  of  some  MemoraNi  Ac* 

tions,  11;  I,  1^14 
(•rants  from  the  l-'.n^lish  t'rown,  153. 
(iray,  Francis  t'.,  \yi. 
"(ireat  fialley,"  nlup,  i8fi. 
(ireen,  .Samuel,  printer,  ui. 
Cireen,  S.  A.,  lUHio^y<ipnv  of  ytassa- 

chusetts  H istorical  Society,  14  J. 
GrefUe,     li.     W.,    Short    History    0/ 

Rkoiie  /slanit,  313,  37'i. 
Oret-ne,  'fhonian,  st.t  ;  nutoff.,  \\i. 
Greenhow,   Oregon  ami  tali  -'^rnia, 

7». 
CreenUnd,  91,  ino,  101;  earliest  map 

of,    ini  ;     t'ox's    map,   i>8;    (iron- 

laruli.i.  2(11. 
Grecnliaf,     Jonathan,     BcclesKitticat 

History   of  Maine,    3'>5. 
Greiiville,  Sir  Kicliard,  no,  114. 
Gresham,  Sir  Thoiiias.  ^(,, 
Griffin,  Press  in  Maine,  2o>». 
Griffith,    T.    W.,    Karly    History  of 

Maryland,  5^»i  ;  AnnaU  0/  Haiti' 

more,  ^t,\. 
"(iriffilh,"  ship,  4ti. 
Grigsby,  H.  B..  15S,  1^,3. 
Griswold,    A.    W.,  Catalo/^ie  of  Li- 
brary, 211. 
Grocland.  "jo,  loi. 
Grolandia.     See  tin^land. 
Gronland.     See  (ireenland. 
lirooin,  Samuel,  415.  43S  44o. 
Gryna-us,  Xovits  Orhis,  lo,  199. 
Chialter,  Kodolph.  248. 
Guamas,  K.  das,  197. 
Guatuico,  (iH 
Guiana,   voyage   to,    105 ;   empire  of, 

117;     K.lle^h    in,    124;    Kalc't^h's 

account,    124.  i2't ;   \ewes  of  Sir 

U'aller  Kawlcigll,  I2fi. 
Guild,  k.  A.,  edits  Cotton  Traits^^Tj. 
(iuilford  {Connecticut),  333, 
Guinea,  2cKi;  coast,  fo. 
Cfulf  Stream,  Dr.  Kohl  on,  309. 
Gurnet,  272 
Guy,  Richard,  441. 

Hackf.t,  Thomas,  aoo:  his  version 
of'riievet.  32. 

Haics,  Kdward,  1H7. 

Haige,  William,  470  511. 

Hakltiyt,  Richard,  123.  204,  20s  ;  au- 
tog.,  204  :  depreciated  by  Biddle. 
29,  39 ;  connection  with  coloniza- 
tion, 1S9  ;  his  life,  iS(j ;  Divers 
Voyages,  37,  iS<>,  204,  205  ;  Pritr 
cipal  XavigatioHS,  41,  44,  46.  97. 
185,  189,  205  ;  I'irginia  Richly 
Valued,  1 89  ;  //  'ester ne  Planting, 
40,  loM,  I*),  20S;  map(i5)S7),  19!); 
encourages  public  lectures  on  navi> 
cation,  207. 

Hale,  Kdward  K.,  *'  Hawkins  and 
iJrake.'*  59. 

Hale,  Nathan,  515;  edits  Prince's 
Annals,  346. 

Half-way  Covenant,  334 ;  literature  of, 

359- 

Hall,  Christopher,  102. 

Hall,  James,  in  the  Arctic  seas,  92. 

HalKim,  Henry,  Constitutional  His- 
tory of  England,  250. 

Hamilton,  Andrew,  443. 

Hamilton,  Duke  of,  370;  claim  to 
Connecticut,  335i  374  ;  aulog.,  275. 

VOL.    HI.  — 72. 


INDKX. 


Hammond.  John,  Hi%mmi*nds%  Htti- 
'"'"*'*  $54  i  l-9i\k  and  Hdchtl,  I'rfi, 

Hanmr,    Kalph,    xyu  Mt,   146;   />•#/ 

Ottitfurif,  Hi,  157. 
H4in|)iim  (New  H«m|i«hire),  .1J9. 
Haitam,  rhomaH,  171. 
Hanbiiry,  flntorui%l  MetmiriaU,  jM. 
Hans<iii,  *;eor|{e  A.,  Ohi Ktnt^  iU\. 
Harioc,    rhomas,    111,    ii.t.    \^\\  )ti« 

I'nxifiiti,  ^t,  ij),  iii5  ;  un  rhumb», 

ao8, 
Harlow  on  the  Matno  coaHt,  17S  ;  cap' 

iiiroK  an  Indian,  iHo. 
Harrii,    John,    M,t/>    0/    PtHHsyiva- 

Hia    4i«i.  )i'>. 
Harrm,  J.  Slnrrixon,  uj. 
Harris'it  I'oya^ft^  70. 
HarrUon,    (icorne    I-.,     Kfttiaim    of 

HarriMin*  S.  A.,  It'rH/th/r  Chriitison, 

Harrissc,  Henry,  liiNiot/trra  A  meri' 
Citna  I  '<eiuttiiii$Hti,  ij ,  iitHiotlu\a 
iiitrlinvitiHtty  151^;  ytan  et  S^dtis- 
(UlM  (\tfiof,  JiM. 

Hart.   1  honi.ni,  4t5- 

H.irtfuril  I  Connecticut),  jjo, 

Harlnn,  r.4. 

Ilartshnrne,  Hugh,  .nj. 

HartshDrne.  kicTiard.  4.17. 

Harvard  CnlleKc  tninuled,  .114. 

Harvuy,  Sir  John,  14U,  i4'>;  aiitog., 
'V'- 

Hastv-pudding,  M. 

liatLM,  i'^dwiii,  l)rj^<iniztth'tfn  of  the 
Eitriy  ChfistiitH  Churthes,  i^.\. 

Hatrii;l(f,  K.  F.,  History  of  Elizabeth^ 
AVri'  Jersfyy  450. 

Hatfield,  attack  im,  3S4. 

Maihcrlv,   Timuihy,  af/>. 

Ilatorask,  1  u. 

Hatter.ts  Indiatis.  116. 

Hattcns,  (Jape,  213,  2\(\  465.  Sec 
Hatorask. 

Haven,  S.  K.,  on  the  I'opham  Ques- 
tion, 2in;  History  of  the  Grants^ 
20.V,  V'-i.  34"- 

Hawkcs,  Ecchsittsiictillfistory  of  the 
United  States^  ii/>. 

H.l\vkin^,  Jnlin,  voyages,  '>o;  autog  , 
(11 ;  portrait,  61 ;  his  coat  armor,  63  ; 
defeated  by  Spaniards. '»4  ;  author- 
ities, 7S  ;  his  t'oytii^-os  to  iiuytiett^ 
7S;  lair-i-i  sailors  at  (lulfof  Mexico, 
i/^:  ag.iinvvith  iJrake,  7^  ;  dies,73. 

Hawkins,  Kichard,  his  I'oyiit^t'  to  the 
South  Sea,  7S ;  on  the  New  Eng- 
land coast,  I  Si,  1S2,  it>4. 

Hawkins,  William,  voyages,  59;  au- 
thorities, 7S. 

Hawkins  Voyages^  j(). 

Hawks.  Francis  L.,  513  ;  ///story  of 
.Worth  Carolina,  124. 

Hawley,  Jerome,  524,  518. 

Haynes,  jnhn,  governor,  331;  autog., 
3U  :  alleged  portrait,  331. 

Hazar<!,  Kbenczer,  //istorica/  CoUec- 
tions,  153,  2S3. 

Hazard,  Samuel,  Annals  of  /'cnn- 
syhania,  510  ;  l*eunsylviinia 
Archii-es,  s'o;  Register  of  /'enn- 
sylvauia.  510. 

Hazard,  Willis  I*.,  Annals  of  /'hila- 
delphia.  scx). 

Hazlctt,  W.  C.  liihliographical  Cot- 
/(■(  tions  and  .Votes,  204. 

Heamann,  Roger,  534^,  554. 

Heath,  Sir  Robert,  561. 

Heckewelder,  John,  /ndians  in /Penn- 
sylvania, SI  5. 

"  Helen,"  ship,  </3. 

Hellowes,  Kdward,  /nvention  of  Xa- 
vigationy  207. 

Hemans,  /^auding  of  the  Pi/grim 
Fathers^  294. 

Hendricks,  Gerhard,  491. 

Htning,  Statutes  at  large^  \(>^. 

Henhipen,  Cape,  48*) 

Hinman,  R.  R.,  Royal  Letters  to  the 
Governors  of  Connecticut^  369 ; 
edits  Xeiv  //aven  Laws^  371. 

HcDti  (I.  (Dauphin),  map,  195,  317. 


569 


Htnrico.  138 ;  cnlUgf  at,  141,  144. 

Htnry  VII.,  hit  tixn  manual,  ■■ 

Henry  VIII.,  auto^.,  4. 

Henry,  M.  '.1.,  i'>i. 

Henrv,   Wilham   Win,   "Sir  Wallef 

K.itcgh,"    ttc,  to)  i    on  lh«  INk:4' 

honia«     itory,    idj ;       champion* 

Smith,  i(>j. 
"  Henry  and  Francix,"  thip,  m8. 
Herman,  Augusluit,  4^rf>|  }4<^. 
llermoMa  lti\i  Ho. 
Ilcrrera,  Htstoria  Genera/,  47  ;    /?/• 

ji  ri/tion,  etc,  1H5, 
Hernent,  Samuel,  4^^. 
Heylin,  I'eiur.  Cosmogra^hie,  466, 
HeywcHKJ,  John,  435. 
HtckH.  Klia»,  504. 
HiKgiuMMi,    hranciii,  at    Salem,  3461 

Journal,  34'. ;  Sew  Rngland  l^tan' 

tatton,  21 1 ,  t4'>. 
Ilildcburn,  C.  K.,  /Vrif  in  /'entuyi* 

7uinia,  514. 
Hildreth,    kichard.    //utory    of  th4 

Vnited  States,  s'u. 
Hill,  Ldw.ird.  147,  149. 
Hillard,    <K'..rge    S..    A///   of  John 

Stntth,   211  ;    Memoir  0/  Jamt9 

Savage,  \sv 
Hilton,  Kdward.  32'*. 
Hilton,  William,  32^. 
HiUrtn's  J'oini,  3J''.  5^7.     'V//  Dover. 
Hillons  on  Dover  Neck,  accounts  of, 

3'''> ;  their  patent,  3'»7. 
Hinckley,  I'honias,  aulog..  27S,  156. 
Hingham  Meeting-hou^e,  view  01,319, 
Hinman,  R.  R.,  /'larly  /'uritan  Set' 

tiers  in  Conneitiiut,  375 
Hispaniola.  201.     See  San  Domingo, 
Historical  Commission    Kngland),  re- 
ports of,  1S9. 
//istoriiiil  Magazine,  passim. 
//istoritai  A/eniorials  relating  to  In- 

def>endents,  2  Si. 
Ilixon,  KIlis,  Sj.' 
Haidtey,  C.  J.,  edits  Conneetieut  nnti 

.Veio  //az'en  Records,  ^-j^. 
Hoboken,  422. 

Hobson  and  Harlow,  i<j3,  ii>4. 
Hobson  on  the  M.iine  coast,  17S,  i.So. 
Hochel.iga,  213,  2t6.    See  Muntreal. 
Hoeenbcrg,  34. 

Holland,  flenry,  /feroologia.  Si. 
Holland,  Knglish  exiles  in,  231. 
Hollanders,  ii>t.     See  Dutch. 
//ollandstlie  Stercurins,  415 
Holjister,  ( 1    H.,  //istory  of  Connec- 

tiiut,  375. 
Holme,    John,    True   Relation,    etc., 

5"i- 
Holme,  Thomas,  4^*1  :  ^/tip  if  Phi/a- 

delphia,  5i'>;  Map  of  /'ennsylvania^ 

Holmes,  Abiel,  1S7. 

Holmes,  Obadiah,  378' 

Holmes,  ().  W.,  2S6. 

Honda,  Rio,  213. 

Hondius,  Jodocus,  46:  map,  47,    75; 

20S;  mapof  California  coast,  79,  80; 

globe,  2i'). 
Hood.  Thomas,    n  facobS  staff,  207; 

Maritter's    Gu.'?e,    207  ;     l/se    of 

A/atheniatical     fnstruments,    2c»Ji ; 

his  map,  i-j*),  19;  .  217 
Hooker,  Richard,    Eeclesiastica'  /^ol* 

ity,  22S,  249;  V  alton's  life  of  hin^ 

249. 
Hooker,  Thomas,  in  Connecticut,  330; 

Jiutog,,  330;  his  Surz'ey  of  Church 

Discipline^    334,   352  ;    controverts 

Cotton,  352. 
Hope  Sanderson,  90. 
Hone's  Check,  t^3. 
'*  Hopewell,"  ship,  347. 
Hopkins,  Kdward,  governor,  371  ;  au- 
tog., 374. 
Hopkins,  Samuel,  429;   Youth  of  i/14 

Old  Dominion,  162. 
Hopkins,  Stephen,   on  Rhode  Island 

history,  376. 
Hopkins,  governor  of  Connecticut,  dies, 

37'- 

Hoppin,  Tames  M.,  Old  England,  2S5. 
Hortop,  Job,  Rare  Travailes,  186,  aoj. 


< 


It  > 

I 


570 


INDEX. 


tlolttn,  Ortfim^i  l.ttti,  tic.  lAo. 
HoiiKh,  !■',  n.,  on  I'tmAquid,  \hy 
Hou|ihtiin,    Lord,   jH);  iMicm  ua    iIm 

HouMt,  ciirlv,  in  Prnnftylvania,  491. 

lliiwKilt,  I'r.inciii,  /'i'//iA  infumtiam 

in  \mi  httg/itm/,  (O. 
Mowium,  k.  K. ,//«/!'»  r «// 'ir^iWi*, 

HtmUiiil,  John,  j/j;  «ult>g  ,  aMt  Mt 
iiuiri.iKt^i  i*^-*!  Mmily.  jm. 

Hovt,  A  II..  ftn  the  Uw*  of  New 
naMt[t»hirc.  V7- 

Hubbard.  Willijin,  aulog,  y>j;   /'riw 

^//i    ll'/M     M**    /HtiittHt,     |'>l,    1H4  ; 
i*rtSfHt   SttUt'    of  A'rtf    t'Mgiitmi, 

*<>i(   3'>i  t  iit*M>  of    New   Kngland* 

Hudtun,  Henry,  xnyjgev  9J.  lo) : 
authnrilit'K,  iyu  it.  iu.|,  t<t)  :  />#■ 
//i//<>  /■>///  HuJM-Hiy  1041  o'»  lh« 
Nt'w  Kn^Und  cna^i,  i;H,  n;j. 

HudHun,  WillUnt,  auti>){.,  i.)H. 

HiuUon  lUy,  CaUit  in,  j<>t  aS  34 : 
J.untH'n  Mi.ip  of.t/i;   Fn«*»  matt,  '^H, 

Hudsuii  KivtT,  ciiiinectii  with  the  St. 
K.iwri-ncc.  VV 

Hues  Knliert,  Trattaths  <//  iUohit, 
aiv*. 

Humboldt,  Alexander,  l'..xtimtH  Crit- 
iqut',  M,  ii4 

Hume,  David.  History  of  Engiand^ 
aitackx  Kalij{li,  i2J. 

Huiiloki!,  Kdward,  44i. 

Hunni.-wcll,  j.  K.,  155. 

Hunt,  KtitH:rt,  ii<;. 

Huntur.  JdHL'pb,  iS4  ;  on  PilKTim  his- 
tory, iH(;  h'oututers  0/  Xrtv  Ply* 
mouthy  2S4. 

Huhton,  CharlcH,  Land  in  Ptmmtyl* 
vattitt^  l^ij. 

Hull liiiison,  Kdward,  auio^.,  33S, 

llutchitisnn.  ( iL-riTKe,    \\\. 

HutchiuMin.  Anne,  312,  3^2> 

HutchbiHon,  Tbnmas,  History  0/ 
A/iissaihusetts  Bnyt  2**t,  m4;  con- 
triiverNy  over  bis  tuper?>.  344;  pub- 
lications .U4  ;  Original  }*a/ers, 
,^44;  on  the  Pilgrims,  ^<>i> 

//mM  CiUaiogit*^,  8j. 

Hylacoinyluti.     i'r^  Waldseemuller. 

Kakia,  loi, 

Iceland,  loi* 

lndc[}endents-  34^. 

Indian  Itible,  KHut^,  j^6;  bibliogra- 
phy of,  yf}. 

Indian  corn,  113. 

Indi.  n  lanKua>fes,  SS^^- 

Indi.m  names  in  Virj;tnia,  153* 

Indian  trails,  1S6. 

Indian  wars,  iKidks  on,  361. 

Indians,  the  conimunity  buildinj;s  of 
the  southern  tribes ''i  :  house*  on 
the  northwtst  coast,  '^i;  in  Vir- 
ginia, 131;  about  Plymc--'»h.  if/i ; 
CdUViT^ion  nf,  315,  ,155,  ,3^3  ;  Society 
for  iVopaKaiiu}!  tbetlospcl  amonj; 
tbeni,  315,  316,  355,  i5'>:  their  riijht 
to  the  soil,  341;  in  Conneci.ciit, 
36S  ;  books  on,  3')S  ;  in  New  Jersey, 
42s  ;  and  the  Quakers,  473  ;  in 
Pennsylvania.  4H.J,  514,  515;  in 
Maryland.  t,2(->,  527.  53'- 555-  . -S^**' 
Iroquoi>,  and  other  names  of  tribes. 

Ingle,  Kicbard,  147.  532*  533- 

Ingle's  rebellion,  555. 

Ingram,  David,  64,  170,  186;  his  ^^ 
iatiflft,  iSr.. 

Inter-charier  period  in  Massachusetts, 
362. 

Interlude  of  Fattr  EletPunts,  16.  28. 

Inwood,  William,  457- 

Iron  manufactured  in  Jersev,  44*^;  in 
Virginia,  163;  first  works,  144,  145. 

Iroq'iois  nations,  391  ;  wars  wiih  the 
French,  304,  4cb.  4:5  ;  Jesuits 
among,  400,  4of> ;  friends  of  the 
English,  404-406,  408.  See  Mo- 
hawks. 


acob'i  %iutk  J07,  «ol. 
aniaica.  toi. 
unm  I  .  autoc-,  la;. 
Mm*%  II.    |«fcUiniMl    in  MmmcHu- 
■•tu,  iji  .  on  the  throne,  41^). 
Jam**,  LaptJin  rh<>ma»,  i,%  ;  hii  map, 

r>,    hu  Mramge  mmd  Dmnger^us 
'*ymg«,  s^ 
JaiiM*  kivtr,  11^. 
amevm,  J.  \ ..,  414 
amc^town  (oundc*!,  ii<;  ;  %i«w  of,  l}o  ; 
•arly  hiMory  u(.  153.     J)V/ Virginia. 
Jannejr,  s.  M  .  KeUgtout  So^tety  ij/" 
I         {""rtendt^  ^04  ;  Ltje  of  /'/•«,  joj. 
t   JjiHiMin.  map  of  New  Kngland,  3^4- 
i   JjtMn.   '•;.   M,    <«5  i    UipAngn),    201; 
Kiiapant,  loj. 
JaMJer,  lohn,  473- 
Jfltrw,  Lord,  on  WiUiam  Penn,  305 
Jcft(e)«,  llerttcrl,  152 
Jrning«,  Samuel,   44U,  451,  4HH ;  gov- 
ernor ol   U'eM  J«rMy,44i  \   Truth 
Reumd,  41^2. 
Jcnkin*.  M.  C.  (At. 
Jcnnewi,    J.   S.,  ItUtef  Skoah,    i</H; 
AVti'   Ham^iMire^    jWi ;    Original 
/>i\MmeH/it  3'»7. 
Jcr»«yft,  the  Kngluh  in  the,  4J1.     See 

New  Jenwy. 
Jesuit  HeliUiomt,  193* 
Jc^uit^   in    MaryUiul*    pj,   525.    531  : 

ihcir  Iciler*.  5$). 
*' J  ^V'  »hir,  *-i. 
Jlv     denied  being  freemen  in  Rhode 

UlaiHl,  i7<>. 
JiHCucs,  .Vin^-«Mr  Belgium,  416. 
"  John  atul  l-rancift,  '  ^hip,  139. 
'*  John  Sarah."  »hip,  4.S0 
JohnMm.  Mward.  3$U  ;  autog.,   358; 
H  'ondtr-tKHirkirg  J*roi'ideni:et  Jio, 

Johnson,    Fr'iiicu,    2x0,  j6i  ;  autog., 

it\. 
Johnson, 'Vorge,  mo. 
Johnson,   t^iac.  3'x^ 
Johnvrn,    Kobcrl,    hi»  A'/tu  Life  0/ 

I  'irgtniay  15'" 
Johnson,  K  S.,  Memoir  0/ Fetnuicke, 

40. 
Johnson,  Samuel,  Li/e  0/ Drake^  H4. 
Johnston,   John,  History  of  Bristol^ 

etc.,  i</o,  ((.5. 
JohnMone.  1  n-orge,  Cecil  County^  561. 
Johnstone.  John.  443.  4(o* 
Jomard,   Monutnents  de  la   G^ogra* 

fhie,  .**.  ji,  217;  nnticea  of,  217, 
**  Jonathan."  ship,  %iib. 
J^mcs,  Mmund.  i73- 
Jonc*.  F.,  Life  of  Frobishert  102. 
Jones,  H.  *i..  5'x>.  51s,  5if>. 
Jones  'oel,  LanJ-v^ie  TitUs,  51a. 
Jones,  Kamuel.  criticises  Smith's  Hu' 

tory  of  Xrtv  Vork,  412. 
Jones.  Skelton.  i''5. 
Jones,  Captain  Thomas,  of  the  **  May* 

flower,"  26>i,   271,  2H8 ;  his  alleged 

treacherv*.  iVj. 
Jones  ^i*"  ^Villiam,  4S3,  511. 
Joues  Present  State  of  Virginia^  164. 
Joseph,  William,  550. 
Jassflyn,  Henry.  360. 
Jos-selyn,   John.    37.? ;    Two  Voyages, 

360,3**^;  Xrtu  England's  Rarities, 

3'-o- 
Jud.Tis,  Cornelius  de,  Sf^eculum  Or- 

bis  T-'fraruni,  ic/);  his  map  (i5<>3), 

I*/.. 
*'  Judith,"  ship,  63- 
Juet,  companion  of  Hudson,  103. 
Jury  trial,  first  in  \1rginia,  146. 

K.ALKNO\RltM  PENNSlLVANlBN<iE,493. 

Kaniba*..  3'<2- 

Keach,  Khas,  494. 

Keen,  C»regor>'  B.,  *'  Note  on  New 
Albion,"  457. 

Keith,  George.  445,  501,  503. 

Keith.  Sir  William,  History  of  Vir- 
gin ia,  165. 

Kelptus.  501. 

Kemp.  Richard,  147. 

Kendail,  John,  laS. 


Kennebec  River.  i9r>,  y%t,%%\\  Ptyi»> 
ouih  patent  of  ii,  17II,  tiji,  jon,  jj^j 
projHted  MttlemenI  on,  juj 

Kennvdy,  J  P  ,  /,</r  of  Lord  tUitU 
more,  t'n. 

Kennelt,  White,  Htbhothe<m  Atmrh 
lantt  I'rimordia,  \i^, 

Kent  Ulaiid.   jjj.  5if>,   p;,  pi,  jjj, 
,511.  UH   M'.  i*'* 
Kent.     Miip.  4U 

Kerr,  I'oyagei,  Ha. 

Kesl,  Kobinton,  J'rediAer,  tHt. 

KeymiK.  Lawrence,  n\  no;  his  ac* 
count  of  kalcgh'»  voyage,  124. 

Kidder.  ^  rcderic,  123  \  on  ih«  Puf>> 
ham  (Juesdun,  j  10. 

King*!  Province  i  Rhode  Island),  3J•^ 

"  Kinufitther,"  Irigaie,  mi. 

King%Tand,  lsa.ic,  417.  441. 

King^lev,  (  harlet,  on  Ralegh*  ia6; 
tf'ettivartl  Ho  /  78. 

Kiiigtley,  J.  L.,  Historiial  Hiuonne, 

Kingston  (New  Vurk>,  3<;o. 

Knight,  John,  >>2. 

Knowlcn,  j.  !».,  tife  ^  Roger  H'jA 
Hams,  37M. 

K'^hl,  J.  (*.,  hi^  career  and  hkeneu. 
20> ;  hin  l)n\otery  0/  Maine,  or 
Docwnentary  History  of  Maine,  9, 
12,  joS,  31),^  218;  hi%  Hie  bei- 
den  iiltesten  iieneral-h'ariem  torn 
America,  \u  ,  his  cartogtaphical 
labors,  io>> ;  hi-*  nij|n  in  the  >tat« 
I>epartmti)i  at  Washington,  2^9; 
in  the  Anu'ritan  Antiquarian  Stci- 
ety,  2(xt ;  on  the  name  of  Rhode 
Island,  3 7'>;  Ma^s  in  Haklnyt,Viu, 
124. 

Kort  en  hondifh  /  'erkael,  41$. 

Kunstmann,  V  ,  Entdetkumg  Amteri' 
kas,  H,  «2,  217. 

Labadists  505. 

Labatiiitf,  Catalogue,  too. 

Labrador,   -jii,  lot  ;   Cabot*t  landiall, 

34  ;  us  an  island,  203. 
Laconia,  30-^;  patent,  340,  367;  Com- 

^Mny.  327,  33S,  y^i;  source*  of  ita 
li^tory,  3W'.  3'>7. 
La  Cosa.     See  Cosa. 
Lacour,  I^ouis.  K2. 
Lafreri,  iieografa,  10. 
Lake,  Sir  ThoniaH,  sr?- 
Laki-inan,  Sijvcrts,  Trealyu,  ttc,  aoS. 
Lamb,  Joshua,  123. 
Lamb,    Martha   J..  History  of  \rw 

}'ork  City,  415. 
Lambert,     K.    R.,    History  of  A>ti» 

Haven  Colony,   375. 
Lambrechtsen,    Korte    Besckryving, 

4'H. 
Lancaster  Sound,  95. 
l..ant*,   Ralph,   187;   in  Virginia,    no, 

111;    autog.,    no;    his    narrative, 

122;   letters,   123,   124. 
Langford.  John,  Refutation  of  Baby* 

Ion's  Fall,  555. 
Langren's  globes  ^'^ 
Laon  globe  (t4<>3>.  212. 
La  Plata  River,  Cabi>t  at,  4,  4S. 
Larkham,  Thomas,  327. 
La  Rnque,  Armorial^  58, 
La  Salle's  discoveries,  403. 
La  Tiiur,  3M3. 

Las  Casas,  Fnglisb  translation,  205. 
Latitude,  instruments  for  taking,  207. 
Latrobe,  J.  H.  H,  SM- 
Laudonni^re's  colony,  61. 
Lawrence.  Sir  John.  457. 
Lawrie,   Gawen,    430.   435»   437i   433| 

443;  autog.,  43<>- 
Lawton  on  William  Penn,  506 
l.awver,  first,  in  Massachusetts,  351. 
Laydon,  John,  132. 
Leaming,  Aaron,  4S4- 
Leaming  and  Spit  er,  Grants,  etc.^  of 

XciV Jersey,  a,-^- 
Lechford,  Thomas,  351  ;  Plain  Deal" 

ing,  351  ;  its  manuscript,  351  ;  fac- 
simile  of,    352:   autog.,    351,    353; 

note-book,  351. 
Leclerc,  Bibliothtca  Americana,  217. 


INDEX. 


57> 


\  p;.  M».  «»• 


irctr  and  likcncM, 
rv  of  Mi»mf.  *'t 
sttfry  oj  Mmmt,  >*, 

8;  hi^  /'«■  /*•'• 
^erahKttriem  torn 
iJH  carii>i{ia|>hlcAl 
mj|"  in  the  M.H« 
VVAHhlt>Kl(>ti,    209  ; 

Antitiiiarun  S«i- 
c  name  «>f  Khod« 
»j  /n  Hakimyt,  »o, 

frhitei,  41S- 
ttti*ik»img  Atturi- 


t,  joo. 

;   Labot't  landiailt 

nt.  340.  3^7  i  ^f  ■?•* 
j<)3 ;  ftourcc»  ol  lU 


5<7-  , 

/rfatjfse,  etc.  *». 


Hiitory   of  Sno 

375-     „       ^ 
t^W*-     Bts^hryvtMg, 

;    in  Vir|[ioia.    iiO| 
10  ;    his    narraiive, 

efutatum  cf  Baby 


,  tianslation,  205. 
nts  for  taking.  207. 

514' 
my,  61. 

n.  457-  a 

430.    435.    437.   43S| 

n  Penn,  506 
lassacliuseits,  351. 


p,3Si;  Plain  Deal' 

anuscript,  35<  '•  **^* 

aulog.,    351,   353  •* 


I/F.cuy  |l«tb«,  114. 

l««tlilr«.  William,  hansiit,  330,  1105. 

I,et|rr«r,   )nhn,  tt$»Mrfrrift.\\'j, 

L«frtiVt  lhtt*ry  )•/  /Ifrmnaa,  t%(t. 

I^yiitlatiirr,  IiikI,  in  Amurica,  14). 

I^tcr«i«r,  Karl  of,  '14,  74. 

I^iftl).  Sir   rii<inia«,  i|i, 

I.eixli.  Willi.iM),  tsH 

[.ci^ler,  J,ir<ib,  411;  SUtog.,  4111  hU 

ilweltinu,  |i;.  ^ 

Lvlawcl.  (/ViV''/*''  */•  Maytm  Aj^t, 

M,    JIT. 

l^nt{.  KolMrl,  Nj. 

LcnoR,  l>iik«of,  i<j7,3oi,  341  ;  autng., 

I^niix  ulribc,  14,  aiJ. 
I.ennv  l.jlirary,  3H0. 
Leniux,  jij 
Leftcarlmt'ii  mapd'^v)),  d;, 

Levick,  J.   J.,  y.'A«»i/»  /%n»as,  clc-i 

i^ewKcr,  )iihn,  jjH  ;  au(oK-*M^- 

L«wiH,  AIniwo.  lUitory  of  Lynn,  1(7. 

Lcwiw,  l..iwrent.'ei  Jr.,  4H<i  ;  Lunti 
T$tlei,  51 J  ;  Cour/s  of  PtHHsyi- 
vania,  sn 

I^wit,  William,  511.  ^^^^  )}^>> 

Leydcn,  I'ilKriint  in.  ihx\  univernity, 
iUi%  2f>\:  t'l.in  of  the  town,  i**\\ 
I'illtrims  leave,  it^jx  later  umittra- 
liimt  (rom,  2-j<>,  J77;  II.  C.  .Miir- 
ntiy  on  the  PilKrinu  al,  iM;  ;  Geurue 
Sumner  un  the  ».vnef  3S6.  ^^«^ 
Fit^rims. 

LibrarieH  in  VirKinia,  m. 

LightfiMil,    Hishop,    ChrittiaH  Mtnis' 

,  trVy       154. 

Lil,  H.  van,  nn  William  I'enn,  506. 

Linn,  J.  M.,  5i'i. 

LinHchoten,   Diicourt^  305 ;    portrait, 

_  jf**.. 
LionH,  186. 

"  Lillle  James,''  ship,  ii)i. 
Little  Hartxir  (New  H.iinpshire),  326. 
Liverniore,  <'»i-  »r({e,  iS4- 
Livinti^ton,  William,  411,  453. 
Lloyd,  Charlen,  aiili>K.,  484. 
LInyd,  David,  4HS 
LIfiydt  Lawrence,  4^'- 
Lloyd,   Thomas,  aiitog.,  4'/4. 
Local  histories,  363. 
Lock,  Lars.  4tH- 
Locke,  John,    and  Churchill's    fVy- 

ages^  305. 
Locke  or  Lok,  Michael,  fl6  :  his  map, 

3<),  J05  ;  facsimile,  40;  History  0/ 

West  Indies,  47 
LotlfliuKtim,      William,       P/antation 

Work,  4*/.. 
Ixk1}[C,  H.  (.'■,  /.//i"  <?/"  <ieorg-/f  Cnfiot, 

sH;  Kh^UsH  Colonies,  i6«»;  on  the 

Pocahontas  slorv,  i'»i. 
Lod^e,  Thomas,  with  Cavendish,  84 ; 

his  Afarearite  of  A  Men'iui,  84. 
Lodwick,  C,  430. 
Loe,  Thomas,  473,  475. 
Log  invented,  307. 

Loean  and  Peim  correspondence,  506. 
Lok.     See  Locke. 
Londnn  coast,  (fo. 
London  Company,  127. 
London  Spy,  173. 
Longfellow.     H.     W.,     Courishif*    of 

Miles  Stisndish^  J'h- 
Long   Island,   jHS,  457,  45S ;  assigned 

to  New  York,  vii. 
Longitude,   methods  of,   35,  41  ;    first 

meridian  of,  212,  314. 
**  Lord  Stiirton,"  ship,  186. 
Lorrencourt,  79. 
Lotteries,  141  ;  in  Virginia,  158. 
Lovelace.  Francis,  governor,  395  ;  an- 

tog-i  3QS  ;  leaves,  307;  letters,  414. 
Lucas,   Charters  of  the  Old  EMglisk 

Colonies^  153. 
Lucas,  Nicolas,  autog-,  430. 
Ludlow's  laws  (Connecticut),  334, 
Ludwell,  Thomas,  149. 
Lumley's  Inlet,  9o< 
Lyford,  John,  277. 
Lygonia,  191,  323*  3»4« 
Lyon,  Henry,  437* 


MACAt'LAV,  T.  n  ,  on  William  Ptnn, 
V^<  I  his  vitw*  ionirnvtrttdt  y-nh. 

Macaulty,  J^mes,  tfiitary  0/  Xno 
York,  41 1. 

Mace,  I  .ipiain  Saimivl,  115 

Mackir,  J  M..  Life  0/  Samuel  OW- 
toM,  t/rt. 

Maiock,  Samuel,  14). 

M,tdi»<)ti,  It.tac,  lil,  I4<t. 

"  M,i<lrt)  do  l>io«,'    Rhip,  116* 

M.illi!ii(i«,  in.tp  dv'lK  I'l^t  HUipria' 
run*  Inditarnm  Uhrt,  ii/>, 

M.iKellai), '•'1 ;  hm  iiir,iii«.  3<ii,  mj. 

Martin,  /hitoire  I'mwrxelle^  \%\, 

.Maitnirtic  ixile  lirKt  nUKge^ied,  207. 

Maine,  ifociiinentary  hlHiory,  jnM  ; 
grants  and  charters,  ji>.; ;  pmvinco 
of,  3>"i  W4;  hotiuht  by  MaiMchu- 
seti>t,  tio,  324 ;  lu*r  history,  \i\  ; 
patent-',  ^1  1  M.i»iachu<teiift  again 
in  |)i)<tHiiiiiin,  32; ;  aulhorilieson  the 
hiitlury  of,  3''! :  origin  of  name,  vt ; 
patent  to  ( iorges,  \u\  ;  royal  char- 
lt;r,  \u\\  rccorili,  V^\^  .i''4 ;  rnyal 
commissioners  n>,  u^,  f't;  histo- 
ries of,  \i\\,  l>ihlii>graphy  of,  joj, 
1'>«  ;  map  of  the  ciMst,  it>o  :  Kng- 
\\yS\  on  the  coati,  i<>t.  See  (ior^'o, 
Noriimbi'ga,  Pumaipiid,  Pophani. 

MaiiR'  fli^lorit.il  Society,  joi ;  to/* 
leidons,   »"V 

Major,  K.  IL,  191:  on  Cabot's  voy 
age.  45. 

Malabar,  Cajw,  i^i,  383. 

Matectiles,  tSj. 

Mallgnants,  147. 

.Man,  Abraham,  4SS. 

Manchcse,  1 10,  1 1 1. 

NLtngi,  sea.  67,  (tS  ;  region,  68. 

Manning,  Captain,  3'>7> 

Manita,  1 17. 

Manomet,  272. 

Manor  of  h'rank  (Penniylvania),  482. 

Manteo,  110,  11 1,  11^. 

Maiuiraciures  in  Virginia.  1^)6  ;  In 
New  Kngland,  316. 

Marco,  Cape^  loi. 

•*  M.iria,"  ship,  95. 

Mariana,  3(17. 

"  Marigold,"  ship,  <■>%,  1S7. 

Mitriner's  Mirronrt  Joy. 

NLirkham,  A.  H.,  Voyages  cf  fohn 
Diii'is^  «>). 

Markham.  C.  R.,79;  I'oyageso/  Baf' 
fin,  <jq. 

Markham,  William,  17S;  letters,  497. 

MarooiiH,  U\. 

M.irriage,  first,  in  Virginia,  132. 

Marsbnll,  O.  IL,  on  the  charters  ol' 
New  York,  414;  on  Denonvllle'a 
ex|>edition.  41  ■;. 

Marsillac,  J.,  I'iede  l^enn,  506. 

Marslon,  Kastivttrd lio  !  ia8. 

Martha's  Vineyard,  iHt>, 

Martin,  John,  12S,  13;,  143,  14/}. 

Martin.  J.  H.,  Chester  and  its  t'icin- 
ity,  510. 

Martin,  (riizetteer  of  I'irginia^  165. 

Afnrt in  Mar- Prelate  Tracts^  237,238. 

Marlindale,  J  C,  Byberry  and  More- 
land.  V'9- 

Marvin,  W.  T.  R.,  edits  the  AW' i:"«^- 
lantfsjonas^  355. 

Mary,  (Jneen,  aiitog.,  ^. 

'*  Mary  and  John."  ship,  176. 

"Mary  of  Ciiillord,"  ship,  170,  185, 
iSr.. 

Maryland,  history  of,  517;  charter, 
S17:  name  of,  i;2n ;  bounds,  520; 
jKJwers  of  the  Proprietors,  520,  521  ; 
rights  of  the  settlers,  522  ;  contro- 
versy with  Virginia,  522,  S2S;  Jesuit 
missions,  523.  554 ;  the  charter's 
significance  of  toleration,  523,  530, 
5^)2  ;  map  of,  4A5,  52s  ;  colonists  ai 
rive,  526;  early  assemblies.  527, 
528,  530,  531:  struggle  of  colonists 
with  the  Proprietor,  529;  lng]e*s 
usurpation,  532  ;  overthrown,  532  ; 
Toleration  Act,  534,  541,  5115,  s't); 
passed  by  Catholics,  534 ;  indorse- 
ment of,  535  ;  Puritan  settlers,  535; 
two  houses  of  the  Assembly  formed. 


93A  ;  rnmmi«« inner**  demands,  ti;  1 
MCond  conuuent,  3,1^ ;  ^  kiory  of 
Purilan*  of    Trovidrniff,    ^19;  the 


[)l  the 


Proprietor  rein'^iaird,  ^(i  ,  |>opula« 
tlon,  941  ;  coiii4|te,  341;  boundary 
dttpnies  with  Prnnsylvanu,  47H, 
4,HM,  4S.,,  ^fd,  wrii  of  If  MO  viirramia 
against  thf  (.liartrr.  )3<>;  Cnode's 
'*  A^-Miciaiioii,"  )3i  ;  proprietary 
governnu-nt  ends,  %%i  ;  a  rnval 
provinie,  ^^^^  ;  Nourcesof  it«hi»tury. 

3311  A'rl.titOH  (ol  ir>t4)i  SS)  ;  •<■ 
if't)*.  ^^1  •  IctlL-rs  of  Jesuit  missiiMw 
arid'*,  ss\''  map.  ^31 ;  bound. irv  dls- 


i Miles  with  Virglna,  3^4;  battle  of 
'rovideiice,  aulhorUi 
chive*  of  the  Slate,  MS^SWi  l^ws, 
:ale 


ulhorUics  on,  354 


f*  on,  354  ;  i 

\^i'iS7'   lav 

S'Of  M'>*  SV'  S'>2  ;  caleiiifar  of  Stale 
papers,  is'>;  lo^s  of  retords,  %%j  ; 
docuineiils  in  Siate-Pa)ier  ( iHito  in 
I.ondon,  33;:  index  to  iheni,  M71 
other  m.inntiiipl  wiurieM,  31^7;  bis* 
toriet,  ^^1);  Hval  or  thn  tolony,  $$n\ 
proportion  of  ('.itholun,  ^fMi ;  the 
question  of  inleration  ditt  iiKied,  ^6i; 
si>ur(cof  (.h.irtci,  301  ;  bibliography 
of,  5'>i  ,  local  hiftloriet,  31)1.  Set 
Calvert,  Kent  Itland,  etc. 

Maryland  Historical  .SiM.iety,  3<»i  ;  pub* 
bcaliuns,  t^'ij. 

M.iton,  l.'liatli's.  auto^.,  4H<(. 

M.iHoii,  C.ipiain  John,  of  New  Ham))- 
thlrc,  on  the  Maine  toa-^t,  i<i(;  his 
willf  J'-;;  )(rant  of  l^conia,  to^i 
327,  32H  ;  vicc-presideni  of  Council 
for  New  Kngland,  yxi',  grant  of  New 
llampithire,  jio,  tf*/ ;  his  grants, 
32<^:  aulog.,  3ri4 ;  dies,  32H ;  me- 
nioir  bv  C  W.    Tutllc.  ('14. 

Mason,  Jofin,  of  i  onnectliut,  in  Pc* 
i|uut  war,  34^;  aulog,,  34M;  hie 
narrative,  349. 

Mason,  Robert  Tuflon,  329,  3'7. 

Mason  and  I)ixon's  line,  489,  514,  ji;. 

Massa,  1. 4. 

Massachusetts,  310;  early  meant  Hos* 
ton  IlarlHir,  179,  1S3  ;  patent,  .io<>, 
310,    342:    charter,    311.    342,    343; 

f;overnnient  of,  312;  objects  of  the 
ounders,  112 :  charter  attacked, 
313;  charter  concealed,  318;  her 
relation-^  with  the  oiher  colonies, 
316;  buys  the  patent  of  Maine,  tjo, 
3^4;  writ  iii  giio  tvttrranto  against 
the  charter.  321  ;  origin  of  name  of, 

342  ;  anthoritieHfor  its  hisiorv,  342  ; 
government  transferrud  to  ifie  soil, 
343;  archives  of,  343  ;  records  print- 
ed. 343.  159;  manuscriptselsewhere, 

343  :  histories  of,  344  ;  laws  of.  114, 
34'>-35'.  373;  -ilruggle  to  maintain 
Its  charter,  362:  authorities  on  the 
atniggle,  3''>2  ;  bibliogmphy  of,  3^t  i 
claims  westward  to  the  Pacific,  396  ; 
claim  to  .(luls  west  of  the  Hudson, 
405.     See  New  Kngland. 

Massachusetts  Company,  342,  343. 

MtissachuKttls  flistorical  Society,  ar- 
chives of,  343;  publications,  343; 
Collections,  343;  Proceedings,  ^^4^. 

Mass.ichusetts  Mount,  342.  See  Hlue 
Hills 

Massachusetts  River,  342. 

Masson,  Life  of  Milton ^  245. 

Massonia,  3''7. 

Massasolt,  274,  282  ;  his  family,  290, 

Mataoka.     See  Pocahontas. 

Mather,  Cotton,  autog.,  319:  his  li- 
brary 345 :  Ecclesiastical  History 
of  AVtc  England,  (>r  Magnaliay 
340,  2.S3,  345  ;  portrait,  345;  Diarv^ 
34<i  ;  J'arentator.  345  ;  on  tbe 
Wbeelwrii;ht  deed,  3^7  :  man  of 
New  Kngland,  345,  3H4  ;  forged  let- 
ter of,  502. 

Mather,  Increase,  Relation  of  the 
Trottbles,  34;,  361  ;  Brief  History 
of  the  War,  361. 

Mather,  Richard,  355,  35a 

Mather  Papers,  374. 

Matowack,  388. 

Matthews,  Samuel,  149. 

Mattson,  Margaret,  488. 


572 


INDEX. 


Maverick.  Samuel,  3^:  autog.,  311, 
^SS :  controversy  with  Massachu- 
setts 354- 

MavooshcMi,  363. 

Maxwell's  I'ir^inia  HUiorktil  Re- 
gister,  Id**. 

May,  Dorothy,  autog.,  368, 

May's  Arctic  expedition,  104. 

Mayer.  Hrani/,  533,  559,  562;  Caiveri 
and  yVwn,  507. 

Maver.  Lewis.  557,  t^hz. 

"  Mayrtower,"  ship,  j*>7 ;  passengers 
on.  j''7.  2<yi  :  their  autographs,  2(.S; 
last  survivor,  J71  ;    jiassengcrs,  ori- 

?'n  of,  3'*4  ;   her  history,  290.     Sge 
ilgrims.  J<ines. 
Mavnarde.  Thonias,  82. 
Mci'all,  Peter.  51J. 
Mcfainant.  Thomas.  510. 
MLlnrniick,  S.   I  .  (72. 
MclMiald,  Colonel  A.  W.,  his  report 

on  Virginia  bound-.  159. 
McMahon,  J.  V.  V..,  History  of  Mary* 

land,  5v*. 
Mohtrry,   J.inies,  History  0/  Mary- 
land, ^fy. 
McShciry,  Richard,  5'>o;  Essays  and 

L^ktiirfs,  5'  o. 
Meadf,  Old  '  kifches   and  Fainilit-s 

of  Virginia,  xitt. 
Medina,  Arte  de  Xavegar^  207. 
Meeting-houses,  old,  in  New  Kngland, 

31,'*- 
Megiser,  Sef'tentrio  no7\nttitjuus,  104. 
Melton,  Kdward,  ^«v-  eti  Landreizen, 

419. 
MendiKino,  Cajie.  74-7''i  J*o. 
^lenzies  CaiaU\^ut' ,  passim. 
MfniU'tiites.  251,  47i>.  41*0. 
Mercatcr,  ijcr.ird.  his  engraved  pores 

of  a  glolfe.  J14:    Hondy's  edition, 

1(17,  3S1  ;    his  projection  improved 

by  Wright.  joS. 
Merchant  adventurers,  266. 
Merl.in.  J     K.  \'.,  4'/i. 
"  Mermaid,"  ship,  s<>. 
Mtrrill,    lames  t .,  353. 
Merry  .\louiit,  27S. 
Mct-Konjet,  2*<2. 
Mela  Incnjziiiia.  ^\  §>),  gt. 
Meusel.  liiNiotheca  Historica^  124. 
Mew.  Richard,  435. 
Mexico,  prtss  in.  350. 
Mey,  L'ornehus  Jacobsen.  422. 
Miaiitonomi),  3''J>. 
"  Michael."  ship.  V). 
Michener,    Kzra.    Early   Quakerism, 

e,.  '5. 
Mickie,  Isaac.  Old  Gloiuester,  456. 
Middletnwn  (New  Jersey),  424,  427. 
MiUor''.  (Ciinneciicul>,  313. 
MilUrd,  K   J..  in4. 
Millenary  iwiitiitn.  239. 
Miller,  J  ,  Description  of  Xe^v  York^ 

420. 
Millet.  Father,  his  Relation,  415. 
**  Mwiion,"  ship.  f>4. 
Minot.  (.1,  R.,  History  of  Massachu- 
setts, 344. 
Mint  in  Hoston,  316:  ille^zal.  320;  in 

Miryland,  54^ ;  in  New  Jersey,  447. 
Mitilicll.  JntKithan,  3'to 
M'Kinnev  and   Hall,  Indian   Tribes^ 

163. 
Mohawks   394-   30^';   friendship  with, 

400 ;    French    expeditions    against, 

41  f;.     See  Iroquois. 
Mohegan  case,  341/. 
Molineaux,  F^meric,  map,  44,  46,  jj, 

91,  t/9,  197,  2ifi.  217;  of  California 

coast,  Sj  ;  his  globe,  90,  196,  203, 

207.  20S.  212,  »I3. 

Moll.  Herman,  his  maps.  345. 
Moluccas  4S  ;  discovered,  6^S. 
Monardes,  yoifull  .Verves,  204. 
Mondidier  Catalogue,  348. 
Monhegan,  17O,  17S,  179,  181-183,190, 

I  (1.  3^1- 
Monmouth  patent,  426. 
Monlanus.     Arnojdus.     /?r     Xieu7ve 

If'eereld,   1S4,   416;   map  of  New 

York,  3*^1.  417. 
Monterey,  7-»t75- 


Montreal    (^font    Royal),    aij-      Set 

Hochelaga. 
Moody,  Josliua,  autng.,  319. 


'  Moonshine,"  shi|>,  S9. 


Moore,  George 


3(18  :  on  Poole's 


edition  of  Johnson's  ll'onder-ivork- 

ing  rrox'tdence,  35S, 
Moore,  J.  H.»367;  Goi-emorsof  Xew 

England,  2S.), 
Moore,  John.  4HS. 
Moorhead,    Sarah,   portrait  of  Cotton 

Mather.  345. 
Mooshausic,  377. 

Mi)ravians*  (Hethlehem)  library,  500. 
Mordei),  Robert,  map  of  New  Kngland, 

3S4. 
More.  Caleb.  3'>o. 
More,  Nichol.is,  4S2.  48^1,  4S8.  4')4,497: 

autog.,  4S4  ;  Letter  from  Dr.  More, 

500. 
Moreland,  manor  of,  4S2. 
Morris,  Caspar.  515. 
Morris,  J.  (J..  Lord  Baltimore,  559; 

Bibliography  of  Maryland,  561. 
Morris,  Coloticl  Lewis,  43(>. 
Morrison,  Francis,  14S,  149,  152. 
Morton,  Charles,  autog.,  319. 
Morton,  Ceorge,  sip. 
Morton,   Nathaniel,   2S3  ;  Xt'^v  Eng- 

land's  Memorial,   2S3,   291,    359  ; 

autog..  2'(i. 
Morton,  Thotnas,  27S,  50J,  322  ;  Xen* 

English    Canaan,   348  ;  edited   by 

C.  F.  Adams,  Jr.,  34S. 
Mount  I  )esert,  17S,  179,  190,  194,  3S2, 

Mount  Wollaston,  311. 

Mounifield.  !>.,  The  Church  and  J^U' 

ritans,  2^\. 
Moulton,  J"\V...\Vtc  VorkOneHun- 

drcd  iind  Scj'enty  i'ears  Ax''*  4i<>. 
Mourt\s  Relation ,  2SS,  28.^  ;  itsauthor- 

sliip,  2t(0. 
Mudie,  I  >avid,  443. 
Multord,  L  ">.,  History  of  Xi'^v  Jersey, 

455- 
Muller,      I-redcrick,     Catalogue      of 

A merican   /'or/raits,    410;    Books 

on  America,  p.issim. 
MulIcr,  (ieschiedenis  der  noo/d  Com- 

pagnie,  'i^. 
Muller,  H istory  of  Doncaster,  102. 
Munsell,  Joel.  372. 
'  Munster,  or  Minister,  Sebastian,  Cos- 

mographia,  27,  3''.  km,  2i»o ;  map 

(1532',  n)t;,  201  :  edits C«ryn;tus  and 

I'toleniy,  1^9;  in  Kii,i;lisli  by  Kdcn, 

2t>o.  20t  ;  map  l,i54<'*.  201,  217. 
Murpliy,    li.    I.'.,   Henry    Hudson    in 

Holland,    ii*4  ;    /  eirazzano,    214 ; 

on   the    Pilgrims  in    Leyden,   2S7 ; 

and    Milet's    captivity.    415;    edits 

Danker'syc//?//*;/,  420. 
Muscongus,  191. 
Muscovy  Compiiny,  6,  4fi,  103. 
Myrilius.  Johannes,  Opusculum  Geo- 

graphicum,  10. 

**Nacmkn,**  ship,  iSi. 

Nancy  globe,  214. 

Nam.iskct,  3"i- 

Nantucket.  382. 

Napitr,    Lord  Bacon    and   Raieghy 

I2(>. 

Narragansett  country,  Connecticut's 
claim.  335,  339;  settled,  336;  ^L■\s- 
sachusetts  proprietors  of,  33>>;  town- 
ships, 3^1  :  histories  of,  376  ;  patent, 
379.     See  Rhode  Island. 

Narragansell  Club.  377, 

Xarragansett  Historical  Register, 
3«i.' 

Narragansclts,  3S2. 
Naumkeag,  311.     *SV^  Salem. 
Naunton,  Sir  Robert,  2C)5. 
Navigation,  early  books  on,  206. 
Navigation   Act,    150,  380,   387,  400, 

415.  544- 

Nead,  P.  M.,  510. 

Neal,  Daniel,  History  of  the  Puri- 
tans, 250;  History  0/  Xeiv  Eng- 
land, 34 S  ;  its  map.  345. 

Neale,  Walter,  327,  328;  autog.,  363. 


Needle,  variation  of,  9,  23,  41. 

Nehaniic  country,  3^1. 

Neill,  F  I).,  his  /  trginia  and  I'ir- 
giniola,  154;  Xotes  on  the  I'ir^ 
ginia  Colonial  Clergy,  157;  His- 
tory of  the  Virginia  Company  of 
London,  158,  2S8,  340;  English 
Colonization  in  America,  igj;,  158, 
28S,  5(n  ;  his  notes  on  Virginia 
history,  158,  ifio.  1(12,  1O3,  i(>(»  ;  on 
Sir  Kdtnund  Plowden,457:  on  Rol>- 
ert  Evelyn,  4S9;  Erancis  HtKvgill, 
505  ;  Light  thrinvn  by  the  Jesuits, 
etc..  5S4  ;  Terra  Mariir,  5(>o  ;  Lord 
Baltimore  and  Toleration,  5(x»  ; 
Founders  of  Maryland,  <i'>o;  Mary- 
land not  a  Roman  Catholic  Colony. 

Nelson,  Captain,  at  Jamestown,  131, 

Nelson,  Williara,  History  of  Passaic 
County,  45fi. 

Nelson  River,  93. 

"  Neptune,"  ship,  142. 

Nevada,  67. 

Nevada  River,  101. 

Nevill,  Jame-*.  441. 

Nevill,  Samuel,  454' 

New  Albion  (Hrakc's),  80;  under 
"Caput  Draconis."  6-),  72. 

New  Albion  (IMow  den's).  457  ;  bounds, 
45^.  4''3  ;  medal  ami  ribbon  of  the 
Albion  knights,  4^*1 ,  462.  See 
Plowdeu 

New  Amsterdam  surrenders  to  the 
Knglish,  3S9.  421  :  first  reports  of, 
414:  burghers  take  the  oath,  414; 
early  views,  415.     See  New  York. 

New  I'a'saria.     See  Nova  Cx'saria. 

New  Kngland,  name  fust  given,  19S ; 
thouulit  to  be  an  island.  it)7  ;  Car- 
tography, 194.  3^>t  ,1^2.  3^^.^  Dud- 
ley's map,  303  ;  Easkaart,  333  ; 
Mather's  map,  345;  Confederation 
(of  i(>43),  2Si.  315,  334.  3.1^)  .154: 
its  records.  373  ;  religious  element 
in,  2\i}\  sources  of  her  history.  340  ; 
relations  with  the  Dutch,  375  ;  do- 
minion extends  to  the  Pacific,  40*}; 
Aiulros  seal,  410 ;  bouiuK  as  al- 
lowed by  the  French.  451' .  Coun- 
cil for,  295  ;  their  Bricfe  Relation, 
2<)h\  patent,  297;  st-'-*'.  .14".  342; 
Elatform,  302  ;  records,  301,  308, 
34a ;  parliticuj  the_coast,  305  ;  grants, 
308,  3^0  ;  surrenders  patent,  309 ; 
autlutrities  on,  340. 

Xe^v  England  Almanac,  3S4. 

New  Kngland  Historic  (iencalogical 
Society,  344. 

AVrc  England  ffistorical  and  Genea- 
logical Register,  344. 

New  Knglatul  S<)ciety  of  New  York, 

,  2<)3. 

Xe^v  Englaud*s  Eirst  Emits,  355. 

New  l-'raiice,  loi. 

New  ll.i.nU-m,  390. 

New  I'  mpsliire,  grant  of,  310:  his- 
tory ill,  326  ;  submits  to  Rtassachu- 
setts,  327,  320;  name  first  used, 
329,  3(17  ;  EriK/'ncial  J\ipers,  3(>3, 
3(17:  sources  of  Iier  history,  3')*'; 
Wheelwright  deed,  36(1 ;  patents, 
3(7;  mapdhs;),  367;  laws,  367  ; 
histories  of,  368  ;  local  histories, 
3O8:   bibliography.  3C>8. 

New  Hampshire  llistorical  Society 
Collections,  367. 

New  Haven.  310,  36^;  founded,  332, 
371  ;  united  io  Comiecticut,  334; 
fundamental  articles  in  original 
Constitution,  371  ;  laws,  371  ;  Hlue 
Laws,  371  :  charter  of  uniim  with 
Connecticut,  373  ;  Records,  371, 
37s  ;  histories  of,  375  ;  maritime 
interests,  371;.     See  Connecticut. 

New  Haven  Historical  Society  Pa- 
/''*-s^  MS- 

Xew  Interlude,  199. 

New  Jersey,  grants  of,  392  ;  boundary 
disputes,  4of) ;  named,  422,  423  ; 
Concessions,  etc.,  423.  425,  42'>.  427  ; 
government,  423;  earliest  Assem- 
bly,  425  ;    lords  proprietors,   428 ; 


INDEX. 


573 


13,  4»- 

ttia  ami  I  'ir* 
on    the  I  'I'r^ 

o\  157;  //"- 

[  tofupany  of 
\^r>  ;  Kn,ciish 
riiii,  i5j;.  15H, 
i  on  Virgini.t 
!,  163,  if)'* ;  on 
,457 :  on  K<il>- 
ituis  //tm'i^i//, 
\v  ///«•  7,-sHits, 
'ur,  5(>o  ;  Lord 
%'raiion,  5<h>  ; 
ui,  ti'>o;  Mary- 
itholic  Colony ^ 

iiestown,  131. 
'ry  of  Passaic 


i),    80  ;    under 

H),    72. 

,),  4«;7  ;  bounds. 
I  ribbon  of  the 
)i,    4<>2.       See 

•endcrs    to  the 

first  reports  of, 
the  oHth,  414 ; 
('(■  New  Y()rk. 
iva  CiL'saria. 

irst  given,  igS ; 
laud.  i.)7  :  Car- 
,lS2.  3S3  ;  Dud- 
\isktiart,  333  ; 
;  I'onlederation 

3.M.  ?.^S  .154; 
ligioiis  element 
itT  history.  34"  '• 
)uich.  375  ;  do- 
he  Pacific,  4"(> ; 

btunul-.  a>  al- 
:h.  45'> .  Cnun- 
rit'/e  Kihition, 
seal,    341,  342  ; 

rds,   301,   3*'S, 

^t.  3*^5  ;  grants, 
rs  patent,  309 ; 

rrr,  3S4.  ,  .  , 
ic  Genealogical 

tea/  a/iii  0fni\i' 

4- 
of  New  York, 

Fruits,  355- 


lit  of.  310;  his- 
ts  to  ^lassachu- 
atne  tirst  used, 
al  Pa/*ersy  3O3, 
r  history,  3')'>; 
36(> ;  patents, 
(6;  ;  laws,  367  : 
local    histories, 

storical    Society 

;  founded,   332, 

nnecticut.    3,^4; 

es     m     orij;inal 

laws,  3^1  ;  Hlue 

i)f  unimi   with 

Ki'corii.u  .  .V*i 

^75  ;    maritime 

Connecticut. 

cal   Society  Pa- 


f,  392 ;  boundary 
med.  422,  423  ; 
23,  425.  42'>.  427; 
earliest  Asseni* 
)roprietors,   428 ; 


laws,  429,  447 ;  Quintipartite  deed, 
431  ;  under  Anaros*  government, 
444 ;  attempt  to  run  the  line  be- 
twcen  K.ist  and  West  Jersey,  445; 
Pianter^ s\S/>ecch ,  etc.,  449;  sources 
of  its  history,  449;  counties  and 
towns,  44();  churches  in,  447;  edu- 
cation in,  447  :  coinage  in,  447<  44^^  I 
early  tracts  on,  451  ;  histories  of, 
■4531  455;  ArJti-Sfs,  454;  map  by 
Van  der  Donck,  455  ;  etlorts  to 
complete  its  archives,  45s  ;  Chal- 
mers papers  on  its  history,  455  ; 
Testimonys  from  the  hih.ilntants^ 
470,  See  Kast  ««(/ West  lersey. 
New   Jersey   Historical    Society,  454, 

455- 

New  London  {Connocticut),  37s. 

New  Netherland,  relations  with  New 
England,  375;  taken  by  tin-  Kng- 
lish,  3Ss;  capture  contemplated  by 
Cromwell.  3S6  ;  bounds  of,  456. 
See  Dutch,  New  York. 

New  Plymouth.  276.    See  Plymouth. 

N'*w  Scotland,  ^ofi. 

New    Somerset,    322,    363;     records, 

New  Sweden,  456.  465;  surrenders  to 
the  Dutch,  422. 

New  York  (cityK  405,  407;  view  of 
the  Strand,  41;:  Stadthuys,  419, 
420;  Water-gate,  420 ;  tirst  named, 
390;  taken  by  the  Dutch,  31)7,  415, 
429  ;  restored  In  the  Knglish,  3i)S ; 
goveriunent,  414  ;  early  views,  415  ; 
maps,  417,  418:  its  history,  415. 
See  New  Amsterdam. 

New  York  (pmviiKc),  described  (in 
i'»7^).  4<«»;  btiuiidary  thsputes  with 
Connecticut,  405;  sources  of  its  his- 
tory, 411;  under  Knglish  rule,  385  ; 
charter  of  liberties,  404  ;  charter  of 
franchises,  405 ;  annexed  to  New 
England  under  .Andros.  401);  histo- 
ries of,  411;  literature  of  disputed 
lioundaries,  414  ;  charters,  414 ; 
seals,  415  ;  maps,  417  ;  descrip- 
tions. 419.    See  N'ew  Netherland. 

Newark  (N'ew  Jersey),  425;  history 
of,  45(.. 

Newbie,  Mark,  441,  .(4S. 

Newce,  Thomas,  144. 

Newf<mndland,  519.  See  Avalon,  Uac- 
cal.ios. 

Ncwichwaneck,  327,  328. 

Newport,  Captain  Christopher,  128, 
132,  133.  \y)\  his  discoveries,  154. 

Newport  (Rhode  Island),  founded, 
33N  33S 

Ne^vport - 1 i istorical  Maf^aziue^  3S1. 

Newport-News,   origin   of   the  name, 

»  .*54- 

Nicholas.  Thomas,  his  Pleasant  His- 

tori',  2114,  205  :  his  Pern,  204. 
NichoUs.    Richard,   389;    killed,  396; 

autog.,  38S,  421. 
Nichols,  Philip,  s^. 
Nichols,  Dr.  William,  Doctrine  of  the 

Church  of  Kni^land,  248. 
Niclujisnn,  Krancis,  444. 
Nicholson,  Joseph,  autog.,  i,\a. 
Niles,  T.  \\.,■^^i^ 
Noble.  Cieorge,  457. 
Noddle's  Island,  31 1. 
Nombre  de  Dios,  65. 
Nonconformists,   219,  223.     ^S"*:^  Dis- 
senters, Separatists. 
Norman,    Robert.    Xeive  Attractive^ 

207,   20S ;    Safeguard  of  Saylers^ 

207. 
Norris,  J.  S.,  555  ;  Parly  Friends  in 

Maryland,  305. 
North, 'j.  W.i  History  of  Augusta, 

North  Carolina.  Indians  of,  109  ;  map 

of,  by  John  White,  124. 
Northeast  Passage,  d,  30. 
**  North  Star,"  snip,  90. 
Northwest  explorations,  85  ;  Passage, 

203.  See  Arctic. 
Northwest  Territory,  Virginia's  claims 

„  *Ot  *53. 

Norton,  Francis,  328. 


Norton,  John.  Discussion  of  the  Suf- 
fering of  Chrtst,  3^7  ;  aulog.,  35S  ; 
Heart    of    A'rtw    England    Kent, 

35'^. 

Norton.  Literary  Gazette,  205. 

Norumbega,  loi,  iHS  ;  its  English  ex- 
plorers, 1^19;  bounds,  ifxj;  meaning 
of  the  name,  1S4  ;  authorities,  1S4; 
varieties  of  the  name,  195,214.  ^Vi* 
Aiembec,  Maine 

Norwich  (Connecticut),  375. 

Norwood,  Colonel  Henry,  14S. 

Noruootl,  I'oyage  to  i'irginia,  157. 

Notley.  Thomas,  547. 

Nova  Alliion,  42.     See  New  Albion. 

A'oTii  /iV/A;w«/(»  (Virginia),  155,  15'', 
199- 

Nova  Ca-saria,  422.     See  New  Jersey. 

Nova  Krancia.     See  New  France. 

Nova  Scotia,  299. 

DAKWtPOi)  Pki-ss,  Kcyo. 

O'Callaghan,    K.    It.,  on    New  York 

history,    414  ;     ^V*""'    Xetherland, 

415;  edits  Wooley's  yt^rtrmi/,  420; 

his  Catalogue,  passim. 
Ocrac<)ke  Inlet,  1 1 1, 
Ogdcn,  John,  42*). 
Ogilby,  John,  America^  167,  1S4,  3(^>o, 

4i'> :  map  of  New  York,  417  ;  map 

of  New  England,  3S1. 
Oiseaux,  Isle  des,  313. 
Olaus  Magnus,  loi. 
Old  Cnlony  Club,  293. 
(-)ld  Colony    Historical    Society,   291, 

344- 
"  Old  Dominion,"  name  of,  153. 
Oldham,  John,  303. 
(.>ldmi.\on,  John,  British  Empire  in 

America,  345-490.  5"'2- 
Oldys,  William,  Life  of  Paeon,   121; 

nritish  Lihrarian^  205. 
Olive,  Thomas,  441. 
Ondcrdonk,    Henry,   Jr.,    Annals    of 

Hempstead,  505. 
Opecancanongh.  131. 
Orcuttand  Iteadsley,  H  istory  of  Derby , 

37.";. 
Oregon  coast,  f'S. 

Orinoco  River,  1 17 ;  valley,  map,  124. 
Orleans,  Isle  of.  213- 
Oitelius's  map  in  Ilakluyt,  205  ;    The' 

atrutn  orbis  terrarum,  34. 
Oswego,  411. 

Otten's  map  of  New  York,  417- 
(Iviedo,  Hisioriii  de  las  Indias,  49. 
Oxford  Tract,  15'). 
Oxford  I'oyages,  79. 

Paciiic,  p.issages  to  the,  1S3,  459; 
called  Mate  del  Sur,  203.  See 
South  Sea. 

Pack.  Roi;er,  457. 

Paget,  John,  Inquiry,  etc.,  30*'). 

Pame,  John,  autog,,'33^. 

P.ilfrey'.  Jolin  C..,  his'im.'rost  in  Pil- 
grim hislory,  284;  History  of  Xeio 
England,  i^n,  344,  375,  376. 

P.diner,  W.  p.,  if,,. 

P.Uiner's  Island,  522,  32S. 

P.inuinkey  Indians,  i{i. 

Paper  manufacture   in   Pennsylvania, 

„  •♦;)3. 

I  anas,  201,  215, 

I'armenins,  171,  1S7. 

Partridue,  Ralph,  2S0. 

Paschall,  Thomas.  499. 

"  Pasha,"  sliip,  65. 

Passao,  island,  79. 

Passe,  Simon,  212. 

l*attcrson,  lames  W.,  am. 

Pastorius.  F.  D.,  491,  515;  Besckrei' 
Imug,  etc.,  3(12. 

"  Patience,"  ship,  136. 

Patowomekes,  135. 

Patuxel,  273. 

Pavonia,  422. 

Payne,  Elizabethan  Seamen,  78,  1R7. 

Pcabody,  (Jeorge,  557,  562. 

Pearls  sought  for  on  the  New  Englaud 
coast,  iSi. 

Pearson,  Peter,  35S;  autog.,  314. 

Pease,  J.  C,  37*^. 


Peckard,  Peter,  hfemoir  of  NuHolat 
Ferrar^  13S. 

Peckham,  Sir  George,  39,  196;  his 
i'rue  Report,  1X7,  205. 

Peirce,  E.  W.,  Indian  History,  etc., 
2i/> ;  Civil  Lists,  etc.,  293. 

J'eirce.  James,  /  'indication  of  the 
Jh'sseuters,  24M. 

Peirce,  |uhn,  209.  275,  2t»,  301,  34', 

i'eirce,  \\'illiam,  Altnatutc,  350. 

Pejepscot  patent,  324. 

Pelliam,  Peter,  345. 

"  Pelican,"  Drake's  ship,  65;  broken 
>ip.  73- 

Pematiuid,  n;o,  191,  193,  3(15,  3S2,  400, 
40;;  Po|ihain  .It,  170;  map,  177;  set- 
tled, 321;  Papers,  3(15;  books  on, 
3(»5 ;  putchasfd  by  Duke  of  York, 
3-'=^.  3^"^;  grant  of,  v^).    See  Maine- 

Pemlnoke,  Karl  of,  64,  So. 

I'emi^ap.m.  1 12. 

I'cnh.dluw.  Indian  H',irs,  349. 

Peningiuii,  John,  on  New  Albion,  46c. 

Penn,  Oranvillc,  Sir  William  J*enn, 
3..(,. 

I'enn,  I  lannah,  514. 

Puiin.  Ricli.nd,  514. 

Penn,  William,  intervenes  in  New 
Jersey  disputes.  430,  432  ;  purchases 
Carit'iet's  interest  in  Jersi'v,  435; 
his  Letter  (printed  in'  I'-Sij),  49X 
49'j ;  Further  Account,  51K);  Sir 
W.  Popple's  Letter  to  Penn,  502; 
allege<l  plot  to  capture  him,  '302; 
Brief  Account,  etc  .  of  the  {^uahers, 
49''.  303  ;  Primitive  Chnstitinity 
Eerived,  303;  his  Works,  505; 
li\es  ot,  503,  50'):  connection  with 
Algfinon  or  Henry  Si<iney,  50*) ; 
P.ipcrs,  500.  307;  Apology,  SfW*; 
conespoiulence  with  Logan,  500; 
his  family,  5.'7;  travels  in  Hnlland, 
507  ;  deeds,  grants,  leiters,  etc..  3.17  ; 
his  career,  473  ;  portraits,  474,  475; 
autog.,  474.  4S4;  his  burial-place, 
473;  A'('  Cross,  no  Crc^ivn^  473; 
lireat  Case  of  I.  iberty  of  Conscience, 
473;  interest  in  West  Jersey,  470; 
petitions  for  land  east  ot  the  Dela- 
ware, 47(>:  charter  granted,  477; 
Some  Account,  etc.,  47S,  479,  4.(5, 
4.V' ;  airivcs  in  America.  4Sr),  482; 
Letitia  Cuttage,  4S3;  at  Shack.i- 
maxon,4';(i,  5i.(  ;  his  country-house, 
41)1  ;  slate  root  hoii->e.  492  ;  Brief 
Account,  4«>''  :  vindicated  by  Ford, 
49S ;  his  letters.  4>(S  ;  his  lamliiig, 
312;  treaty  with  the  Indians,  313; 
belt  of  wampum.  313  :  Treaty  Tree, 
513:  and  the  Indians,  513:  contro- 
vcrsv  with  Baltimore.  314.  54**«  54')I 
letter  to  Free  Society  of  Traders, 
5if'.     See  Pennsylvania. 

Penn.  Sir  Willi.ini,  3"'^' 

Pcnnsl)ury  manor.  401. 

Pennsylvania,  origin  of  name,  477; 
founding  of.  4'>.) ;  charter  granted, 
477;  bounds  with  M.irvland,  404, 
4;><.  4^*  5>3.  514,  titS;  countrv  de- 
scribed, 4S1  ;  Frame  of  GoT'ern" 
merit,  4*17,  311 ;  its  seal  and  signers, 
4S4  ;  courts,  4S7  ;  population.  491; 
Harris's  map,  491  :  education,  402; 
trade,  402;  press  in,  40^;  ecclesi- 
astical affairs,  41)1  :  sources  of  its 
hisiorv.  443  ;  earlv  tracts  on,  405, 
4'i'>:  Tit'ce  Missifcn,  ^•■n  ;  Beschrei- 
bung  drr  Peusylvanieu^  4.)'* :  A\'- 
ciieil  de  pieces,  etc.,  4.H);  Missive 
7'an  Bom,  500 :  Xader  Informatie, 
3o«i ;  Some  Letters,  300;  Cofia 
eiues  Send-Schriebgns,  301 ;  Gabri- 
el Thomas's  m;ip.  301  ;  Curieuse 
Xachrickt,  302  ■  histories  ot",  307  ; 
constitutional  nisiory,  510 ;  local 
histories.  i;<v>;  seal,  511;  documents 
in  State-Paper  Office,  310;  I'otesof 
the  Assembly,  510:  Colonial  Re- 
cords,  sio :  Pennsylvania  A  rchives^ 
510;  charter  and  laws,  4S3,  510,511, 
512;  Certain  Conditions,  etc.,  511  ; 
maps,  516:  purchases  from  the  In- 
dians, 516.     See  Penn,  William. 


I 


574 


INDEX. 


* 


Pennsylvania  Historical  Society,  516; 
Memoirs,  t^iU  ;  Pennsylvania  Mag' 
azine  of  History^  516. 

Pennypaclcer,  S.  \V.,  491,  499*  515- 

Penobscot  River,  190;  the  Pilgrims  on 
the,  391. 

Pentagoet  (Castinc),  190,  382,  3S3. 

Pentecost  Harbor,  175,  n/o,  191. 

Pepperrell,  Sir  William,  his  sword,  274. 

Pequods,  3S2  ;  war  with,  348  ;  litera- 
ture of,  u"*.  340.  371- 

Percy,  Abraham,  143,  146. 

Percy,  (icorpe,  134.  13'';  portrait,  134, 
154;  \\\%  Obsenatityns^  154. 

Perfect  Descrifiivn  of  I'irginitt,  157. 

Perkins,  K.  H. ,  Check-List  0/  Amer- 
ican Local  H utory^  292,  363. 

Perle,  island,  67. 

Pero,  Cape,  197. 

Peru,  203. 

Perry,  W.  S.,  The  Church  in  l^ir- 
giniit,  tdb. 

Pert,  Sir  Thomas,  4,  26,  28,  4^. 

Perth  Amb»y,  439,  440,  44?);  Iiistoryof, 
455  ;  tjuakers  at,  505, 

Perth,  Earl  of,  .t35;  autog.,  439. 

Peter  Martyr,  10 ;  his  Decades^  15, 
200;  quoted,  18,  19,  20,  35;  edited 
by  Hakluyt,  41  :  map  from,  42  ; 
translation  by  Locke,  47  ;  his  manu- 
script, 47. 

Peters,  Samuel,  his  false  Blue  Laios, 
372  ;  General  History  0/  ConneC' 
ticut^  372. 

Peterson,  Kdward,  History  of  Rhode 
Island,  i,-j(i. 

Petilot,  jiUmoires^  193. 

Pethedam,  John,  Bibliographical 
^Miscellany,   99. 

Philadelphia  founded,  4S1  :  laid  out, 
491  ;  Holme's  plan,  491 ;  growth  of, 
493  :  histories  (if,  509;  map,  516, 

*'  Philip,"  ship,  424. 

Philip,  William,  205. 

Philip's  War,  281,  31S,  374  ;  in  Rhode 
Island,  339;  tracts  on,  360;  its  end, 

Phillijips,  Sir  Thomas,  208 ;  library  at 
Middlehill,  208;  now  at  Chelten- 
ham, 208. 

'*  Phcenix,"  ship,  131. 

F'ckering,  Charles,  4SS. 

Picrpont.  }o\\v\^  Pilgrim  FaiherSt  294. 

Pierse,  Thomas,  143. 

Pigmies,  101. 

Pike,  James  S.,  Mew  Puritan^  359. 

PiVe,  Robert,  autog.,  359. 

Pilgrim  Society,  293. 

Pilgrims  of  Plymouth,  257  ;  their  rela- 
tions with  the  Mas3achusetis  Pur- 
itans, 242  :  at  Leyden,  263  ;  apply 
to  the  Virginia  Company,  264,  265; 
their  declaration  in  seven  articles, 
265,  2S1,  287;  the  Wincob  patent, 
265,  2(19;  plans  changed  for  New 
Netherland,  2(16;  agree  with  Wes- 
ton, 26f) ;  leave  Leyden,  267 ;  at 
Delfthaven,  267;  sail  from  South- 
ampton, 2^17;  return  to  Dartmouth, 
267;  sail  from  Plymouth  (Devon), 
267 ;  reach  Cape  Cod.267 ;  the  Peirce 
patent,  269;  seek  Hudson  River, 
26») ;  their  compact,  269,  271  ;  ex- 
plorations from  Cape  Cod,  with 
map,  270  ;  clioose  Can-er  governor, 
271  ;  land  at  PIvmouth,  271  ;  date  of 
landing,  200 ;  the  spot  in  dispute, 
271,  290;  Samoset  visits  them,  273  ; 
the  "Fortune"  arrives,  275;  their 
new  patent,  275  ;  their  common 
stock,  276;  land  allotted,  276;  their 
governors,  378;  new  patent  (1641), 
279 ;  relics  of,  279  ;  government 
of,  280;  poverty  of,  281  ;  the  min- 
istr>' among,  2H1  ;  education  among, 
2S1  ;  authorities  on^  their  history, 
283 ;  and  the  Indians,  29a  (  m 
Scrooby,  authorities  on,  285;  in 
Holland,  authorities  on,  285,  a86  ; 
genealogy  of,  292 :  monuments  to 
tneir  memo-y,  293;  their  patents, 
293  ;  pictures  representing  their  his- 
tory, 29}  :  poems,  294;  landed  with- 


in the  patent  of  the  Council  for 
New  England,  302.  See  Leyden, 
Mayflower,  Plymuuih,  Robinson, 
Scrooby. 

Pinkerton,  Voyages.,  102,  124. 

Piscalaqua,  320,  327,  367,  382;  patent, 
.  367. 

Piscataway  (New  Jersey),  423. 

Pitman,  John,  377. 

Place,  Krancis,  474. 

Plaia,  R.  de  la,  197. 

Plancius,  Pctur,  map,  217. 

Plantagenet,  lleauch.imp,  Description 
of  Neiv  Albion,  .\(>\. 

Planter's  Speech,  449,  499. 

Plastricr,  17S,  193. 

'*  Plough,"  ship,  322. 

Plough  patent,  322,  323. 

Plowden,  Sir  Kdmund,  his  ^rant  of 
New  Albion,  457 ;  his  origin,  457  ; 
his  family,  457  ;  his  sons  and  de- 
scendants, 458,  4()7 ;  in  America, 
459,  460 ;  in  Boston.  460  ;  his  will, 
464.     See  New  Albion. 

Plowden,  Francis,  46^1. 

Plowden,  Thomas,  458,  466, 

Plumstead,  Clement,  435. 

Plumstead,  Francis,  autog.,  484. 

Plymouth  Colony,  257,  382  ;  character 
of  colonists.  210;  united  to  Massa- 
chusetts Hay,  282  ;  authorities  on 
its  histor>',  2S3  ;  laws,  edited  by 
Drigham,  292  ;  Records  printed,  292  ; 
fac-simile  of  first  page,  292  ;  patent, 
310;  has  no  charter,  341  :  sends 
emigrants  to  Windsor,  on  the  Con- 
necticut, 368  ;  grant  on  the  Kenne- 
bec, 191.     See  Pilgrims. 

Plymouth  Harbor,  map,  272  ;  visited 
by  Pring,  174,  188;  by  Smith,  179; 
by  Dermer,  183, 

Plymouth  Rock,  272^  200,  293. 

Pjymouth,  town,  palisade  of,  276;  fort, 
276. 

Plymouth  Company,  127. 

Plymouth  County  Atlas,  292. 

Pocahontas,  135,  157;  in  London,  119, 
141;  betrayed,  139;  married,  139, 
161,  162;  dies,  141,  if)2;  her  de- 
scendants, 141,  U12  ;  doubtful  story 
of,  154.  161:  pictures  of,  163,211. 

Pocassel  (Rhode  Island),  336. 

Podalida,  101. 

Point  Comfort.  128. 

Pontanus,  History  of  Amsterdam^ 
103. 

Poole,  W.  P.,  on  the  Popbam  ques- 
tion, 2 10;  edits  Johnson's  Wonder- 
working  Proviaencc^  210,  358. 

Poor,  John  A.,  210. 

Popellini6re,  Lcs  trois  Mondesy  37. 

Popham,  .Sir  Francis,  178. 

Popham,  George,  176. 

Popham,  Sir  John,  175;  autog.,  175. 

Popham  Colony,  177, 190,295;  author- 
ities, 192,  209  ;  J'opham  Atemorial, 
192,  210,  3(^)6;  rival  views,  209;  its 
relation  to  New  England  coloniza- 
tion, 210. 

Porpoise,  Cape,  322. 

Port  Nelson,  93,  9^1, 

Port  St.  Julian,  66. 

Portland  (Maine),  founded,  322:  his- 
tory of,  365. 

Portsmouth  (New  Hampshire),  328; 
treaty  of,  361. 

Portuguese  portolano  (1514-1520),  56; 
discoveries,  56. 

Pory,  John,  143,  159. 

Post  service,  early,  in  Pennsylvania, 

49I*  .        ... 

Potatoes,  found  m  Virginia,  113. 
Pott,  Dr.  John,  144,  146. 
Potter,   C.    E.,   Military   History  of 

Ni--f  Hampshire,  368. 
Potter,  K.  R.,  U istory  of  Narragan* 

sett,  376. 
Patterns  A  merican  Monthly,  i66. 
Powell,  Nathaniel,  142,  143. 
Powhatan  River,  128. 
Powhatan,  Indian  king,  131. 
Prato,  Albert  de,  185,  186, 
Pr^montr^  globe,  214. 


»93« 


Prence,  Thomas^  autog.,  278. 

Presbyterianisni  in  Massachusetts,  354, 
i  Press,  early,  in  Philadelphia,  493 ;  in 
Massachusetts,  350,  356. 

Pretty,  Francis,  Famous  Voyage  of 
Drake,  ji)\  in  Hakluyt,  79;  with 
Cavendish,  84. 

Price,  Heniamin,  436. 

Prichard,  Kdward,  autog.,  484. 

Pricket,  Abacuk,  with  Hudson, 

Priest,  DcRory,  2M4. 

Prince  Edward  Island,  24. 

Prince,  John,  Worthies  of  Devon,  131. 

Prince,  Thomas,  tm  Pilgrim  history, 
285  ;  Chronological  History,  or  A  «• 
nals,  2H3,  346;  publishes  Mason's 
A'arrative,  349.     See  Prence. 

Prince  Society.  344, 

Pring,  Martin,  on  the  New  England 
coast,  173,  1/5;  in  Plymouth  Har- 
bor, 174,  188;  authorities,  188. 

Printer,  James,  autog.,  356. 

Print/.,  Johan,  governor  of  New  Swe- 
den, 459. 

Proutl,  Robert,  History  of  Pennsyl' 
vania,  454,  508. 

Proude,  Richard,  207. 

Providence  (Maryland),  535. 

Providence  (.Rhode  Island),  founded, 
3^6;  historv  of,  377;  its  libraries, 
381. 

Providence  Gazette,  376. 

Providence  Plantations,  337,  338. 

Puisifer,  David,  e<lits  Plymouth  Re- 
cords, 293  ;  edits  the  Simple  Cobler^ 

35"- 

Punchard,  George,  History  of  Con- 
gregationalism,  285,  288. 

Punta  de  los  Reyes,  75,  77. 

Purchas,  Samuel,  hxsPilgr image ^  47  ; 
his  Pilgrimes,  47,  97. 

Purchase,  Thomas,  in  Maine,  324. 

Puritans,  319,  223 ;  their  agitation, 
232 ;  satires  upon,  237 ;  become 
Nonconformists  in  New  England, 
242 :  distinction  between  Puritans 
and  Pilgrimsj  288.  See  Di-^si-titers, 
Nonconformists,  Pilgrims. 

Pynchon,  William,  Meritori  us  Price 
of  our  Redemption^  357  ;  c  ovenant 
of  Nature,  357. 

Quakers,  printing  among,  i~-;  Bar- 
clay's Inner  Life,  251  ;  111  Caro- 
lina, 472;  in  Con  icticut,  373;  in 
England,  473 :  and  the  Indians, 
473  ;  on  Long  Island,  505  ;  in 
Maryland,  472,  505,  545,  555;  in 
Massachusetts,  313,  317,  358,  472; 
autographs  of,  314;  in  New  Eng- 
land. 504  :  in  New  Jersey,  4J0,  447, 
?o5  ;  their  legi.«"..tion,  432  ;  in  New 
'fetherland,  473 ;  in  New  York, 
505;  in  Pennsylvania,  469,  515; 
their  views,  471  ;  their  meetings, 
494 ;  rise  and  progress  of,  503  ;  best 
exposition  (tf  their  views,  503  :  His- 
toria  Quakeriana,  503  ;  books  on, 
35'^!  5"3-5"5 ;  Hicksites,  504;  ar- 
chives of  the  sect,  504  ;  Swarthmore 
manuscripts,  504;  in  Plymouth,  280, 
2H1 ;  in  Rhode  Island,  378,  472  ;  iu 
Virginia,  166,  472,  505. 

Quarry,  Colonel,  501. 

Quincy,  Josiah,  President,  controversy 
with  George  Bancroft.  378, 

Quinnipiack,  310,  332,  368. 

t^uisan,  68. 

Quivira,  67,  68,  76,  77, 

Raccolta  di  Map  '  imondi,  218. 

Race,  Cape  (Razo),  213  ;  (Raso),  316. 

Raimundus,  54- 

Raine,  Parirh  of  Blythy  258,  384. 

Ralegh,  105.  188,  193,  313;  autog., 
loj; ;  spelling  of  his  name,  105  ;  sails 
with  Gilbert,  106 ;  in  favor  with 
Elizabeth,  107;  and  Spenser,  1J7; 
pl.ins  of  colonization,  108;  his  mar- 
riage, 116;  at  Trinidad,  117;  ar- 
rested, iig;  in  the  Tower,  119; 
wrote  hia  History  of  the  Worlds 
119;  hislast  voyage,  i3o;  burns  St 


iiig»A«-..Si»J*  l«rf-»  ti  .US>  fc>v-  'i^w*  J  tliit.  >  ■■■  «% 


INDEX. 


:75 


ry  of  Penniyl~ 


ondi,  218. 

13  ;  ^Raso),  216. 


Thomas,  120  ;  beheaded,  120,  122  ; 
authorities,  121  ;  Hacnn'sbook,  121 ; 
lives  of  him,  121,  122;  his  works, 
121;  Voyages  edited  by  Schom- 
burgk,  122;  Discoverie  of  Guiana^ 
etc.,  124  ;  hisvuya^ti  criticised,  12O  ; 
commemorated  !ty  a  window  at  St. 
Margaret's,  126 ;  and  Gosnold's  voy- 
age, 1 7  J. 

Ralegh,  Mount,  (}a,  yi. 

Ramusio,  19,20,50;  \\\%  Navigation^ 
etc.,  24-26,  184. 

Randolph,  Kdward,  319,  335,339. 

Randolph,  Henry,  150. 

Randolph,  John,  15S. 

Randolph,  I'eyton,  158. 

Randolph,  Richard,  \U\. 

Raicliffe,  Jnhn,  128;  Ratiotuil  The- 
ology, 252. 

Rauni,  J  0.,  History  0/ New  Jersey ^ 
455- 

Rawie,  William,  467,  468,  512,  515. 

Rawliana,465. 

Read,  John  Si  ,  Jr., 492. 

Real,  Cape,  213. 

Keceuii  IV  Arrests,  104. 

Recueit  van  dc  Tractaten,  415. 

Redeinptioners,  541;. 

Reed,    John,    Map  of  Philadelphia^ 

491,   5tKJ. 

Reed,  W.  U.  516. 

Reformation  in  Kngland,  ^22. 

Regicides  in  Connecticut,  374,  See 
Goffe  and  Whalley. 

Reichel,  W.  C,  515. 

"  Resolution,"  ship,  93. 

Rcvell,  Thomas,  451. 

Reyners  chart,  12. 

Rhode  Island,  History  of,  335  ;  doc- 
trine of  soul-Iiherty,  336,  337  ;  Mas- 
sachusetts seeks  to  govern,  337  ; 
excluded  from  the  New  Kngland 
Confederacy,  33S  ;  Ro^al  Commis- 
sioners in,  339  :  education  in,  339  ; 
origin  of  name,  376  ;  sources  of  her 
history,  37^;  Gazetteer^  376;  his- 
tories of,  376  ;  Records^  377 ;  char- 
ter got  by  Williams,  337,  379; 
charter  from  Charles  II.,  338,  379; 
Laws,  337,  379  ;  excludes  Roman 
Catholics  as  freemen,  379  ;  excludes 
Jews  as  freemen, 379  ;  bibliography 
of,  380.     See  Williams,  Roger. 

Rhode  Island  Historical  Society,  Pro- 
ceedifigs,  3S1  ;  Discourses^  -^tj. 

Rhode  Island  Historical  Tracts^  377. 

Rhode  Island  Republican^  376. 

Rhumbs,  208. 

Ribault,  Terra  Florida^  33,  200. 

Ribero's  map  (1529),  16,  24, 

Rice,  John  Holt,  ifi8,  211. 

Rich,  Obadian,  Catalogues,  passim. 

Rich,  R.,  Newesfrom  Virginiat  81, 
^55- 

Rich,  Robert,  Lord,  370. 

Richardson,  Amos,  autog.,  338. 

Richardson, W.,  Granger^ s  Portraits^ 
163. 

Richmond  Dispatch,  1O2. 

Richmond,  Duchess  of,  portrait,  211. 

Richmond  Island,  190,  322. 

Rider,  S.S.,377- 

Ridgeley,  David,  Annals  of  Annapo- 
lis^ 561. 

Ridpath,  History  of  tlie  United  States, 
.153- 

Rigby,  Alexander,  323,  324. 

Rigby,  Ldward,  3^4. 

Rigg,  Ambrose,  435. 

Riker,  History  of  Harlem,  ^i-j. 

Rio  de  la  Hacha,  63, 

Roanoke,  Voy.jge  to,  105  :  Island,  110, 
III,  123  ;  bird's-eye  view  of,  124; 
colony,  survivors,  129.   Sfr  Virginia. 

Robbins,  Chandler,  The  Regicides, 
374- 

Roberts,  Thomas,  327. 

Robertson,  William,  162. 

Robertson,  Wyndham,  Descendants  of 
Pocahontas,  162. 

Robinson,  Conway,  154  ;  Discoveries 
in  the  IVesi,  4j.  tdy,  168  ;  contribu- 
tions  to  Virginia  history,  158,  159. 


Robinson,  Edward,  Memoir  of  Wil- 
liam Robinson,  28(). 

Robinson,  Rev.  John,  of  Duxbury,  286. 

Robinson,  John,  of  Leyden,  231  ; 
autog.,  259;  farewell  address,  259, 
205  ;  in  Amsterdam,  261  ;  in  Ley- 
den, 262,  286  ;  his  house,  262,  288  ; 
his  burial-place,  263 ;  death  of,  277, 
28S  :  his  relation  to  the  Pilgrims, 
285;  life  by  Kist,  286;  by  Ashton, 
286 ;  his  family.  286  :  H.M.I  )exter 
on,  285 ;  his  intUience,  288 ,  at- 
tempts to  remove  schisms  among 
the  lirownists,  2S8.     See  i'ilgrims. 

Robinson,  John,  of  Maryland,  529. 

Robinson,  Patrick,  48S,  494. 

Robinson,  William,  autog.,  314; 
hanged,  505. 

Rochefort,  C^sar  de,  Description  dei 
Antilles,  496  ;  Recit,  etc,  496. 

Rocroft,  Captain,  182,  194. 

Roe,  Sir  Thomas,  297. 

Rogers,  Horatio,  Libraries  of  Provi- 
dence, 381. 

Roggeveen,  Arent,  chart  of  New  York 
coast,  419;  Brandende  Veen,  382, 
419;  Burning  Fen,  3S3,  419. 

Rolfe,  John,  135;  begins  tobacco  cul- 
ture, 139;  marries  Pocahontas,  139; 
secretary,  141  ;  Relation  of  I'ir- 
ginia,  157. 

Roman  Catholics  excluded  from  being 
freemen  in  Rhode  Island,  379;  in 
Maryland,  sfx). 

"  Rose,"  frigate,  321. 

Roselli,  mappemonde,  217. 

Rosier,  James,  True  Relation,  81,  191. 

Rosignol,  Port.  30^). 

Ross,  A.  A.,  Discourse  on  History  of 
Rhode  Island,  376. 

Rotz,  John,  Idrography,  195. 

Rough,  John,  239 

Rous,  John,  autog.,  314- 

Rowlandson,  Mrs.,  her  captivity,  361. 

Royal  Commissioners,  388;  in  Boston, 
318,  389. 

Royall,  W.  L.,  on  Virginia  colonial 
money,  166. 

Rudyard,  George,  autog.,  484. 

Rudyard,  Thomas,  435,  436. 

Ruggles,  George,  159. 

Rundall,  Thomas,  Narratives  of 
Voyages,  etc.,  98. 

Ruscelli,  25. 

Russell,  Dr.  Walter,  131. 

Russell,  W.  S.,  Guide  to  Plymouth^ 
292  ;  Pilgrim  Memorials,  292. 

Rut,  John,  170,  185,  1,80. 

Rutlierford,  Samuel,  Due  Rights,  etc., 
288. 

Rutters,  207. 

Ruysch's  Ptolemy  map  (1508),  g,  217  , 
fac-simile,  9. 

Ryebread,  Thomas,  457. 

Rytteuhouse,  William,  493. 

Sarin,  Joseph,  American  Biblio- 
Polist,  passtm  ;  Dictioptary  of  Books 
relating  to  A  merica,  passim  ;  Men- 
zies'  Catalogue,  passim. 

Sabino,  peninsula,  177,  njo,  21a 

Sable  Island,  216. 

Sablons,  Cape,  195. 

Saco  River  settlement,  190,  321,322, 
323- 

Sadlier  Correspondence,  378. 

Sagadahock  River,  190,  191;  setde- 
nient  on,  177. 

Saguenay  River,  loi,  213,  3S3. 

Sainsbury,  Noel,  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  159;  and  the  English  rec- 
ords, 343- 

Saint.     See  SL 

Salado  River,  77,  197. 

Salem  (Massachusetts),  311;  history 
of,  363. 

Salem  (New  Jersey),  431,  455- 

Salterne,  Robert,  175. 

Samoset,  184,  273,  290, 

*'  Samson,*'  ship,  170,  183,  185,  186. 

San  Domingo,  82.    See  Hispaniola. 

San  Francisco,  74  ;  is  it  Drake's  Bay  ? 
78 ;  derived  from  Drake's  namci  84. 


San  Tuan  d'Ulua,  63. 
San  Loren/o,  bay,  80, 
San  Miguel,  79,  213. 
San.    See  St.,  Santa. 
Sanderson,  William,  ai2,  ai6. 
Sanderson's  tower,  90,  91. 
Sandford,  William,  436. 
Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  142,  265,  297,  298; 
State  of  Religion^   359 :   arrested, 

2W* 

Sandys,  George,  145,  M^. 

Sandys.  Sir  Samuel,  259. 

Sanson.  Nicholas,  map  of  New  Kng- 
land, 382  ;  extract  from  his  map  of 
Canada,  456. 

Santa  Barbara,  77. 

Santa  Cruz,  213. 

.Santa  Maria,  Cape.  197. 

Santa.     See  San,  St, 

Santarem's  Atlas,  g,  217  ;  Essai,  217. 

Santiago,  1^7. 

Sanuto  Livio,  Geographica  distincta, 
41. 

Sacpiish,  272. 

*'  Sarah,"  ship,  139. 

Sargcant,  Thomas,  Land  Laws  of 
Pennsylvania,  512. 

Sasanoa  River,  193. 

Savage,  James,  Genealogical  Dic- 
tionary tf  New  England,  289,* 
New  England  antiquar>',  351  ;  en- 
dorsement on  Lechford's  book,  353; 
memoir  by  G.  S.  Hillard,  353  ; 
edits  IVinthrop^s  Journal,  357  ;  on 
the  Wheelwright  deed,  3')6  ;  on  Pil- 
grim history,  283. 

Savage,  Tho-nas,  in  Virginia,  131' 

Savage  Rock,  172,  173- 

Savile,  Henry,  Libell  of  Spanish  Lies, 
82. 

Say,    Lord,  326,  331,  370;  patent  to, 

3(^9' 
Saybrook,  322;  platfomi,  334. 
Sclianck,  George  C,  463. 
Scharf,    J.    T.,    Chronicles  of  Balti- 
more, 561  ;  History  of  Maryland, 

561. 
Scheie  de  Vere,  Romance  of  A  meri* 

can  History,  162. 
Schenectady,  396. 
Schenk  and  Valch,  map  of  New  York, 

^17. 
Scrivener,  Matthew,  no. 
Schomburgk,   R.   H.,  edits  Ralegh's 

Voyage,  122. 
Schnndia,  18,  loi. 
Schoner    or    Schoner,    John,    globe 

( 1520),  214,  217  ;  his  Terra  descrip^ 

tio,  214. 
Scrooby,  in  Nottinghamshire,  258  ;  site 

of  its  manor-house,   258;    map  of 

vicinity,   259;   visits   to,    284,    285  J 

described,  285.     See  Pilgrims. 
Scot,  George,  Model  of  tlie  Govern- 

ment  of  East  Nenv  Jersey,  438, 

450>  454-  .,     . 

Scott,  Benjamm,  on  the  Pilgrims,  288. 
Scull,    G.    D.,     Memoir   of  Captain 

Evelyn,    459  ;     The    Evelyns    in 

A  merica,  459,  562. 
Sea-manuals,  206. 
"  Sea  Venture,"  ship,  134. 
Selden.  John,  299- 
Seeskabinet,  S. 
Seidensticker,  Oswald,  501  ;  Penn  in 

Holland,   507. 
Seller,    John,     Description    of    New 

Eng'and,  3S4 ;  maps  of  New  Eng- 

larrl,  384. 
Sellman,  Edward,  account  of  Frobish- 

er's  voyage,  102. 
Separatists.  219,  223.    See  Dissenters, 

Nonconformists. 
Settle,  Dionysius,  account  of  Frobish- 

er's  voyage,  102,  203. 
Seven  Cities,  53. 
Sewall,  R.  K.,  Ancient  Dominion  of 

Maine,   185 ;   on   Popham's  town, 

210. 
Sewel,  Wilham,  History  of  the  Qua- 
kers, 359,  503,  504. 
Seymour,  Richard,  176. 
Shackamaxon  Conference,  490. 


576 


INDEX. 


Shakespeare*s  "  new  map,*'  217. 
Shannon,  .yfanuai 0/ thr  City  0/ Nrw 

JVr*,  414,  415        ^ 

Slur^wood.  George.  Cammon  Law  of 
Pentuylvania,  512. 

Stuwmat,  311.     See  lloston. 

Shawomet.  356. 

Sbc^  J.  (^>-,  edits  Millet's  Reiaiion^ 
415  ;  edils  Jogiies'  Xovum  Bei- 
^:mm,4H>-  edils  Miller's  Descrip- 
tion cf  Se^v  Yorky  420;  edits 
AUop*5  Marylandy  555. 

Shecpscoit  kiver,  i(a>  ;  town,  s'is. 

Sbe&eld.  Lord,  autog..  275. 

Shepord,  Thomas  dear  SHttskine. 
3^5 ;  Auiobiografhy^  355  ;  fac- 
uniile  of  writing,  355. 

Sbeppard,  J.  H..  361. 

Sherry,  W.  M.,  535- 

Ship  'of    the    Seventeenth    Century, 

Shoals,  isles  of,  327. 
ShrewsbunMNcw  Jersey),  424)  \'^l- 
Sbrigley,  Nathaniel,    trui  Relation^ 

^urt,  Abraham,  autog-,  321. 

Shurtlefi.  N.  B..  on  the  *'  Mayflower" 
passengers  292  ;  edits  Plymouth 
Records,  293  ;  edits  Massachusetts 
Records^  343;  death  of,  3'^)2 ;  his 
Ubrarv,  362 ;  Description  of  Boston^ 

Sibley,  J.  L.,  Graduates  of  Harvard 
Unizersity^  25'j,  415* 

Sidnev,  Henn*,  483. 

Sidney,  Sir  Philip.  S6. 

Silk-worms  in  Virginia.  15S. 

Silia,  Mina  da.  79. 

Sir  Thomas  Roe's  Welcome,  95. 

Skeats,  H.  S.,  Free  Churches,  2$\. 

Skcyne,  John,  442. 

Slack,  l»r.  lames.  500. 

Slaughter.  History  of  St.  Mark's^  Cut- 
fef>prr,  etc..  i(«o. 

Slave-trade  begun  by  Hawkins,  60  ; 
how  conducted.  62,  63  ;  tirst  public 
pretest  against.  4*^1. 

Slavery  in  Virginia,  14^*  i'^'*':  in  Penn- 
syl\-ania.  515  ;  in  Mar>'land,  545. 

Slcune  manuscripts,  557. 

Slu\-ter.  Peter,  fournal^  420. 

Smith,  Duckingham,  214;  \\\%  Inquiry^ 
214. 

Smith,  P.  H.,  515. 

Smith,  C  C."  Explorations  to  the 
N<Hthwest,"  85. 

Smith.  Charies,  edits  laws  of  PennsyU 
^-ania.  512. 

Smith,  Charles  W,,  M'ri^htsto^on,  510. 

Smith,  George,  DeUiiuare  County , 
509- 

Smith,  Rev.  Henr>\  330. 

Smith,  Capuin  John,  12S;  at  James- 
town, 129  ;  explores  the  Chesa- 
peake. 131,  132  :  his  map  of  Virginia, 
132.     167  ;     elected     president    at 

^amestou7i.  132;  his  services,  135; 
is  True  Relation,  or  Xc^ues  from 
l':rgiK!a^  153  :  his  Oxford  Tracts 
156;  .l/.j/  of  Virginia,  \s'\  211: 
account  in  Fuller's  U'orthies,  161; 
credibility  of  the  sior>'  of  his  rescue 
bv  Pocahontas,  161  ;  on  the  New 
England  coast,  17);  his  Descrip- 
tion of  New  Euffliind,  179,  iSi, 
194,  211  ;  his  Map  of  Xew  Eui^- 
iandy  iSo,  i«i7,  212,  341*  3^i  :  helio- 
t>'pe  of.  19S  ;  used  by  Sanson,  45''; 
captured  by  the  French,  iSi  ;  .id- 
miral  for  life,  1^2;  Gene  mil  His- 
tories 194,  211;  v.iriety  in  copies, 
163,  211;  his  portrait,  19^,  211: 
autog..  211;  his  letter  to  Hacon, 
311;  Xnv  England's  Trials,  21  r, 
290:  life,  by  George  S.  Hillard, 
211;  by  W.  G.  Simms,  212;  by 
C  D.  Warner,  162.  212  :  True 
Travels,  21 1',  Advertisements  for 
Planters^  147,  212;  his  character 
for  truth,  212  ;  tomb,  212.  See  New 
England,  Virginia. 
Smith,  John  Jay,  454;  Memoir  of  the 
Femn  Family,  507. 


Smith,  Joseph,  Friends^  Books^  359, 

504;  Anti-Quaheriana,  359,  504. 
Smith,  Lloyd  P.,  516.- 
Smith,  Margaret,  autog.)  314. 
Smith,  Ralpli,  280. 
Smith,  Roger,  146, 
Smith,  Samuel,  History  of  New  yer- 

^^yt  4S3i  5^  •  l>is  manuscripts,  507  ; 

History  of  the  Quakers  in  Penn- 

sylvania,  507. 
Smith,  Sir  Thomas,  113  ;  portrait,  94; 

treasurer  of  the  Virginia  Company, 

127-       , 

Smith,  Thomas,  in  Maryland,  529. 
Smith,  William,  412  ;  History  of  Xnv 

]'ork,  411,  412  :  criticised,  412. 
Smith,  William,  Jr.,  453. 
Smith   and   Watson,  American  His- 
torical and  Literary   Curiosities, 
^S4. 
Smith*s  Islands,  131. 
Smucker,  S.  W.,  3,1. 
Smyth,  John,  the  '*Se-Baptist."  227  ; 

autog.,  257  ;  in  Amsieraam,  261. 
Snow,  C.  H.,  History  of  Boston,  362. 
Somerby,  H.  G.,  208,  364. 
Somers,  Sir  tleorge,  133,  137. 
1   Somers,  Matthew,  137. 
I   Somers,  Sir  Thomas,  136. 
'   Somersetshire  (Maine),  191. 
I   Sonmans.  Arent,435. 
Soule,    George,   284 ;   autog.,  26S ;  in 

Dnxbury,  273. 
SouI(5    and    others,    Annals  of  San 

Francisco,  78. 
South   America,   earlier  known    than 

North,  S5. 
South  Sea,  SS.     See  Pacific. 
Southern    Literary   Messenger^    164, 

i<X 
Sonthcy,  Robert,  Life  of  Ralegh  ^  122. 
Sowle.  Andrew,  autog.,  484. 
Spain  seizes  Hawkins's  shins,  60. 
Spaniards  on  the  Chesapeake,  if>7. 
Spanish  Main  ravaged  by  Drake,  65, 

73; 

Sparks,  Jared,  his  library,  211. 

Sjieed,  John,  Prospect,  3S4;  map  of 
New  England,  3S4 ;  Thtatre  of 
Gr:at  Britain^  46', 

'*  Speedwell,"  ship,  173,  2C7. 

Spelman,  Henry,  135;  rescued,  137; 
his  Relation,  155. 

Spelman,  Sir  Henry,  299. 
]   Sjjicer,  Jacob,  454. 
I  Spooner,  Z.    H.,    Poems  of  the  Pil- 
gritns,  294. 

Springett,  Haibt,  autog.,  4S4. 

Springett,  Sir  William,  4S0. 

Springfield  (Massachusetts),  settled, 
330- 

Squamscott  latent,  367, 

Squanto,  1S2,  i<>4,  274. 

"  Squirrelj"  ship,  187. 

St.  Anthoine  Hav  and  Rivcfi  195. 

St.  Augustine,  So. 

St.  Itrandon,  42. 

St.  Itrandon  Island,  loi. 

St.  Christopher,  Cape,  195,  Bay,  197. 

St.  Chribtoval,  213. 

St.  Clement's  Island,  525. 

St.  Inigoe's  manor,  55S. 

St.  Jacques,  S2. 

St.  James  Lsland.  77. 

St.  Joan  Cape,  197. 

St.  John,  Life  of  Ralegh,  122. 

St.  John  River  (New  Brunswick),  186. 

St.  John,  213. 

St.  John  Haptiste  Bay,  195,  197. 

St.  Lawrence  Gulf,  101,  213;  explored 
bv  Cabot,  55  :  River,  113. 

St.  Mary's  River,  526 ;  Town,  526; 
ruins  of.  55S. 

St.  Nicholas,  213. 

St.  Thomas,  island,  79. 

St.     See  San,  Santa. 

Stacy,  Mahlon,  441. 

Stacy,  Robert,  441. 

Stadin  River,  213. 

Standish,  Alexander,  autog,  373. 

Stanaish,  Miles,  at  Leyden,  263  ;  au- 
tog., 268  ;  at  Cape  Cod,  271  ;  at 
Duxbury,  273  ;  his  swords,  274,  378; 


origin  itf,  2S4  ■•  his  will,  384 ;  monu- 
ment to  his  memory^  384  ;  his  faith, 
284;  his  books,  284;  his  descend- 
ants, 284  ;  alleged  portrait,  293  ; 
Longfellow's  Courtship  of  294 ; 
Lowell's  Iniervtew,  294  ;  sent  to 
England,  3'xS. 

Stanley,  A.  P.,  Christian  Institutions^ 
254 

Stanwood,  J.  R.,  416. 

Staples,  W.  R.,  v-l  nnals  of  Providence, 
377 ;  edits  Rhode  Island  Laws,  379  ; 
edits  Gorton's  Simplicitie^s  De- 
fence, 3^8. 

"  Star,"  ship,  138. 

State-Pancr  Offic*,  343. 

Steel,  Jonn,  autog..  374. 

Steele.  Ashbel,  Elder  Bre^vster  ;  or. 
Chief  of  the  Pilgrims,  285,  287. 

Steg,  Robert,  148. 

Stephenson,  Call  from  Death  toLife^ 

^   35«- 

Stevens,  Hcnrv",  rescues  White's  draw- 
ings 12^:  historical  and  Geogra- 
phical Xotes.  M,  if>7,  21S;  Bibli- 
oiheca  Geographica.  tf',  Mondidier 
Catalogue,  34S  ;  Index  to  Xe^u 
Jersey  Documents,  455  -,  Index  to 
Maryland  Documents,  557 ;  His* 
torical  Collections,  passim. 

Stevens,  J.  A.,  "The  English  in  New 
Vork."3'»5- 

Stevenson,  M.irmaduke,  505. 

Stevin,    Simon,    De    Haven'Vinding, 

20.'i. 

Stiles,    Ezra,  History  of  the  Judges, 

..^74- 
Stiles,  H.  R.,  Ancit'nt  Windsor,  375. 
Stillman,  Seeking  the  Golden  Fleece, 

78, 
Stirling.  Earl  of,  grant  to,  310,  38,8. 
Stilh,  William,  History  of  Virginia, 

Stobnicza's  map,  10,  13  :  his  Intro- 
ductio  in  Ptholomei  Cosmograph- 
ram,  10. 

S*'^ckbridge,  Henry,  556. 

Stone,  Frederick  D.,  "The  Founding 
of  Pennsylvania,"  469. 

Stone,  Samuel,  330. 

Stone,  William.  533  ;  autog.,  534. 

Stone.  W.  h.,{/ncas  and  Miantonomo, 
3'vS. 

Stonyhurst  manuscripts,  530. 

Sioughton,  Israel,  autog.,  348. 

Stoughton.  J.,  Church  and  State,  252, 

Stoughlon,  |nhn.  William  Penn,  507. 

Stoughton.  \Villiani,  autog.,  356. 

Stow*s  Chronicle  or  Annals.  37. 

Stowe,  Surz'ey  of  London,  211. 

Strachey,  William.  156:  in  Virginia, 
137;  autog.,  156;  iiis  Laives  Di- 
vine, 137,  156;  Historie  of  Traxi* 
aile,  156,  191,  192  ;  Map  of  Vir- 
ginia, 167. 

Strange  Xews  front  Virginia,  164. 

Stratford  (Connecticut),  333. 

Stratton,  John,  322. 

Stra\\berr>*  Bank,  327-329.  See  Ports- 
mouth (N.H.). 

Streeter,  Sebastian  F.,  457,  543,  556, 
562  ;  Eariy  History  of  Maryland, 
55'> ;  his  manuscripts,  556;  Mary- 
land Tivo  Hundred  \  ears  Ago, 
^i<i\  his  manuscript  history  of  Clay- 
home,  562  ;  First  Cominaruler  of 
Kent  Island,  5*12  ;  Fall  of  the  Sus' 
quehannocks,  5'>2. 

Strong,  Leonard,  Bab}  Ion's  Fall,  555. 

Strong,  Richard,  172 

Str>pe,  John, his  Works,  24S. 

Stti  ilcy,  Daniel,  220. 

Studley,  Thomas,  128. 

Stuyvesant,  Peter,  389,  390. 

Sullivan,  James,  Land  Titles  in  Mas* 
sachusetts,  341  ;  History  of  Maine, 
364-  .      . 

Sumner,  George,  on  the  Pilgnms  in 
Leyden,  2S6 

"  Sunshine,"  ship.  89. 

*'  Susan  Constant,     ship,  128. 

Susquehanna  Indians,  131,  515,  562 
lands,  49a 


I  at  '■''' 


INDEX. 


577 


s,  348. 


562 


Sutherland,  Lord,  514. 

Sutliffe,  Dean  of  Kxeter,  198. 

"  Swallow,"  ship,  60,  134,  194. 

*'Swan,"  ship,  65. 

Swarthmore  Half,  470. 

Swedes  on  the  Delaware,  480, 481,  548 ; 

their  churches,  493. 
Symmes,  Uenjamint  147- 
Symondes,  William,  sermon  on  Vir- 
^   ginin.  "55-  , 
Synison,  Cuthbert,  239. 
Synods  in  New  Knj^Iand,  354. 
Syon,  County  Palatine,  457. 

Tadesac,  Lake,  216. 

Taisnierus,   Joannes,   on    navigation, 

3.«i)  207. 

Talbdt,  Sir  William,  157. 

Tanner,  Robert.  Mirror  for  Matfie- 
matitjuesy  207. 

Tarbox,  L  N.,  on  Pilgrim  history,  288. 

Tatham,  John,  451. 

Taylor,  Christopher,  autoe.,  484. 

Tazewell,  L.  W  ,  153. 

Telner,  Jacob,  4</>. 

Terra  Niaria;,  520.    Sefi  Maryland. 

Thacher,  Dr.,  Americ>!  fedi'cal  Bi~ 
offrapiy,  315;  nianuacript  on  the 
Winslows,  277 ;  History  of  tfie 
Toivn  0/  Flyntouth,  291. 

Thevet,  Andrt^,  32 ;  Nciu  found 
Worlde  (Knglish  translation,  200; 
Cosiitographie,  1S4. 

Thomas,  ( Jabriel,  Description  of  West 
Ne%v  Jersey ^  451  ;  map  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, 501  ;  Sotne  Account^  etc., 
SOI. 

Thomas,  Isaiah,  History  of  Printing^ 

Thomas,  John,  514. 

Thomas,  William,  206. 

Thomason,   (ieorge,   his  collection  of 

tracts,  245. 
Thompson,   Mrs.  A.  T.,  Life  of  Ra- 

leghy  121. 
Thompson,  David,  326,  328 ;  in  New 

Hampshire,  306. 
Thompson's  Island,  311. 
Thompson,  Long  Island,  349. 
Thomson,  C.  W.,  50S. 
Thome,  Robert,  liis  map  in  fac-simile, 

17  ;  described,  iS. 
Thornton,   John,   Atlas    Maritimusy 

,  3«-t. 
Thornton,  J.  Win^ate,  First  Records 

of  A  nglo'A  merican  Colonization, 

158  \    on   the   Gnsnold   expedition, 

188;  on  the  Popham  question,  210; 

and  the  Bradford  manuscript,  286  ; 

Ancient  Petnaquid,  365, 
Thorpe,  Cicorge,  144,  145. 
Thurtoe,  State  Papers^  555. 
Thurston,  Thomas,  473. 
Tienot,  Cape,  213. 
Tierra  del  Fuego,  66. 
Tigna  River,  67. 
Tignes,  70. 
Tilley,  Edward,  2S4. 
Tinker,  Thomas,  284. 
Tobacco,   69,  166;  in  Florida,  60;  in 

Virghiia,    113,    139,    141,    i46»    i47t 

149,    '50;    as  currency,    143.    !*>*'; 

production   of,    144;   in  Maryland, 

„.  543.  544i  558- 

TobMi,  ^xj. 

Tockwogh  River,  131. 

T(mtoneac  River,  67. 

Torres,  Relacion^  82. 

Town  system  of  New  England,  363. 

Townley,  Richard,  443. 

Townsend,  Richard,  493. 

Trask,  Mary,  autog.,  314. 

Trask,  W.  Jj.,  7,(n. 

"Treasurer,"  ship,  139,  193. 

Triple  Alliance,  395,  396. 

Trinidad,  117  ;  Ralegh  s  map,  124. 

Trinity  Harbor,  213. 

Triimel,  Bibliotheca  A  tnericana^  499. 

Tross  globe  (gores),  214. 

Trowbridge,  J.  R.,  Jr.,  on  New  Ha- 
ven's maritime  interests,  375. 

Trumbull,  Rev.  Benjamin,  History  of 
Connecticut^  374. 

VOL.  in.  —  73. 


Trumbull,  Governor  Jonathan,  hia  pa- 
pers, 374- 
Trumbull,  J.  H.,  edits  Brinley  Cata- 

logutt  passim  ;  edits  Lcchfoi  d,  351 ; 

on  the  Indian  languages,  355:  on 

Indian  names  in  Connecticut,  ^68  ; 

on  the  Constitutions  of  Connecticut, 

369;   True   Blue  Laws,   etc.,  372; 

edits    Connecticut    Records,    375  ; 

edits  Williams's  Key,  377. 
Trusler,  John,  457. 
Tucker,  322. 
Tucker,  Daniel,  132. 
Tucker,  St.  George,  Hansfori^  164. 
Tuckerman,  Edward,  edits  Jossclyn's 

New  England  Rarities^  360. 
Tulloch,  John,  Leaders  of  the  i\efor- 

viation,  252;  English  Puritt^nism, 

252- 
Turner,  H.   E.,  on  Coddington,  377: 

Settlers  of  Aqwdneck^  377. 
Turner,  Robert,  435i  44')  477- 
Tuttle,   C.   W.,    153,   210;    on    John 

Mason,  364  ;  on  Chauipernoun,  366  ; 

on  the  Wheelwright  tleed,  366;  on 

New  Hampshire  history,  367. 
Twine,  John,  143. 
Tyler,  ftl.  C,  History  of  American 

Literature,  154,  i()5. 
Tyson,  Job  R.,  508 ;  Colonial  History^ 

etc.,  505. 
Tyller:  P.   I'.,    Life  of  Ralegh,   122; 

Historical  l^'iew,  43. 

UnDEN,    Geschichte   d^s    Congrega- 

tionalisten,  3S4. 
Ulpius  globe,  214. 
Uncas,  36S;   his  pedigree,   368;   and 

Miantinomo,  36S. 
Underhill,    Captain   John,    327,    349  j 

Nerves  from  America,  348. 
Upham,  Ratio  disciplinccy  359. 
Upland,  4.S0,  48',  4S3. 
Upsall,  Nicholas,  autog.,  314. 
Utie,  Colonel,  548. 

Vadianus*  map,  217. 

Valentine,  David,  History  of  Ne^v 
\'ork  City,  417;  Manual  of  tlie 
City  of  Xew  \'ork,  414,  415. 

Van  der  Aa's  I'oyages,  79,  188. 

Van  Heuvel,  El  Dorado,  126, 

Van  Keulen,  charts,  419. 

Van  Loon's /'rtjffyr/^,  382  ;  Zee-Atlas, 
3H2. 

Van  Mcteren,  S2. 

Varina  Neck,  13S. 

Varkens  Kil,  459. 

Varlo,  Charles,  467 ;  7Vte  Finest  Part 
of  A  merica,  467 ;  Nature  Dis- 
played, 468 ;  Floating  Ideas,  468. 

Vaughan,  R.,  English  Nonconform- 

'ty,  252- 

Vaughan,  Sir  William,  519. 

Vaux,  Roberts,  on  Penn's  treaty,  513. 

Vaux,  W.  S.  W.,  79. 

Veecli,  fames,  515. 

Venepas'  California,  75. 

Venetian  calendars,  54. 

Verrazano,  185,  376  ;  his  sea,  183,  218  ; 

intluence  on  Gosnold,  172  ;  his  map, 

104- 

Vetromile,  History  of  the  Abnakis, 
^  1^4. 

Vincent,  C.,  Vie  de  Penn,  506. 

Vincent,  Philip,  348:  Late  Battell, 
348. 

Vines,  Richard,  182,  3U3,  322,  323, 

Vinton,  J  A.,  on  the  Wheelwright 
deed,  366  ;  Giles  Memorial,  365. 

Virginia,  127;  (1580),  42;  True  Dec- 
laration, etc.,  81  ;  Declaration  of 
:  he  State  of  the  Colony,  8 1 ;  Good 
Speed  to.  Si  ;  Ne%v  Life  of  81  ; 
named  by  Elizabeth,  no,  153;  map 
.if.  by  White,  124;  map  of  '*  Ould 
Virginia,"  124;  earliest  map,  124; 
De  Laet's  map  (1&30),  125;  Farrer 
map,  464,  465;  other  maps,  167; 
charier  ot  1609,  133 ;  first  legisla- 
ture, 143;  constitution  (1^121),  145; 
massacre  (1672),  145,  163;  massacre 
1       (1644),  147 ;    under  the  CV^imon- 


wenlth,  148 :  Bacon*8  Rebellion, 
151;  "convict"  emigrants,  152 
160 ;  Indian  names  in,  153  ;  the  early 

f)atcnts,  153;  authorities  on  the 
iist4)ry  of,  153  ;  Laws  Divine,  156J 
bouiicis  of,  159;  Colonial  Records^ 
159:  lists  of  arrivals,  160:  destruc- 
tion of  archives,  i''>o ;  families,  i(>o; 
county  and  parish  records  pre- 
served, 161  ;  Calendar  of  State 
Papers,  161  ;  histories  of,  164,  1^5  ; 
boundary  disputes,  167;  in  Amer- 
ica Richly  Valued,  168 ;  disputes 
with  Maryland,  554;  Northern  Col- 
ony of,  295,  342  ;  Southern  Colony 
of ,  295.  See  Jamestown,  Roanokei 
Smith. 

*'  yirginiii,"  pinnace,  177. 

Virginia  Company,  143  :  seal,  140,  143  ; 
charter  annulled,  i4'> ;  records,  15S; 
silk-worm  culture,  15S. 

Virginia  Evangelical  and  Literary 
Magazine,  1*14. 

Virginia  Historical  Reporter ^  i60| 
1('2,  i'.8. 

Virginia  Historical  Society,  168. 

"  Virginia  Merchant,"  ship,  148. 

VirgiwWs  Cure,  157. 

Viscaino's  map,  75. 

■"'isscher,  map  of  New  England,  382  j 
Atlas  Minor,  417;  map  of  New 
York,  41S. 

Vitelius,  104. 

Vullieuni,  L,,  IVUliam  Penn,  506. 

Waddincton,  Juhn,  Track  of  tlie 
Hidden  Church,  2S5,  28S :  Con^ 
gregational  History,  2S5,  288. 

Wade,  Robert,  494- 

WaKcnaer,  Luke,  207. 

W.ikkenaer's  Catalogue^  8. 

Waldo,  Richard,  132. 

Waldo  Paf^nt,  191. 

Walford,  Thomas,  autog.,  311. 

Waldron,  Resolved,  466,  549. 

Waldseemiiller  map  (1507-13),  14. 

Walker,  John,  187  ;  in  Norumbega, 
171. 

Wallace,  J.  W.,  514,  516  ;  on  William 
Bradford,  51^, 

Walsingham,  Sir  Francis,  86. 

Waller,  Nelieiniah,  autog.,  310. 

Waterhouse,  Edward,  his  DeclarO" 
tion,  163. 

Wanipanoags,  274. 

Wanisutta,  232. 

Ward,  Edward,  Trip  to  Ne^v  Eng- 
land, 373. 

Ward,  Nathaniel,  autog.,  350  ;  Body 
of  Liberties^  :^So\   Simple  Cobler^ 

35"' 

Ward,  Townsend,  492,  509. 

Ware,  William,  Memoir  of  Nathaniel 
Bacon,  1^4. 

Warham,  Rev.  John,  330. 

Warne,  'I'homas,  435. 

Warner,  Charles  D.,  Study  of  fohn 
Smith,  162. 

W.arncr,  C.  L.,  516. 

Warner,  Edmond,  autog.,  430. 

Warren,  Henry,  365. 

Warrosquoyoke,  147. 

Warwick,  Earl  of,  86,  308,  309,  342, 
354.  3'''0;  autog.,  275:  grants  to, 
370  ;  and  the  Council  for  New  Eng- 
land, 370. 

Warwick  (Rhode  Island),  337. 

*'  Warwick,"  ship,  3271  363- 

Warwick's  foreland,  90,  91. 

Washburn,  Emory,  judicial  History 
of  Massachusetts,  363. 

Washburn,  John  D.,  75. 

Watson,  J.  P.,  Annals  of  PhiladeU 
phia,  50')  ;  on  Penn's  treaty,  513* 
Olden  Times  in  Ne%o  York,  416. 

Watson,  Thomas,  154. 

Wattes,  John,  114. 

Waugh,  Dorothy,  autog.,  314. 

Waymouth,  Captain  Georp^e,  91,  174, 
189;  autog,,  91  ;  authorities,  189. 

Webb,  Maria,  The  Penns  and  Pen' 
ingtons,  507. 

Webster,  Daniel,  on  the  Pilg?    is,  293. 


578 


INDEX. 


Webster,    Noah ,    edits    lVintJkrfiP*s 

Journal^  357. 

Weehawken,  432. 

Weems's  Life  of  Penn^  509. 

Weir,  k.  W.,  picture  of  the  Pilgrims 
at  Dclfthavei),  393. 

Weiss,  L.  H.,  502. 

•'Welcome,"  ship,  48a. 

Welde,  'I'honias,  Short  Story^  etc., 
34'J.  35'  1   ^f^y  Psaim       ^oky  350. 

Welles,  Thoinus,  autou.,  374. 

WelU  (Maine),  324. 

Welsh  Barony  (Pen  11  sylvan  in),  482. 

Welsh  in  Pennsylvania,  482,  515. 

Wenman,  Sir  Ferdinand,  136. 

Wessagusset,  304. 

West,  Hcnjamin,  picture  of  Penn's 
Treaty,  513. 

West,  Francis,  ij',  134,  143,  146;  ad- 
miral of  New  England,  303. 

West  India  Company,  385,  389,  423. 

West  Jersey,  432  ;  concessions,  etc., 
432;  local  Rovemment,  440;  Re- 
cordsf  452  ;  QiiakerH  in,  473 ;  Penn's 
interest  in,  476;  map  of,  501,  See 
New  Jersey. 

West,  John,  147  ;  autog.,  164. 

West,  Robert,  435. 

West,  Thnmas,  Lord  De  la  Warre, 
133.     See  Dela  Warre. 

Westcott,  History  0/  Philadelphia^ 
502. 

Westcott,  Thompson,  509. 

Weslland,  Nathaniel,  451. 

Westminster,  Treaty  of,  398. 

Weston,  P.  C.  J.,  Documetits  0/ South 
Carolina,  iii6,  55S. 

Weston,  Thomas,  266,  267,  304 ;  set- 
tles at  Wftymouth,  278,  3ti. 

Westover  manuscripts,  159. 

Wethersfield  (Connecticut),  330. 

Weymouth  (Massachusetts),  ;i78,  311. 

Wharton,  Thomas  I.,  515. 

Whidduii,  Jacob,  116. 

Wheeler,  History  o/Xorth  Carolina., 
124. 

Wheeler,  G.  A  Y  '%tory  0/  Bruns- 
ivick^  365  ;  /y.  -of  Castine,  365. 

Wheelwright,  John,  memoir  of,  366  ; 
at  Exeter,  329 ;  deed  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, controversy  over,  366,  j'^tS. 

Whitaker,  Alexander,  137,  138,  141; 
Good  Newes  from    Virginian   81, 

White,  Father  Andrew,  554 ;  Relaiio 
itinerist  553,  554. 

White,  Christopher,  441. 

White,  D.  A.,  New  England  Congrt- 
nationalism,  255. 

White,  Henry,  on  New  Haven  Colony, 
375- 

White,  John  (governor),  views  in  Vir- 
ginia, 113  ;  governor,  113  ;  his  draw- 
ings engraved  by  De  Bry,  123,  164; 
his  map  of  Virginia,  124,  183. 

White,  Rev.  John,  311. 

V'hite,  John,  of  Dorchester,  Planter's 
Plea,  346. 

While,  John,  of  Pennsylvania,  488. 

White,  Peregrine,  autog.,  268;  his 
chest,  278. 

White,  Resolved,  autog.,  268. 

Whitehead,  George,  442. 

Whitehead,  W.  A.,  "The  English  in 
East  and  West  Jersey,"  421  ;  East 
y'ersey  under  the  Proprietary  Gov- 
ernment, 454 ;  Documents  relating 
to  A^eiv  Jeney,  454 ;  Index  to  Co' 
lonial  Documents,  455  ;  History  of 
Perth  Amboy,  455. 

Whitfield,  Rev.  Henry,  355;  The 
Light  Appearing,  335  ;  Strength 
out  of  iVeakness,  355. 

Whiting,  John,  Truth  and  Innocency 
Defended,  359. 

Whitme,  John,  Catalogue  of  Friends* 
Booksf  504. 


Whitinore,  William  H.,  American 
Genealogist,  292;  Peter  Pt.lham^ 
345  ;  tdW^Andros  Tracts,  363  ;  his 
chapter  on  Andros  in  tlie  Memorial 
History  of  Boston,  J62 . 

Whitson  Hay,  174. 

Whittier,  J.  G.,  Pennsylvania  Pil- 
grim, 491. 

Wicl'ham,  Rev.  William,  141,  143. 

Wiggin,  Thomas,  32f>. 

Wigglesworth,  Klichael,  autog.,  319. 

Wilberforce,  Samuel,  Episcopal 
Church  in  A  merica,  286. 

Wilcox,  Thomas,  4^5. 

Wilkinson,  William,  128. 

Willard,  Samuel,  autog.,  319. 

Willes,  Richanl,  3c  :  edits  Eden's 
Peter  Martyr  as  History  of  Trav- 


ayie,  204 

Te 

r 


Willett 
mayor 


I'homas,    autog.,    338^   ^i 
of  New  York,  414 ;  his  lai 


William  and  Mary  College  founded, 

1^4,  160. 
William  of  Orange,  396;   invited  to 

England,  410. 
Williams,  Captain,  on  the  Maine  coast, 

179. 
Williams,    Dr.    Daniel,    his    library, 

Williams,  Edward,  Virgo  irium' 
phans,  168. 

Williams,  Francis,  338,  339. 

Williams,  George  W.,  Negro  Race  in 
America,  16S. 

Williams,  John  Foster,  190. 

Williams,  Roger,  in  his  youth,  243  ;  at 
Plymouth,  200;  views  on  civil  pol- 
ity, 390:  settles  Rhode  Island,  335, 
336  ;  goes  to  England,  337  ;  autog.. 
339;  his  A'<y,  35c,  377;  lives  of, 
378;  deed  from  the  Indians,  379; 
letters,  377,  378  ;  letter  to  George 
Fox,  378  :  banished  from  Massachu- 
setts, 378;  Christenings  make  not 
Christians,  378;  charter  obtained 
^Yi  379*     ^^'  Rhode  Island. 

Williamson,  History  of  North  Caro- 
lifta,  134. 

Williamson,  W.  D.,  historical  labors, 
208;  History  of  Maine,  364. 

Willis,  William,  209,  210;  History  of 
Portland,  365  ;  Bibliography  of 
Maine  J  365. 

Willouehby's  expedition,  30. 

Wilts,  Daniel,  441. 

Wilson,  John,  first  minister  of  Boston, 
:,i3;  portrait,  313;  autog.,  313. 

Wincob,  John,  265. 

Winder,  Samuel,  443. 

Windmill,  First,  in  America,  144. 

Windsor  (Connecticut),  330,  375  ;  set- 
tled, 368. 

Wine  made  early  in  Florida  and  Massa- 
chusetts, 61. 

Winfield,  Charles  H.,  History  of  Hud- 
son County,  456. 

Wingfield,  Edward  Maria,  128 ;  Dis- 
course, 155. 

Wingina,  109,  153. 

Winslow,  Edward,  his  chair  anU  table, 
378;  part  author  of  Mourfs  Rela- 
tion, 290 ;  Good  News  from  New 
England,  291  ;  portrait,  377,  293  ;  at 
Leyden,  263  ;  autog.,  268,  27S;  set- 
tles in  Marshfield,  273  ;  his  descend- 
ants, 277;  accounts  of,  277;  fly- 
Pocrasie  Unmasked ;  or,  Danger 
of  Tolerating  Ltvellers,  28^,  354; 
^unds  Society  for  Propagating  the 
Gospel  among  the  Indians,  315,355  ; 
Ne7u  England^ s  Salamander  Dis- 
covered, 355. 

Winslow,  General  John,  his  sword, 
274. 

Winslow,  Josiah,  auto^.,  278  j  portrait, 
282. 


Winsor,  Justin,  The  Bradford  Manm* 
zcript,  287 ;  edits  Memorial  H istory 
of  Boston,  362. 

Winter  Harbor,  J03. 

Winter,  John,  with  Drake.  79. 

With.  John.     .y«  White,  John. 

Winthroi),  John,  governor,  goes  to 
New  England,  311  ;  death,  316,  357; 
and  the  Short  Story,  351  ;  your- 
nal  or  History  of  New  Eftgland, 
255.  357^ 

Wintnrop,  John,  Jr.,  governor  of  Con- 
necticut, 33»i.3"',4;  autog.,  331; 
portrait,  331  ;  in  Connecticut,  369; 
ch.irter  procured  by  him,  3S8. 

Winthrop,  R.  C.,on  the  Pilgrims,  393  ; 
on  Sir  George  Downing,  415. 

Wisner,  Old  South  Church  in  Boston, 
359- 

Witchcraft  trial  in  Pennsylvania,  48S, 

Wolcott,  Roger,  369;  J'oetical  Medi- 
tations, 369. 

Wolfe,  John,  208;  editor  of  Lin- 
schoten,  101,  205  ;  its  map,  101. 

\follaston.  Captain,  348. 

Wolstenholme,  Sir  John,  94. 

Women  sent  to  Virginia,  144,  158. 

Wood,  Anthony,  Athena  Oxoniensis, 
204. 

Wood,  Leonard,  his  historical  labors, 
208  ;  notices  of  him,  208. 

Wood,  William,  Ne^v  Engiand^s  Pros- 
pect, 347,  348;  map  of  New  Eng- 
land, ^Si. 

Woodbridge  (New  Jersey),  425. 

Woodbury  (Connecticut),  375. 

IVoodslock  Letters,  554 

Wooley,  Rev.  Charles,  Journal,  420. 

Woollen  manufactures,  493. 

Woolston,  John,  447. 

Worcester  Society  of  Antiquity,  344. 

Worsley,  Sir  Bover,  457. 

Worthington,  William,  7,  31,  44,  51. 

Wotton,  Thomas,  128. 

Wright,  Edward,  207;  The  Haven  find' 
i^gArtt  208  ;  Certain Ert  —t,  208, 
216  :  and  the  Molineaux  mav>*  216. 

Wyatt,  Sir  Francis,  144,  146,  147. 

Wyatt,  Haut,  144. 

Wynne,  British  Empire  in  A  meriea, 
509;  Historical  Documents,  162. 

Wynne,  Peter,  132. 

Wynne,  Thomas,  autog.,  486. 

Wynne,  Thomas  H.,  159. 

Wytfliet,  Descript.  Piolemaica  Aug- 
fnentum,  184. 

Yates,  J.  V.  N.,412. 

Yeardley,  George,  141,  146  ;  governor, 
142. 

Yeardley,  Francis,  149. 

Yong,  Captain  Thomas,  458,  558;  au- 
tog.. 558.       , 

York,  Duke  of,  310;  patent  to,  3G7, 
388 ;  alienates  East  Jersey,  403  ; 
grants  of  New  Jersey,  392,  399  J 
new  patent  of  New  York,  399  ;  be- 
comes James  II., 406;  patent  (1664), 
414,  421,  423:  proposed  memorial 
of,  414 ;  autog ,  421  :  grants  to 
Berkeley,  etc.,  422  ;  grants  to  Penn, 
480  ;  Laws,  510,  511. 

York  (Maine,  326- 

Young,  Alexander,  Chronicles  of  the 
Pugrims,  283,  292;  Chronicles  of 
Massaclmsetis  Bay,  347. 

Yucatan,  201. 

ZALTiERi-s  map  (1566),  67. 
Zarate's  Peru,  204. 
Zeno  map,  100  ;  its  influence,  100. 
Ziegler,  James,  on  Cabot,  iS;  asgeog* 

rapher,  19;  Schondia,  101. 
Zipangu,  85. 
Zurich  archives,  letters  of  the  exiled 

Puritans  in,  247. 
Zurich  Letters^  248. 


Irad/ord  Mann- 
emorial  Ilisiory 


rake,  70. 
lite,  Jolin. 
veriior,   goes    to 
1  dealli,  J16,  357  ! 
"ry,  35'  ;  7o>"'- 
S'ew  Eti^laKdi 

governor  of  Con- 
;  aiitog.,  331  ; 
Connecticut}  369; 
I  him,  3S8. 
le  Pilgrims,  293  i 
.-ning,  415. 
hurch  ill  Bosicn, 

msylvtinia,  488. 
Poetical  Medi- 

editor  of     Lin- 

its  map,  101. 

48. 

hn,94. 

lia,  144,  is8. 

eiia  OxoiiiefuiSj 

historical  labors, 
1,  208. 

England's  Pros- 
ap  of  New  Kng- 

irsey),  425. 
:ut).  375- 

s,  Journal,  420, 
:s,  493- 

Antiquity,  344- 
»57- 

n,  7,  31,  44.  5«- 
i. 

The  Haven-find- 
tain  Er>  —t,  208, 
ineaux  ma^Jt  216. 
44.  '46,  147. 

pire  in  A  merica, 
')ocutiients,  162. 

tog. ,  486. 
159. 
Ptolemaica  Aug- 


I,  146;  governor, 

las,  458,  558;  au- 

I ;  patent  to,  3&7t 
ast  Jersey,  403  i 
[ersey,  392,  399; 
:w  York,  399  ;  be- 
406:  patent  (1664), 
roposed  memorial 
421  :  grants  to 
t :  grants  to  Penn, 
511. 

Chronicles  of  the 
}2  ;  Chronicles  of 

<-y,  347. 


b6),  57. 

nflucnce,  100. 
abot,  18 ;  as  geog- 
dia,  101. 

ters  of  the  exiled 


